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November 06, 1956 - Image 4

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1956-11-06

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Democrats Picked To Gain
Control of 85th Senate

Senatorial Candidates

Campaign in '56
Seen as Unique

Voters in 33 states will choose
a total of 35 Senators today, with
the Democrats given the edge for
control of the 85th Senate.
The Senate is now tenuously con-
trolled by the Democrats, 49-47.
One two-seat state, Kentucky,
promises to be a real battleground.
While Sen. Earle Clements is fa-
vored over former Undersecretary
of State Truston Morton, John
Sherman Cooper is expected to
edge out former Gov. Lawrence
Wetherby, for a gain of one Re-
publican seat.
But Democratic prospects for
picking up at least one more seat
are also bright. In Ohio, for ex-
ample, Gov. FranK Lausche, a
long-proven vote-getter, is favored
to beat Sen. George Bender.
A good Republican prospect for
gains is New York State, where
state Attorney General Jacob Ja-
vits has lost support as a result of
the Middle East crisis, but is still
favored to defeat New York Mayor
Robert Wagner.
Democrats eye longingly the
seat of Sen. Herman Welker, who
was seen as a sure loser to Rep.
Frank Church until Church's pri-

mary opponent, former Sen. Glenn
Taylor announced his write-in
candidacy. Church may still have
the edge.
Republicans once had their
hopes set high on the Far Western
seats of Wayne Morse and Warren
Magnuson of Oregon and Wash-
ington, and they sent in their first
team against them, former Inter-
ior Secretary Douglas McKay and
Gov. Arthur Langlie, but hopes
for both have dwindled.
A Democratic chance for a firm
Republcian seat may come in
scandal-ridden Illinois, but Rich-
ard Stengel still appears to trail
Sen. Everret McKinley Dirksen.
Democratic hopes are highest,
perhaps, in Pennsylvania, where
a rejuvenated Democratic organ-
ization seems headed to replace
Sen. James Duff with former Phil-
adelphia Mayor Joseph Clark.
Races may also be tight in Ne-
vada and West Virginia, but the
Democrats are expected to re-
tain the seats they hold there.
A see-saw Senatorial seat is
that of Sen. Prescott Bush, who
seems to have the edge over Rep.
Thomas Dodd.





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This forty-third Americart Pres-
idential election and the caoxapaign
which has preceded it has been
unique in several ways.
The most striking is ill ustrated
by the fact that The Ni ;w York
Times, in their final review of the
week section two days befo re the
election, devoted a full page and a
half to the events of the pes t seven
days without devoting ed ther a
paragraph or a picture to, the cam-
paign. What even started out as a
rather quiet campaign ,enbded up
as the number three story in
American newspapers.
Campaigns in the past ha ve been
influenced by last-minutte; devel-
opments, as when a suppr ter's re-
mark about "Rum, Romax.ism and
Rebellion" cost James Q. Blame
the Irish vote, New Y wk state
and with them the 1884, election.
And other campaignsh'b ve had
shadows cast upon thedn'. by the
stormclouds of foreign ve vr - the
"Battle of Britain" in 19 ta', Ameri-
can preparations for Wcdd War I
in 1916.
Eight Days to Ou
But never have eventepmoved so
swiftly so shortly before a Presi-
dential election. It was (Oct. 19 -
just 18 days before the velection-
that Soviet troop moire ments in
Poland first hinted at the bloody
upheaval and suppression occur-
ring within the Soviet eaipire. And
it was Oct. 29-a scant eight days
before the balloting - that war,
the first new, full-scale war in six
years, broke out in the Middle
The impact of the develop-
ments - even their fu. content-
cannot be foretold a day before
the election. But their-.impact can
be better understood in. light of the
attitudes which thei American
voter brought into i the election.
He has generally voted Demo-
cratic as long as he c'rin remember
- except for Ike i:l. 1952. He
thought the DemocrE'ls would do a
better job in keeping the economy
going at full steam, and he prob-
ably will vote for rwnst of their
ticket, but he wasn't enthusiastic
about Adlai Stevenscm. He liked
President Dwight IX Eisenhower
and the way he ended the Korean
War and kept us ou t of any new
ones, and he had mifgivings about
the Democrats on tl at score. He
thought he'd split I tis ticket and
vote for the President again.
There were two wa ys the Ameri-
can voter could local. at the new
developments. If ti ere were war,
Style to plewe you
715 N. University

he might reason, who would be a
better leader than a man of the
President's military background.
Who could better keep the peace
than the man who ended the war
in Korea? And to heighten this
perception, as well as to attend
the mounting demands of the
crisis, President Eisenhower left
the campaign to subordinates and
devoted his energies to world af-
Reassuring Appearance
Adlai Steveson, on the other
hand, hoped the voter would see
it another way. After all, he might
argue, who got us into this mess
if not the Republicans. And what
about the President's "energy?"
Would it be adequate-in spite of
his reassuring appearance-to the
demands of those most demanding
of all events of his Admiinstration?
These were the questions Adlai
Stevenson raised, and the quite
co-incidental illness of the Secre-
tary of State might well underline
the toll such events can take.
In their straw polls across the
nation, teams of New York Times
reporters thought they detected a
Republican advantage in all the
black headlines, enough to drive
a final nail in the coffin of Adlat
Stevenson's 1956 Presidential am-
Another unique aspect of the
campaign was the newness of some
of its biggest issues, largely the
result of Adlai Stevenson's per-
sistence in pushing his proposals to
end hydrogen bomb tests and
eventually the draft. They were
"artificial" issues in that neither
was forced upon the candidate by
the course of events, and neither
was a major consideration in the
voter's mind before the campaign
began. In that sense Stevenson
strove to lead public opinion on
these issues rather than just do the
best by selectively emphasizing
existing attitudes.
Tarriff Denunciation
President Grover Cleveland had
tried something similar when in
late 1887 he devoted his entire
message to Congress to a denunci-
ation of high tarriffs, personally
thrusting it into the 1888 cam-
paign as the major issue. He lost
the election.
And Henry Clay, searching for
an issue with which to flay Presi-
dent Andrew Jackson in the 1832
election, pushed through Congress
a renewal of the charter of the
Bank of the United States four
years before it was due to expire.
As expected, Jackson blisteringly
vetoed the b111, and it became a
major issue on which he defeated
But the more usual method -
and one which both candidates
have primarily relied upon-has
been to take public opinion as is,
pushing home the party's case in
those areas where it has most
appeal, the Republicans pushing
"peace," the Democrats "pockets
See PUBLIC, Page 5




(Author of- Barefoot By WitA Cheek," etc.)





R.1L. Sigafoos was a keen, ambitious lad, and when he
finishd high school he wished mightily to go on with his
education. It seemed, however, a forlorn hope. Crop
failures had brought his father to the brink of disaster.
(R. L.'s father raised date palms which, in North Dakota,
is a form of agriculture fraught with risk.) Nor could
R. L.'s mother help; she had grown torpid since the death
of Rudolph Valentino.
R. L. could go to college- only if he worked his way
through. This was a prospect that dismayed him.
..1dae ertcb?.lessons to Ml W. a Womrt ,..
Racked with misgivings, R. L. paced the streets, pon-
dering his dilemma. One day, walking and brooding, he
came upon a park bench and sat down and lit a Philip
Morris. (There is no occasion, happy or sad, pensive or
exuberant, when Philip Morris is not entirely welcome,
as you will discover when you go to your favorite tobacco
counter and buy some.)
R. L. was suddenly interrupted by a small, quavering
voice which said, "My boy, you are troubled. Can I help?"
Seated beside R. L. was a tiny, gnarled man with
wispy, snow-white hair. His skin was almost transparent,
showing a delicate tracery of fragile bones beneath. His
back was bent, and his hands trembled. "Do you think,
sir," said R. L., "that a boy can work his way through
college and still enjoy a rich, full campus life?"
"Why, bless you, son," replied the stranger with a
rheumy chuckle, "of course. In fact, I did it myself."
"Was it very hard?" asked R. L.
"Yes, it was hard," the stranger admitted. "But when
one is young, all things are possible. I, for example, used
to get up at five o'clock every morning to stoke the
furnace at the SAE house. At six I had to milk the ewes
at the school of animal husbandry. At seven I gave a
fencing lesson to the Dean of Women. At eight I had a
class in early Runic poets. At nine I gave haircuts at the
Gamma Phi Beta house. At ten I had differential cal-
culus. At eleven I posed for a life class. At twelve I
watered soup at the Union. At one I had a class in
Oriental languages. At two I exercised the mice in psych
lab. At three I gave the Dean of Women another fencing
lesson. At four I had qualitative analysis. At five I
went clamming. At six I cut meat for the football team.
At seven 1 ushed at the movies. At eight I had my ears
pierced so that at nine I could tell fortunes in a gypsy
tea room. At ten I had a class in astronomy. At eleven
I tucked in the football team. At twelve I studied and at
three I went to sleep."
"Sir," cried R. L., "I am moved and inspired by your
shining example !"
"It was nothing," said the stranger modestly, shaking
his frail white head. "It was just hard work, and hard

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