I
PAGE FOUR
THE MICHTGAN DATTY
'HURSTIAY, JtJ1 E , , 1941
c mIvRav.nes. .. TT vafhI r y 1aA1.
THE MICHIGAN DAILY
JILr*. N .tune/ThIThoST~~f
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CRICAGO * BOSTON . LO ANIGELEs * SAN FRANCISCO
Member, Associated Collegiate Press, 1940-41
Editorial Staff
Emile Geld .
Robert Speckhard
Albert P. Blaustein .
David Lachenbruch .
Bernard Dober .
Alvin Dann
Hal Wilson .
Arthur Hill . .
Janet Hiatt
Grace Miller
. . . Managing Editor
. . Editorial Director
a . . . . City Editor
. . . Associate Editor
* . . Associate Editor
*. Associate Editor
. . . Sports Editor
. . Assistant Sports Editor
. . . . Women's Editor
. Assistant Women's Editor
Daniel H. Hutyett
James B. Collins
Louise Carpenter
Evelyn Wright
Business Staff.
.. Business Manager
Assistant Business Manager
. Women's Advertising Manager
. . Women's Business Manager
NIGHT EDITOR: EDMUND GROSSBERG
The editorials published in The Michi-
gan Daily are written by members of The
Daily staff and represent the views of the
writers only.
Irish Still,
P"raetieing Isolation 0..
D IE-HARD ISOLATIONISM is com-
mon in America, but we have not
adopted it as a national policy. The Irish Free
State has. For the third time since the declara-
tion of war, "unidentified" bombers have blasted
Dublin. Twenty-two people were killed and three
hundred injured in the latest raid Saturday, but
President De Valera refuses to make a comment.
The two previous raids on Dublin were not
nearly as serious. The first attack, in January,
only killed three and injured twelve, and the
May raid caused no casualties. The extent of
the damage in this last bombing proves that
whoever is attacking Dublin is preparing for
even more extensive raids in the future.
The German comment on this raid declared
it to be "another Athenia" incident. Churchill
is accused of attempting to attack a neutral
power because he wants to antagonize it against
Germany. The past actions of the Nazis indicate
there is no need for Britain to violate neutral
rights to build a case against Germany. The'
Irish need only read about Norway, Austria,
Czechoslovakia and every other European na-
tion that stood in the way of the "new order."
During this last week, De Valera also came
out against conscription in Eire. He is deter-
mined to keep his country neutral and he will-
as long as Germany remains on the east coast
of the English Channel. In this move against
conscription, De Valera was supported by all
conflicting political parties. Although no one
will question him when he declares himself for
neutrality at all costs, there are other factors in
Eire who follow him because they believe no
aid to Britain is passive help for Germany. It
is these Irish who hold to their contradictory
position while Dublin starves because Britain
calnot adequately protect its merchant marine
without Irish bases. They look to Hitler as a
liberator, while he is daily destroying national
and human rights.;
FIRE'S ISOLATIONISM is a phenomenon of
modern times. The very existence of the
Free State depends on the continued independ-
ence of England. Even the age-long record of
British oppression cannot compare with the
dangers faced by any nation trying to preserve
its integrity in a continent dominated by Nazi
Germany.
-D an Behrmn
Ccrifices Are Coming
A homely inkling of what the war emergency
may mean to this country is contained in Sec-
retary Ickes' hint of "gasless Sundays" and the
abolition of night baseball. Week-end auto-
mobile trips may fall victim to an oil shortage,
and nocturnal baseball may have to be sacri-
ficed to power necessities.
The steps would be drastic. Civilian morale de-
pends heavily on recreation. Week ends in the
country and vacation motor trips are first-class
means of relaxation. So are baseball games, and
although the major leagues could survive with-
out plying at night, most of the small minor
leagues might have to go out of business.
To facilitate typographical work, all Letters
To The Editor conforming to the following
sneificeations will be gsivn referne in th
The Reply Churlish
by TOUCHSTONE
THOUGH the dirty dogs won't let me review
plays in town any more, I won't be too pre-
suming if I say a few words about the under-
canvas production of Saintly Hypocrites and
Honest Sinners which I saw done out in the lake
district recently by the Frank Ginnevan Dra-
matic Company. Admission, twenty cents out-
side for adults, ten cents for kids, and the usual
reserved seat clip when you get in the tent, an-
other dime. The cast-unknown to me and
anyone else except maybe they have relatives
in all the small towns where the troupe plays.
No programs, you don't know who the players
are, they don't wear numerals.
The play, circa 1905, and funny as a crutch,
with all the latest gags out of the humor ency-
clopaedias of the period, frolicks its way through
some three acts, and concerns the affairs of
some religious people who it turns out are not
really living the Christian life because some of
them foreclose mortgages and some of them
won't preach at the funerals of poor old men
and so forth. The honest sinners are people
who use slang, and have hearts of gold and
think everybody has a right to have a good
time and be poor and still go to church even
though their clothes are not so fine as some of
" the town bankers.
NOW don't get me wrong. This is not a gag
show, nor did any of the audience think so.
They laughed at the right places-whenever the
mean old gossip woman with the red hair said
something nasty about somebody, the ingenue
pretended to sneeze very loud and said "piffles"
which got a good laugh-and they did not like
the mean old church trustee who talked in a
high whine. Between the acts the members of
the cast gave bits of vaudeville, such as a song
entitled "The Little Wooden Whistle Wouldn'
Whistle" and a soft shoe dance by the comic,
and a trombone duet by the minister's wife
and one of the poor but honest old men.
LSO the major portion of the cast doubled in
brass in the strict sense of the word. The
orchestra came in with its makeup on, and
played in 'uncertain fortissimo "Ninety-nine Out
of a Hundred Want to be ; Loved," and other
numbers. The ingenue played, no kidding, the
mandolin. The minister, who was really a right
G, but just sort of corrupted by position and
church trustees, looked so much like Hairbreadth
Harry, the comic strip hero, that I wished he had
played the lead, but the lead was played by a
thin, sort of S-shaped lad with 'lots of rouge,
and white flannels which meant that he had
plenty of the long green because the rest of the
men dressed in plain serge suits, rather short
in the sleeves. The lead, whose stage name I
cannot recall, also wore his hair a a grease, sort
of like one of the first three pictures in a Kreml
ad, and had all white shoes, slightly dingy, with
cuban heels on them at least two inches high.
At the end of the play he marries the daughter
of the poor old man whose funeral the church-
usurer-trustees won't let be held at the minis-
ter's church, and reveals the fact that the only
reason he came back from that gold mine he
found out there (not sure where) is for said
marriage, but it is nice that he could have
straightened out so many people before it was
too late for them to become honest sinners or
something. uA good evening's entertainment, but
not for critical Ann Arbor. So long until soon.
RECORDS
ALL THAT NEED BE SAID by way of intro-
duction is that today is Piano-Music Day in
this corner. The music:
Mendelssohn's Concerto No. 1 in G minor
played for Victor by Jesus Maria Sanroma and
the Boston "Pops" Orchestra under Arthur Fied-
ler (M, AM, DM-780) three 12-inch recods).
This is a welcome revival of a virtuoso piece
which, after many years of faithful appreciation
by concert pianists, has fallen into unfortunate
neglect. Messrs. Sanroma and Fiedler do the
necessary resuscitation work with an honest
vigor and freshness. The piano playing is al-
ways cleanly sensitive; the orchestra, occasion-
ally over-heavy. The recording itself is without
a blemish.
On the album's sixth side Mr. Sanroma plays
with the same warm sensitivity two more Men-
delssohn compositions: the "Songs Without
Words" in A-flat major and in C major. Nos.
18 and 45.
HACH'S SONATA NO. 4 IN E MINOR, arid
Sonata No. 5 in C major (transcribed by Victor
Babin) played by Mr. Babin and Vitya Vronsky,
piano duo. (Victor, M, AM, TIM-778, three 12-
inch records.) These are two of a set of six
sonatas commonly known as Bach's "Organ
Sonatas," written not for two separate instru-
ments, but for a "clavicembalo" having two key-
boards to be played manually, arid one pedal
board. The Babin transcription, however, is
apparently faithful, as is the actual two-piano
execution, for Vronsky and Babin are among
our foremost two-piano teams. The only annoy-
ance is likely to come in wonderng why the Vic.
tor engineers stretched the two works out or
three records. From the huge gaps, two would
seem to have been sufficient.
BEETHOVEN CONCERTO No. 5 in E-flat Ma-
jor ("The Emperor"), played by Pianist Bee-
no Moisevitch and the London Philharmonic
Orchestra conducted by Georg Szell. Victor, M,
170 T i E ED IT O R
Something To Fight For
To the Editor
RALPH INGERSOLL'S EDITORIAL re-printed
in The Daily Tuesday strikes home as a
cogent answer to many doubts. He says, in
effect, that any lasting progress toward social
reform can only come after Hitler's defeat, that
there can be only regression, here and else-
where, as long as Hitler remains rampant. This,
we must sadly admit, is true. Whether or not
America fights Hitler with men at this time,
liberalism in America would face dark days if
England were defeated. For America would ei-
ther have to resist a politico-economic and mili-
tary attack by the Nazis in South America, or
she would yield under combined cajolings and
threats to the forces of appeasement, of reac-
tion and oppression within. In either case re-
form would cease to be considered. And these
are the only alternatives we could have, for to
believe that Germany would rest on her laurels
and reconstruct Europe, or that she would have
her hands full smothering the fires of her re-
sentful slaves, is, I fear, wishful thinking which
ignores the dynamism of the Nazi system, a force
which must rush onward or else be overthrown.
[NGERSOLL IS RIGHT: the American re-
former has only two unpleasant alternatives
before him. Either he must give up entirely, or'
he must risk his immediate goals in o;der to
secure the chance oftworking toward them; risk
even the chance of being alive in order to work
toward them. But Ingersoll is too sanguine;
to fight for a reform, and to fight for a chance
to fight for a reform are different things. For
as we fight for the chance, we are using our
energy, we are indirectly causing immediate re-
gressions. Hence if we do win our chance, it
may be in vain, for who of us can be certain to
return home victorious from a war against Fas-
cism without succumbing to a reaction, a disil-
lusionment which would vitiate completely all
our original reforming energies?
This uncertainty is even stronger because we
must realize that a peace-settlement dictated
by Britain would not be a peace which a liberal
would desire, and we have been given no indica-
tion that an Americap-dictated settlement would
be much better.
Further cause for uncertainty is the attitude
of our government toward the various classes of
our society as it draws closer to, or participates'
in, actual warfare. Big business is already being
appeased far too much to please a reformer.
What will our government be like when the war
is won?
THE LIBERAL, then, cannot be hopeful as he
fights for his chance to fight for what he
wants. To keep from complete despair, to re-
main a liberal, he must be keenly aware of the
slimness of his chances. By not hoping nor
expecting too much, he can avoid post-war dis-
illusionment and despair. He must be grim,
not buoyant. Knowing the darkness of his al-
ternatives, he must resolutely choose the lighter
shade of gray.
The trouble with knowing too much about the
alternatives and the possibilities is that it does
not make for good fighting. Buoyance, confi-
dence, hopes, are the human factors which as-
sist victory.
If, then, in our day, there is to be any progress
toward social reform, if Hitler is to be defeated,
and if the liberal is to be expected to join whole-
heartedly in this fight-for-a-fight, factors must
be created which can give him more confidence
that the cause of anti-Fascism is his cause. The
war as now waged by Britain and America is
waged for a negative cause-the defeat of Fas-
cism. That negative cause must be given a posi-
tive charge, It must be made clear that we are
fighting for something, something which will
benefit ourselves as well as the oppressed peoples
of Europe.
0, the objection of the youth whom Ingersoll
describes is more important than he realized.
In order to fight with the will requisite for vic-
tory, we must fight for a positive cause. The
cause cannot be made positive with words alone
-slogans, promises and vague generalizations.
It can be made positive only by producing tangi-
ble evidence; evidence which shows not only
that our democr'acy can be dynamic, but also
that our democracy can be dynamic in the direc-
tion of incrdased human welfare for its under-
privileged constituents.
- David M. Stocking
by the edit director
I NTERESTING SIDILIGlIT on interventionist
Ralph Ingersoll's vain attempts to get to Ann
Arbor through a series of fogs from Winnipeg
to Chicago: was the way the weary greeting
committee spend a long six hours at the Detroit
airport. The first two hours were spent query-
ing the identity of every moustached gentleman
who walked off an airplane; the next two were
spent in rounding up change for long-distance
telephone calls, while the last was spent in si-
lently . cursing the traditionally isolationist
Mid-West for its strategic fogs.
Most of Michigan's 11,00( students arec
holding their breaths in anticipation of final
exams, but there are a small group of stu-
dents who are getting a double-dose. They
are the student entrants in the major and
rn* nr Nnnwnnr awarrcAnn,~1nn?gm,*t of
How Shall We Defend Demoeracy?
As Others Aubrey Williams, national NYA head, admits nation's many
See It..shortcomings and injustices, but says there are things well
worth defending.
Aubrey Williams, NY A chief, reported in SOS, publication of Student Defenders of Democracy
WTE IN AMERICA like to think that our way of life
is essentially different than that of other parts
of the world. We have developed certain patterns of
social and political organization that we feel are su-
perior to those found in other countries. Those funda-
mental patterns that set us off from other peoples in
other lands we have designated, for want of a better
name, as the American Way.
... On the surface, we see what appears to be ma-
hogany and underneath we find wormy and knotty
wood. We have seen vigilantism, racial discrimination,
union busting, child labor, discrimination against the
foreign born, and the whole gamut of infringement
on civil liberties paraded under the slogans of Ameri-
canism and defended as part of the American Way.
* * *
Today our primary concern is the defense of democ-
racy and the preservation of what you and I think
about .as the American Way of Life. Our whole idea
of a society founded upon basic principles of freedom
and the brotherhood of man, is being challenged
throughout the world . . . But I think it is worth
talking about-what we are going to defend here in
America.,
WE can best approach this, perhaps, by the process
of elimination. We do want to defend our essen-
tial freedoms, freedom of thought, freedom of religion,
and those other basic guarantees that are incorporated
in our Bill of Rights and in the basic laws of the land.
We want to defend our essential decency as free hu-
man beings. We want to preserve our spirit of toler-,
ance for all our fellow men and we want to preserve
and to strengthen the security of our whole nation
from any threats within or without. But I don't think
any of us want to defend and preserve the poverty,
the despair, of a third of our nation in the midst of
potential plenty. We don't want to preserve manners,
customs, traditions, and economic and social patterns
that deny millions of American citizens the right to
participate in their own government because they lack
the money with which to buy the privilege of voting.
We don't want to preserve or defend those economic
patterns which permit millions of farm families to eke
out a bare existence on tired and eroded land and mil-
lions more to wander across the country in worn-out
jalopies, seeking jobs that do not exist. We don't want
to defend or preserve those elements of our social or-
ganization which force large segments of our popula-
tion to dwell in unspeakable slums when they might
have decent homes. We don't want to preserve those
elements which force our children to play on refuse
dumps and in city streets when they might have parks
and fresh air. We don't want to preserve those ele-
ments which force 45 million Americans to remain un-
dernourished when they might have proper food.
The Road Ahead
B UT for all of our faults and our weaknesses-and
we might just as well be honest with ourselves and
admit that they exist-we still have something here
in America that is infinitely better to my way of think-
ing than anything that could be found elsewhere. We
have something here that is worth defending-some-
thing that is worth fighting for--something that is
worth making sacrifices for. But at the same tinie
we ought not to forget that there is still a long stretch
of road ahead of us and that it is our purpose to keep
going ahead and not to stop and wait for the rest of
the world to catch up with us.. .
Our way of life is no inanimate set of forms that
can be handed down from father to son-from gener-
ation to generation. Our democracy is a living and
spiritual force as well as a form of government. It is
something that we have to be concerned about other
than just on election day.
Those are general things. But what about the spe-
cific things? It is easier to generalize than to outline
a specific blueprint for action . . . First of all, I want
to point out that you are going to have to approach
these problems with the idea of putting something of
yourself into the effort of their solution, as well as get-
ting something out of it. You are going to have to
give of your time, your energy, your ideas, your money,
and, for the most part, you won't get many thanks for
your efforts. What. specifically can you do about
better 'government? You can do everything within
your power to see that every member of your com-
munity is informed of tlhe issues at stake aid has the
opportunity to exercise the franchise and participate
in governmental activity. This means work. It means
organization. It means exercising your freedom of
speech and your right of petition. It means keeping
fully informed yourself. It means nominating and
electing to office candidates who are trustworthy and
who will serve the interests of all of tle people rather
than the interests of a few special interests. What
specifically can you do to rid your community of its
slums-and there probably are some in your com-
munity-and to provide decent homes for your fellow
citizens? You can get the facts on the housing situa-
tion. in your community-you can work up some in-
terest in getting something done about it. There are-
various agencies of the government-Federal, state,
and local-that can help you. But remember that it
is you who are going to have to.carry the ball. When
you personally would be willing to live and raise your'
family in the poorest house'in your community--you
can consider your job is done.
What specifically can you do to protect the rights
of labor in your own comnmunity? ' The first thing
you can do is to get the truth about labor and the
labor organizations in your community and, for the
most part, you will have to go beyond the daily press
to do it. You can help your fellow workers to organize
and bargain collectively and you can remember that
organization and collective bargaining are rights and
not privileges.
Be Vigilant, Not A Vigilante
WHAT CAN YOU DO specifically to protect and to
extend civil liberties? You can be on your guard
against public officers who overstep their lawful
bounds. Be vigilant but not a Vigilante. Obey the
law but remember that laws are designed to serve the
needs of men and not the reverse.
There are many more things that youth can do and
are doing and I need not recite a longer list. The
main thing is to do something to take an active part
in the going life of your community. We have seen
that indifference and a passive willingness to take
things for granted-have permitted freedom to be
wiped out in many parts of the world. Charting the
American Way is your job. Making democracy more
vital for human welfare is your job. Until you are
willing to change places with the lowliest member of
society-your job still lies ahead.
,.
w PednsoM
RoestSAne
WASHINGTON-Inside reason for the release of
Princess Stafanie Hohenlohe, red-haired friend of high
Nazi officials, is that she paid for her freedom with
some amazing revelations about subversive operations
in this country and in Britain.
ONE THING SHE TOLD Immigration authorities
was that Captain Fritz Weidemann, Hitler's World
War commander who has been serving as German
consul general in San Francisco, is in bad with the
Berlin rulers and may be recalled,
His fall from grace, according to the Princess' tale,
was due to his intimacy with Rudolf Hess, No. 3 Nazi,
who startled the world by his flight to England. Ber-
lin considers Weidemann a Hess henchman, the Prin-
cess claimed, and he has. been on the "blacklist" for
some tine
The Princess also gave Immigation officials a list
of Nazi "sympathizers" in Britain who, she said, have
been secretly trying to effect a negotiated peace with
Hitler. Several of those named were associated with
the late Lord Rothermere, himself high on the list.
This information has been turned over to the State
Department for transmission to the British.
Weidemann is not the only Nazi agent in the United
States who has been placed on the spot by the Hess
flight. Princess Stefanie named others, both in diplo-
matic and undercover fifth column ranks.
Though the Princess has been released from the San
Francisco detention station, a deportation warrant
still stands. She is being kept undei' surveillance at
her fashionable Palo Alto, Calif., apartment until she
can be shipped out of the country.
Candidate Lindbergh
W HEN Charles Lindbergh told his America 1irst
audience in Philadelphia that the U.S. should
"turn to a new leadership," he wasn't indulging in
mere rhetoric. Secretly, friends say, he had some-
next year. He is one of the very few Midwest GOP
senators supporting the President's foreign policy,
and Lindbergh's political advisers think the flier would
have a good chance to lick Ball.
No decision has been made, and Lindbergh may even
deny he has such intentions. But it can be stated
definitely that the matter has been seriously discussed
in the inner Lindbergh circle and that he expressed
willingness to go after Ball's seat if the situation looks
propitious next year.
Lindbergh is an old hand at campaignihg in Minne-
sota. He chauffeured his late father in several state-
wide campaigns, one of them for the Senate. And
he would have plenty of financial backing.
Independently wealthy as a result of earnings from
his trans-Atlantic flight, Lindbergh's wife also in-
herited a fortune from her father, the late Senator
Dwight Morrow, a J. P. Morgan partner. Wealthy
elements financing the isolationist-appeasement move-
ment also have assured Lindbergh of unlimited funds
for any political campaign he may undertake.
Whe eler vs. Lindbergh
ONE MAN particularly interested in Lindbergh's
presidential ambitions is Senator Burt Wheeler,
who considers himself the No. 1 foe of the President's
anti-Axis policies.
Wheeler hays strong White Hbuse' yearnings of his
own; in fact, has had them since 1924 when he ran
oil a rump ticket with the late elder Senator Bob
LaFollette. Again in 1932 Wheeler strenuously tried
to get on the Roosevelt slate in place of Jack Garner,
and one of the principal reasons 'for the Roosevelt-
Wheeler split was his peeve at what he considered
the President's ingratitude.
On the surface, relations between Wheeler and Lind-
bergh are friendly, but undercover the two men are
none too cordial. On Wheeler's part this situation has
not been improved since he has suspected Lindbergh's
presidential aspirations.
Fifty-nine years old, Wheeler's last chance for the
White House will be in 1944; and he doesn't take
kindly to the idea of having it wrested from him. He
deems himself the top isolationist leader, and expects
to cash in on that three years hence-when, he is con-
vinced, a new political party will have come to the
fore and the situation will be ripe for a sweeping
overturn.
Such a new party already is being quietly discussed
in isolationist-appeasement quarters. At a recent
secret meeting attended by several wealthy indus-
trili~ _ nrna VQtla ' nrnua -ixra he Amriari