Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHTGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
Prr:-
ere Opinions AreFree, 420
Truth Will PrevailMAYNARDT, ANN ARBORMC.
NEws PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writes
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 3,,1966
NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER
_ __
Can We Make Rules
Not Meant To Be Broken?
Aug.
By LEONARD PRATT
Co-Editor
ONE OF THE most ironic things
things about the University is
the gap between its administrative
top and bottom-betwen the fac-
ulty's study of problems directly
related to the University's ad-
ministration and the actual handl-
ing of those problems by its ad-
ministrators.
Some of the best work in the
country on problems bearing on
a university's life is done here, but
pitifully little of it ever filters to
the men who can do something
with it. It's the University's own
version of a modern dilemma:
How do you organize and utilize
great amounts of information?
A university's problem is !-en
worse than most organizations in
this respect, because it is really
a professional knowledge factory.
It thus simply creates far more
information than it can handle.
between the tops and the bottoms,
THE RESULT is an obvious gap
between administration and fac-
ulty-ranked in order of adminis-
trative authority, of course.
For example, the University has
one of the nation's better insti-
tutes of labor and industrial rela-
tions. Yet, while that institute is
compiling reams of data on how
employes and managers learn to
live with one another, the Uni-
versity is embroiled in a costly-
both in financial and political
terms-and in some ways clum-
sily-conducted dispute about
terms-and in some ways =luins-
ily-conducted dispute about
whether or not its employes can be
unionized.
The American Council on Edu-
cation says the nation's profes-
sors rank the University's psy-
chology department number two
in the country. But it is hard to
see how that department's data is
being brought forcefully to bear
on the freshman in East Quad-
rangle who hates the place or on
stress-producing elements of aca-
demic life, such as the grading
system.
Educational research is turned
out fairly regularly by the Center
for Research on Learning and
Teaching but, because it is basic-
ally a faculty organization, this
information is communicated on-
ly sketchily to the administration.
The faculty's abilities in com-
puter handling have been ex-
cluded for years from the ad-
ministration's work. In 1963, a
computerized system for handling
the information picked up by the
Office of Academic Affairs was
proposed. It will finally go into
service this fall.
In a broader sense, the initia-
tive and organizational abilities
that created the teach-ins here
aren't being creatively channeled
to help mold the University's fu-
ture.
Two things are clear: that ad-
ministrators could profit from
"professional" advice and that
they now aren't getting enough
of it to make any difference.
IN A WAY there already exists
a channel for such help. The
Faculty Senate appoints faculty
advisory committees to each vice-
president to consult with him on
major decisions.
Yet these committees aren't re-
ally what's called for. Their mem-
bers are appointed with more of a
view toward ensuring equal repre-
sentation of major disciplines
than with any intent to provide
advice in the area of a vice-presi-
dent's specialization. Also, their
advice is geared more toward spe-
cific issues than toward the over-
all policy guidance that would
help an administration.
What's needed is a formal con-
sultation system between adminis-
trative officers at many levels and
those scholars within the Univer-
sity most likely to be able to give
a hand when they need it.
SUCH A SYSTEM could be quite
private and there would be no
need for administrators to take
the advice they got. All it would
guarantee would be the best avail-
able advice in a particular field-
not a commodity to take lightly.
It would be likely, however, that
administrators would often take
the advice. There's little need for
most policy matters to be particu-
larly controversial; this profes-
sional advice would probably be
welcome.
Two qualifications are import-
ant here. First, there have been
several informal contacts between
administrators and scholars in the
past in an attempt to improve ad-
ministrative performance. CRLT's
contacts with administrators are
an example of this. So. are the
contacts between officials in the
old OAA and the Cente' for the
Study of Higher Education.
Study of Higher Education.
Second, there must clearly be a
line between administrators and
scholars - we certainly can't go
back to the turn-of-the-century
faculty senate that ran everything
in sight,
BUT EVEN with reservations,
something like this plan is surely
a necessity. Running a university
of this size in a rapidly clanging
social complex is a full-time Job
in itself. Trying to keep up on all
facets of the social changes that
might affect one's work is stretch-
ing any man too thin.
Yet not providing a mechanism
to help men keep up on them is
stretching the University too thin.
The
Tops and the Bottoms
THE UNITED STATES deliberately
bombed the demilitarized zone be-
tween North and South Viet Nam over
the weekend. This was a direct violation
of the 1954 Geneva Accords. But this il-
legal action was justified by claiming that
the North Vietnamese had first violated
the Accords by placing troops there in
preparation for an attack on the South.
At thoe same time we demand VN in-
tervention into the trials of the cap-
tured American prisoners; severely cri-
ticizing the North's violations of the 1957
Geneva Accords.
THERE IS AN OLD expression which
says that "all's fair in love and war."
Can we afford to criticize North Viet
Nam for violating the Geneva Accords
when we have blatantly violated them
ourselves?
Speaking with objective rationality, we
can't; if we plan to shoot dirty pool we
cannot complain when the opposition does
the same.
Furthermore, when reasoning along the
lines of "they did it so why can't we do
the same," or "they made us do it be-
cause they were in there first' is rather
ludicrous thinking for a nation which
claims to be the defender of democracy
and possesses the greatest proportion of
the world's wealth.
IT WOULD BE interesting to see the
results if the UN were to conduct a
"trial" of the two nations at war in Viet
Nam.
The North has violated the Accords by
sending troops beyond the 17th Parallel
but they have justified this by insisting
that they are fighting a civil war.
The United States has violations of its
own; it infiltrated South Viet Nam
through its support of Diem in the 1950's.
We have now escalated our violations by
the bombing of the demilitarized zone.
The North threatens to try the Ameri-
can prisoners which would be a violation
but has not gone beyond verbal violations
at this point.
Where is all this going to lead?
Most likely it will either perpetuate the
frightening parallel to the Korean War
or perhaps plunge us into World War III.
THE CONTINUOUS violations only
prove that laws attempting to regulate
the follies of war are merely meaningless
political expressions of placation. While
the world listens in hope their leaders
plan the destruction of each other.
Thus, while the violations are in them-
selves an outrage, it is their possible
repercussions which the world must guard
against and avoid.
The League of Nations established very
loose guidelines for the game of war with
no authority to enforce these regulations.
And, World War II came and went. Like
all wars, it too blatantly broke all the
rules.
The United Nations was envisioned as a
"bigger and better" League with more
authority and stronger regulations pre-
venting mankind from destroying itself.
But the Korean War was fought (with
UN troops largely made up of American
soldiers) and the war in Viet Nam is be-
ing waged with increasing intensity.
MEN MAY, AND DO, establish many
regulations but man will never obey a
law which is in basic opposition to his
desires. Thus the continuous presence of
war as a basic political tool is a rather
tragic epitaph for the inherent goodness
of man or a nation.
World Wars III, IV and so on until in-
finity can be avoided if nations cease to
believe that "rules are made to be brok-
en." If we cease to follow the example of
"the other guy' in wanton lawlessness we
may eventually be able to live in harmony
with him.
-PAT O'DONOHUE
The A rmy Reserve's Two-Week Sotdier
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
second of three articles on re-
serve training.
By NEAL II. BRUSS.
CAMP McCOY, WISC. - Col.
Robert Dixon of Battle Creek,
is a kindly, graying man whose
retirement, after over 35 years in
the regular and reserve Army, is
in sight.
At Camp McCoy, Col. Dixon
works to maintain excellence in
training and save decaying re-
serve units.
What personal patriotism Col
Dixon holds does not boil over
onto others. A military man, Col.
Dixon thinks in military terms
when he considers military mat-
ters like the military war in Viet
Nam.
LIKE ALL the reserve training
instructors and commanders at
Camp McCoy, Dixon worries that
the reservists he watches over will
be sent to war unprepared.
The term he and other com-
manderseuse is "useless slaughter,"
the useless slaughter of the men
who slacked off, who weren't
driven to excellence in basic train-
ing.
Sometimes Col. Dixon thinks
about basic training in the Com-
munist world.
"From what we have learned, we
are ahead of them in training. Our
education is based far more on
intelligence than theirs.
"For example, our military edu-
cation depends on reading: theirs
does not. The American soldier is
being taught to think and be in-
dependent."
MEN LIKE COL. DIXON, men
who are neither super-patriots or
sadists but who have spent their
lives in the Army, must take sev-
eral things for granted. Tbiese
things are the foundation of the
military affairs that !irect their
lives. They are rarely spoken but
can be explained on req'iest.
The first is that the United
States, forsbetter or worse, is as
militarily involved in world affairs
as it is in politics and economics.
The United States, then, can-
not diminish its military involve-
ment in world affairs without
radically distorting its charactr-r.
Another is that American sol-
diers cagry out a sober respon-
sibility with a benign spirit. The
American soldier, in general, car-
ries out his duty with more in-
telligence, conscience and ingenu-
ity than any of his enemies.
The basic assumption-one that
the commanders do not hesitate
to state-is that American sodiers
are channeled into war when other
measures have failed, When the
war comes, nothing but victory
can bring peace..
AND THEN, as the trainers tell
the recruits, the American soldier
had better be doing the killing.
This is why men like Col. Dixon
intensify the training without ex-
cuses or guilt.
The training simulates killing
and the steps that prepare for the
kill.
Throughout the lay, the white
shingle barracks of Camp McCoy
quiver to the distant thunder of
artillery bursts.
MAJOR JAMES MOORE, a for-
mer University research assistant
and currently a specialist in medi-
cal instruments, has been close to
the big guns since he began with
the artillery five years ago.
"The guns win the wars. The
eight-inch Howitzerhcan send all
sorts of shells as far as ten miles.
It-can blow up an army, shoot off
a mammoth flare to light a cattle-
field, or send out a charge that
will drill through a tank and send
fragments spinning around the
inside "
Major Sol Baltimore of Detroit,
overrun by Chinese troops during
the Korean War, called down in-
fantry fire on his own positions
during the battle and credits his
survival to accurate gunners.
THE EIGHT-INCH Howitzer
isn't as impressive-looking as the
long-barreled guns in the war
movies. It is covered with a tarp
and unobtrusively hauled on Mich-
igan highways every weekend.
But it is hauled out to 1 he
battlefield by an armored treaded
truck, set up in moments, and vio-
lent when fired.
An observer placed to the side
of a target directs the firing
through an elaborate communica-
tions chain.
The shell is loaded with the pow-
der to fire it by a 12-man crew.
A safety check is made. The crew
runs back from the gun.
On signal, a soldier pulls a cord
to fire the gun.
Before a head-splitting roar is
heard, the shock wave from the
gun pops ear drums. A 20-foot
yellow flame bursts from the bar-
rel and a dusty fifty foot cloud of
tan smoke rises.
At the end of the flame, a black
object can be briefly seen. The
shell whirrs rather than whistles
for less than, thirty seconds, and
then, distant thunder of contact
with the target.
THE ARTILLERY impact zone
at Camp McCoy, about five miles
from each of three firing areas, is
a wasteland of blasted trucks anid
tanks, obsolete vehiclesudragged
out as targets, devastated by the
eight-inch guns.
Camp McCoy also operates mor-
tar and bazooka ranges. Charges
from- bazookas are marked on
targets with paint encased in the*
shells.
The weapons were not made to
be learning tools, and regardless
of the academic attitude both.
trainees and teachers display,
when the big guns are fired they
carry through the involuntary
movements of war,
OF ALL THE weaponry courses,
the rifle classes move the slowest.
The soldier has been taught to
clean and assemble his rifle at
his home base. He has also been
introduced to several firing posi-
tions.
On the rifle range, he gets in-
dividual instruction from a spe-
cialist standing at his side. He is
not allowed to fire a shot before
his position is perfect and several
safety checks have been made.
He learns to fire several models
of guns at an increasingly difficult
sequence of targets in 20 hours of
instruction.
Within sound of crackling rifles
is a wooded course where trainees
learn skills as old as the American
Indian for spotting enemies cam-
ouflaged in the countryside.
Sgt. James Johnson a Chevrolet
assembly worker from Detroit's
inner city hides soldiers in the
woods. Each will give his position
away with noise, glare, lit match,
or other indicator.
Johnson says the skill he is
teaching is difficult to learn. He
finds hismen have the imagina-
tionncssr for target detec-
tion, but wishes hey could have
more time to teach skills.
"I can't expect much of two-
week soldiers, men here on the
course for only two hours. I hope
they get more of this training
,when they go in for six months.".
ALL THE MORALE boosting,
all the calisthenics, all the lessons
in soldiercraft are tested on the
assault course.
The soldiers are shown how to
dig a foxhole, how to crawl on
the hot dust and flip over with
the barrel of their gun in their
helmet and crawl under 'barbed
wire.
They are taught the teamwork
of a coordinated assault.
Then, they are sent on a group
mission across a short simulated
battlefield with blank shells being
fired around them.
Except' for the fact, that the
crawling and charging is very hard
physical work, the mock assaults
are not convincing. In his second
week, the soldier is expected to
move skillfully on the course, but
because he has only been in train-
ing for two weeks, he cannot have
gained the reflex skill of a veteran.
The cadre of instructors, though,
are satisfied if the new dogfaces
growl convincingly, don't get too
much dirt in their rifles, and keep
moving on the battlefield.
For, as one trainer said, "some
of these guys couldrAt run straight
when they got here."
Tomorrow:The men in motion
o
4
Aid to Indonesia:.
Missing an Opportunity
THE UNITED STATES has the oppor-
tunity to gain as a firm ally the third
richest nation in natural resources in the
world.
For years, Indonesia under Sukarno
milked both the United States and Rus-
sia for aid money until Sukarno's anti-
American policies irkeq us enough to pull
out of the aid race only $150 million in
the red.
But today Sukarno is only a shadow
compared to his previous position as In-
donesia personified. Nevertheless, his
puppet-presidency is still enough to leave
prospective foreign investors a little wary
about committing their money to Indo-
nesia's struggling economy. But, a little
courage on the part of the United States,
i.e., the courage to give direct aid to this
strategic country, could secure good rela-
tions between the two countries.
DIRECT AID by the United States would
surely lead to increased confidence in
Indonesia's economy from Japan, West
Germany, and the Netherlands (Indone-
sia is currently soliciting these countries
for aid).
On a recent trip to Japan, Secretary
of State Dean Rusk was quoted as saying
that the United States was willing to en-
gage in "joint assistance" to Indonesia.
This joint aid is designed to leave the
U.S. with a political "out" if turmoil
erupts again in Indonesia in the near fu-
ture.
Meanwhile, Japan, West Germany and
the Netherlands are licking their chops at
the prospect of being the first to aid In-
donesia, thereby, perhaps, through eco-
nomic concessions, of acquiring a sphere
of influence.
IT IS SURPRISING that the three coun-
tries have not already acted. A West
German- or Japanese-Indonesian alli-
ance could conceiva y make off with
some of the econom power which the
United States and Russia have long been
hoarding. The industrial potency of West
Germany and the resource potential of
Tnonia wunnld marrv well Gprmanv
U.S. to help their struggling nation. They
have called back one emissary who was
in search of credits which would allow
the import of raw cotton for Indonesia's
idle cotton mills because they were not
willing to beg for aid from the United
States.
Currently, this same official is looking
for credit in West Germany and the Neth-
erlands. It has been reported that he will
inform his government that the U.S. is
not interested in doing business with In-
donesia.
THE UNITED STATES, at this time, has
more than enough economic power to
risk giving aid to Indonesia. By doing so
it would ward off possible economic com-
petition from West Germany and at the
same time relieve any stepfather feelings
Indonesia might have toward Russia.
Quick action could prevent a serious eco-
nomic and political break with Indonesia.
-MICHAEL DOVER
Honorable
Discharge
HAS TRIMESTER really got you down?
You just can't catch up on the 10
weeks of work you've let slip by during
the .first five weeks of the summer half-
term? It's getting harder and harder to
drag your body out of bed for those noon
classes? And your counselor says it's too
late to drop any courses?
Try Health Service - that constantly
maligned institution can really help you
out of any spot, if only you know who to
talk to.
Take a mental health leave kid; you're
going through an "identity crisis" or
you're fed up with the banal exigencies
of being mortal and can't face cleaning
vomit from the toilet bowl.
Then, you can take a rest from the
run-around of class work and let your
sympathetic psychologist take the notes,'
which she will nrnmntlv send to vour
A New Definition of the Pqtriot'
'V
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This arti-
cle is reprinted from the St.
Louis Post-Dispatch of Tuesday,
July 26, 1966.)
THE PATTERN of President
Johnson's weekend campaign
forays has now been established.
In Illinois, Indiana and Kentucky,
as previously in Nebraska and
Iowa, he sought to enlist support
for his Asia policies on the sim-
plest possible ground-by making
the issue one of backing our troops
in Viet Nam, of rallying around
the flag, of firmness and deter-
mination in repelling "aggression."
Those who dissent were pictured
as withholding from herioc fight-
ing men the just reward they have
earned by risking their lives for
freedom. Those who question the
wisdom of the President's Asia
policies were made to appear as
"fearful or frightened people"
,ready to desert the armed forces.
THE ISSUE is not, and never
has been, one of support for the
armed forces. No war appropria-
tion has been denied or even
seriously questioned. What con-
cerns so many Americans so deep-
ly is not merely the Viet Nam war
as such, but the basic policy of
which it is the cutting edge: a
policy based on the postulate that
the United States has a mission to
project itself into the social revo-
lutions of Asia and indeed of the
whole world.
This policy that commits us to
d e f i n e aggression unilaterally,
without respect to international
opinion, and to wage war where-
ever we alone choose to say ag-
gression has taken place; a policy
that makes us the ideological
guardian of Asia, and the self-
appointed policeman of the world,
Many Americans are properly
concerned about this policy, not
only because it has sent 300,000
fighting men into an Asian land
war, but because it holds forth the
prospect of unending war for years
ahead wherever forces of social
unrest, rooted in decades of his-
tory, may spawn guerrilla insur-
rectiins that can enlist Communist
backing. The President has made
himself the champion of a doc-
trine of unlimited intervention in
other peoples' affairs.
IT IS NOT surprising that Sen-
ator Goldwater should be emerg-
ing as one of the President's most
enthusiastic supporters. For Mr.
Johnson practices what Senator
Goldwater preached-the doctrine
of ideological war against a Com-
munist "world conspiracy." Im-
plicit in the doctrine are two. as-
sumptions,. first that there is a
monolithic Conmmunist ideology to
be contained, and second that it
can be contained by military
power.
Both assumptions, in our view,
are false. Divisions within the
Communist world itself belie the
first, and a long record of the
failure of armed power to suppress
ideas belies the second.
REVOLUTIONS are not in fact
made in Moscow or Peking or
Hanoi; their sources lie in the
history of oppression, injustice,
poverty and exploitation which so
many peoples have suffered. When
we project ourselves into the rev-
olutionary struggles of other so-
cieties, engaging our own military
power on the side of the status
quo, we align ourselves on what
in the long run is sure to be the
losing side.
When we then become the power
behind the existing social struc-
ture, we automatically inherit all
the hatred that years of oppres-
sion have generated against native
or colonial oppressors. And we
jump in at such a late state of
disintegratiqn that the best of
intentions to promote reform and
improve the common man's lot
can hardly offset the liabilities of
being a 'foreign, unwelcome and
rich intervenor.
WE NEED TO ASK ourselves
what precisely we gain by estab-
lishing positions of this sort
around the world. We. do not
really gain military advantage. We
possess more than adequate power
to deter actual military aggression
by one nation against another;
more than adequate power to de-
fend ourselves. Becoming the
guarantor of counter-revolution
can only diminish our over-all
strength in the end. It can only
brand us as the exponents of a
new imperialism for which there
is no moral justification and no
economic or military necessity.
THE PRESIDENT does not an-
swer the questions in millions of
Americans' minds by impugning
their courage or patriotism. They
support our heroic armed forces
quite as warmly as he does; what
they question is the commitment
of those forces to a doctrine of
unlimited intervention which they
thought they were rejecting when
they rejected Senator Goldwater
so decisively in 1964.
"Help 19
006,A - 4\ l
- 4~O /42237
Schutze's Corner: SNtzkreg
f 4
I
By JAMES SCHUTZE
SEVERAL congressional interns
VEquietly launched an ex-
perimental attack on ghetto con-
ditions in New York which may
one day change the face of urban
areas throughout the United
States.
Thinking liberals have known
for years what makes poor people
so poor. They are poor because
thinking liberals don't understand
them. The only way to get rid of
them, then, is to get to know
them.
THE NEW YORK experiment is
boosting. property values. Real es-
state planners are looking ahead
to the establishment of a house
full of rich kids in every slum in
the nation.
In the second place, the mere
abscence from Washington of 80
influential constituent's sons has
greatly encouraged the lawmakers.
Some legislators are reportedly
discussing similar projects in Val-
entine, Nebraska and Nome, Alas-
ka.
FAR MORE importantly, the
young interns are getting ac-
quainted with poverty during their
two week stints in the tenement
the experiment's direction, re-
marking that, "If it's OK with
everybody else, I'd just as soon
have them stay home and bring a
bunch of us guys out to live in
their neighborhood for a while.")
But in general, no one can deny
that the experiment has met with
unparalleled success in its attempt.
to create new understanding be-
tween pior people and legislative
interns. Rob Moody, one of the
interns, observed recently that,
"the Bedford-Stuyvesant residents.,
aren't simply poor: they have an
impoverished attitude." Later, he
remarked that, "they are also very
downtrodden ...
. I