Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BYS TUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
SOUND and FURY
by Clarence Fanto Space Exploration: After the Fireworks
420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MicH.
NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JUNE 2, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER
Hell, Man, These People
Have Got To Eat!
THE GREAT SOCIETY and all that lies to make his third attempt at a high
behind the coining of that victory school diploma when the draft beckons.
slogan are not dead regardless of the
slow death of that particular legislative A 20-YEAR-OLD WOMAN steals shoes
program in the House--one more victim for her children because she cannot
to that tolling debacle of the '60's, the war afford them on the sum allotted by the
in Viet Nam. local ADC Bureau. She looks for a job
The administration has become so en- but has one big handicap, she does not
chanted with the faultily painted picture have a high school diploma. At 15 there
of the U.S. as the democratic knight in was no pressure in her society to finish
(literally) shining armor that, in the school.
process of building a castle for the feud- A student enters the bus at Ypsilanti
ing factions in South Viet Nam its own and is deposited at the smoke infested
drawbridge is beginning to crumble, and corner of a "bad neighborhood."
there is pollution in the moat. A Spanish-American family gaze with
In the face of automation, the will of wonder through the softly colored win-
the individual has become tainted with dows of the bus at the surrounding signs
the smog of the perennial exhaust pipe. of American wealth.
Air conditioners, government offices, bu- A man with the smell of cheap whiskey
reaucratic bureaus and ivory towers keep clinging to his breath complains of the
the polluted air out. But the time has 15%/ hour trek to Virginia. He asks with
come to open the windows, there are too wonder if I've ever been on an airplane;
many people on the outside looking in. decides the cost may be worth the saving
In a bus, riding the cement-paved thor- of time (why be in a hurry to get to
oughfares of America, one gets the view Virginia?); boasts that he works for one
from here, the view from the back of the of the three largest factories outside of
bus, and sorrowfully watches the Great Detroit and has picked up his pay check
Society roll by. today, and lapses into slumbering peace.
THE rINEVITABLE AGE of retirement VIET NAM POSES no immediate threat
has established old men on benches to these statistics on the poverty sheets
staring at the kaleidescope mass of haz- lying forgotten on legislative desks. They
ardous chrome inches away from the merely transfer their identity, perhaps
steadily shrinking green haven set aside with different faces, to a new statistic
by the civic minded community. sheet, probably the draft or the casualty
Children frolic beneath the protecting list. They shut the dim awareness of
shade of a slum clearance projectone their limited numerical value to the gov-
block from the thriving, choking factory ernment out of their minds. "Hell man,
me and my kids have got to eat."
and the bustling rear of the freeway. And indeed they do. But first on the
"**** & Sons" lies crumbling at the agenda is the mass stuffing of every
newly entrenched feet of a multi-state ndthreatened nation unprotected from
industry, whose only occupant at the mo- the raging red fire of totalitarianism,
ment is a "Help Wanted" sign. Communism, or whatever label is in style
Three blocks from the "Help Wanted" at the time. We protect our own with
sign vacant faces roam the streets sur- clever slogans and banners of peace while
rounded by detestable structures called we send their sons to die.
home by those who are too wealthy to The mass reaction to such homilies is
live in the tenements. symbolized by a card framed in the back
A woman with defeat engraved on her of a cab.
aging features marches the 10 children "This card is free. It isn't good for any-
to the supermarket, wondering how she thing, it's just free. Compliments of the
will be able to feed the eleventh. Great Society."
A 40-year-old man completes the high
school course of Algerba II at night in PRESIDENT JOHNSON, if you have the
order to be foreman of his factory divi- time in between escalations, take a
sion. His wife has shots of cortisone in- bus ride through your great society-my
jected daily so she can still climb the treat.
steps to the packaging factory where she Hell, man, these people have got to eat.
earns $1.50 an hour. Their son is about -PAT O'DONOHUE
The Chase: Get a Horse
THIS WEEK'S United States
-space spectacular-the Gemini
9 mission and the Surveyor at-
tempt to make a soft landing on
the moon-has once again brought
forth cries of indignation from
those who contend that this coun-
try is wasting its time and money
on the space program.
It would be better to spend these
funds on the poverty program or
other domestic welfare projects,
these critics argue. The space
competition with the Soviet Un-
ion is criticized as a childish form
of cold-war rivalry which drains
funds from more worthy pro-
grams.
THOSE SUPER humanists who
oppose or are suspicious of many
scientific endeavors should exam-
ine their history books. Man's urge
to explore his environment-
wlether on the earth or in space
-has always been a vital part of
his intellectual and scientific
creativity. When Edmund Hillary,
one of the intrepid explorers who
ascended Mount Everest in 195'
was asked why he had attempted
the feat, he repliedh"because it is
there."
The same answer might be given
to those who question why the
United States should spend its
resources on the exploration of
space and manned landing on the
moon. Thepossibilities which are
opened by the possibility of inter-
planetary space travel are limit-
less. If this nation were to aban-
don or limit its space exploration
programs, it would be acting con-
trary to human nature, which has
always sought to explore the un-
charted territories on our own
planet as well as the great un-
known of outer space.
WHEN CRITICS point to the
U.S.-Soviet rivalry and competi-
tion in space exploration, they are
on the right track. There is no
reason why increased cooperation
between these two superpowers-
both of which have more interests
in common than might have been
supposed at the height of the cold
war-could not materialize and
help eliminate expensive, wasteful
duplication of research.
Unfortunately, the Soviets have
been somewhat less than willing
to share their findings with the
outside world. The prestige they
have gained through their space
spectaculars and steady progress
in space exploration has probably
been indispensable and has helped
obscure Russian propaganda set-
backs elsewhere.
But U.S.-Soviet tensions (al-
though temporarily revived be-
cause of the Viet Nam war) have
been generally reduced as the
Soviet political system moderates
through economic gains. Were it
not for the Southeast Asian con-
flict, new gains in East-West co-
operation would most likely be
made.
The U.S. has shown itself rela-
tively unenthusiastic aboutrthe
possibility of increasing coopera-
tion with Russia in space explora-
tion. But recent signs indicate
that a new atmosphere may be
developing, potentially conductive
to future space cooperation.
EARLY LAST MONTH, Presi-
dent Johnson proposed a treaty
that would ban weapons of mass
destruction in outer space as well
as weapons, tests and military
maneuvers. Such a proposal would
leave the moon and other outer-
space bodies "free for exploration
and use by all countries."
Johnson advocated a policy
through which no country would
be permitted to advance the claim
of sovereignty over any outer-
space planet or r other body; all
countries would cooperate in
scientific activities relating to
celestial bodies; and a treaty in-
ternationalizing the moon and
other outer space bodies would be
concluded as soon as possible.
This week, the Soviet Union re-
plied with a proposal that was
strikingly similar to the Presi-
dent's plan.
ACCORDING TO a letter sub-
mitted by Soviet Foreign Ambas-
sador Andrei Gromyko, the four
Soviet principles included a call
for cooperation and mutual as-
sistance among nations involved in
the exploration of celestial bodies;
"the exploration of these bodies,
should be carried out for the bene-
fit of all mankind and the bodies
are not subject to any territorial
claims"; The moon and other
celestial bodies should be used for
peaceful purposes only; and the
moon and other bodies should be
free for exploration and use by all
countries without discrimination.
obviously, there are few dif-
ferences in the American and the
Soviet proposals for the inter-
nationalization of outer space.
Passage of a treaty guaranteeing
these principles-probably through
the United Nations-would cer-
tainly constitute a major advance
in international cooperation of
high long-term significance.
For, if nations with rival ideol-
ogies can agree on the mutual
abandonment of political competi-
tion in outer space, the time
should not be oto far off when
disarmament agreements and eco-
nomic cooperation on the earth
would become a reality.
WHAT ARE THE obstacles to
such agreements? The constant
tensions aroused by the Viet Nam
war are major factor contribut- The Gemini 9 s
ing to the stagnation in U.S.- which has been the v
Soviet relations during the past
year. The period of detente and nical misfortunes in
increased cooperation which fol- includes important
lowed the near-catastrophic nu- designed to test man
clear showdown over Cuba in late ability in space and
1962 is on dead center. link up a spacecraft
Because of rigidity at the top "docking" site.
levels of the State Department, These cynics who c
fresh diplomatic ventures to in- the space projects(
crease American-Russian coopera- tion and resources fr
tion have sadly been lacking. Thus, portant goals right
many golden opportunities to reach earth should pause
significant agreements with Rus- Man's exploratory in
sia have been lost. The disarma- ways been a libera
ment talks at Geneva are still force, although it h
bogged down in technicalities and misused and applied
mutual distrust. The prognosis for tive purposes (ma
passage of the proposed tereaty colonialism).
internationalizing the moon and If a way can be
planets seems poor unless the
general political atmosphere be- creasuterspnational
tween East and West can be im- towards more interna
proved. standing at home
Still one more important reason clearer.
is added to the accumulating
bundle of evidence that the Viet NO DOUBT, the
Nam war is costing the U.S. more
economically and politically than priorities - urban1
it is worth, not to mention the opultionrexplosion
needless carnage which is char- tinis-o wd
acteristic of this modern war-in- tionalism-to which
miniature. should devote much
Meanwhile, Americans can take tion. But the space p
a breather from the daily reports breather from weigh
of political in-fighting and tragic -is also important
self imolation in Saigon and ad- ighasoritans
mire the accomplishments of its right, for its helps m
scientists and engineers in this sense of perspectivea
week of unprecedented space ac- in t me univrst Sche
tivity. what and cause him t
-his ideological rigidit
AT THIS WRITING, the suc-h olgical rigdits
cess of the Surveyor soft-landing political conflicts.
attempt on the moon is not yet Most of all, man's i
clear. If the mission succeeds, in- ity about his univer
valuable pictures will be televised impels him to cont
back to earth which will help ploration. This is a h
significantly in the plans to land ing process, and tho
a man on the moon before the end become too blase an
of this decade. appreciate it are to b
Mr. Wu Ha n
BUT, SAYS today's propaganda, nese ought "to lear
Wu published his essays "without American people." TI
explanation." Thus, attacks on tion carefully points
one-man and one-party rule could American people Wu
have another meaning. By then were "not the genuin
Mao had all the power and glory. Communist language
Now the party finds that Wu munists are genuine p
managed "to sneak into the revo- The party says Wu
lutionary camp" in the 1940's. It unthinkable thingsF
finds that in reality, all the in- liberty and freedom
tervening time he was serving press, travel and oti
Chiang and "the reactionaries" as election rights."
a tool of the "U.S. imperialists." There must be m
He sought a "middle road," thus Han in China. The d
indicating a belief that the Com- name Yang Hsien-ch
munist party did not represent Yang, two years ago,
the Chinese people. At one time, of the Higher Comn
the accusers say, he "brazenly School, a positiont
praised U.S. troops as democratic trust, and a leading
fighters." That was in World War He has been purged
II days when the Americans as "modern revisionism.'
well as the Chinese were fighting
the Japanese and the other axis SUCH CASES indic
powers. Politburo jitters. Atta
ern revisionism" shoo
WU COMMITTED yet other sins. must have been influ
He forgot the importance of class viet ideas. Apparent
hatred in two historical plays. creasingly difficult to
The party now discovers that enforce the regime's
before 1943 Wu had said the Chi- monotonous austerity
pace mission,
irtim of tech-
the past, also
experiments
a's maneuver-
his ability to
with a target
complain that
divert atten-
om more im-
here on the
and think.
stinct has al-
ting creative
as also been
for exploita-
inly through
found to in-
cooperation
taps the path
tional under-
can become
e are urgent
ghettos, the
n, the dan-
uropeandna
h the U.S.
more atten-
rogram, while
psychological
tier problems
in its own
an to gain a
about his role
Mme of things,
Mle him some-
o re-evaluate
ies and petty
nnate curios-
se irresistibly
inue his ex-
ealthy, excit-
se who have
d cynical to
be pitied.
4
4'
*:
The Strange History oJ
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
Associated Press Special Correspondent
J UDGING by a vast flood of
propaganda from Peking, the
blackest enemy of the Chinese
Communist party is a Chinese
Communist official named Wu
Han.
The indictment against Wu Han
is a fascinating exercise in Com-
munist logic. To hear Peking tell
it, Wu is the center of a threat
to the existence of the Red re-
gime.
WU HAS BECOME the main tar-
get of a countrywide campaign of
denunciation of "antiparty, anti-
Communist elements." The cam-
paign has such a hysterical sound
that it suggests a degree of panic
in high places.
Mao Tze-tung's Politburo has
made Wu and his supporters ob-
ject lessons. What is happening to
them serves as a warning of what
can happen to anyone who toys
with the idea of opposing Polit-
buro policies.
As the Politburo tells it, Wu
Han as long as seven years ago
"revealed his true face." But in
those seven years he remained
vice president of the Peking City
Council, or deputy mayor, and a
respected historian and theoreti-
cian.
THE PROPAGANDA fails to say
why, if he revealed himself in
1959, he was not ousted then. It
fails to say why, if Wu's works
clearly labeled him then as an
"enemy of the people," the Com-
munist state continued to publish
his works.
Wu just happens to be In the
center of a swirling, violent drive
against intellectuals and others-
some inside the party, some in-
side the armed forces-now accus-
ed of threatening the Politburo's
rule. So the regime has construct-
ed a case against Wu and flashed
a signal for a drive against "ene-
mies" throughout the nation of
700 million.
THE CASE is based on Wu's
writings since the 1940's. In those
days the Communists, including
Mao, instructed their followers to
use any and all subterfuges for
infiltrating enemy ranks. But to-
day the things Wu wrote and said
in those days are part of the in-
dictment against him.
Wu has been a prolific producer
of historical and political essays
and other works. His allegories
about bandits and badmen in the
1940's would have been interpreted
as condemning Chiang Kai-shek,
the Nationalist leader ,and Chi-
ang's Kuomintang party. Not so
now, in retrospect.
In the 1940's Wu wrote that
"the people are suffering." He
claimed to champion "genuine
democratic politics"-as Commu-
nists out of power invariably do.
He wrote against one-party dicta-
torship. He deplored the sort of
rule which gave all wealth, glory
and power to one man.
These essays were published as
a book in 1959. In the context of
the 1940's, an attack on one-man
rule and one-party dictatorship
pointed to Chiang Kai-shek.
n from the
he denuncia-
out that the
talked about
e people." In
, only Com-
eople.
championed
as "personal
of thought,
hers such as
any like Wu
denunciations
ien for one.
was director
munist Party
of Politburo
theoretician.
as espousing
ate a case of
cks on "mod-
w that many
enced by So-
tly it is in-
sustain and
program of
t.,
+A
A STATE TROOPER sits in a radar car
under a bridge, watching the cars
whiz by at the legal limit of 70 m.p.h. All
of a sudden his radar picks up a car
travelling at 85 m.p.h., well over the lim-
it. As the criminal car zooms past, obliv-
ious of the trooper's presence, the patrol
car pulls out from its hiding place and
siren wailing and flashers flashing, be-
gins to give chase.
Hopefully, when the speeder sees that
the trooper is on his tail, he will pull
over to the side and a discussion of
Michigan's speed laws will follow. All
too often, the driver panics at the sight
of the flashing red light and steps on
the gas, hoping to evade the pursuing
patrol car. The trooper, determined to
"get his man" gives chase, sometimes
reaching speeds of over 100 m.p.h. in the
process.
THAT IT IS UNSAFE for two cars to
race along at over 100 m.p.h. while
other traffic is travelling 70 m.p.h. goes
without saying. Sometimes it leads to
disastrous results, such as the crash last
weekend which took three lives, as a
chased car collided into the rear end of
another vehicle, veered through a guard
rail and struck an overpass abutment.
Accidents such as this represent un-
necessary carnage and must be stopped.
If a trooper sees that a car he is at-
tempting to pull over is not going to
obey his signals, he should take the li-
cense number of the car and its driver
should be arrested at a later date not only
for speeding but also for resisting arrest.
Knowledge that such action will be
taken would probably result in most driv-
ers stopping at the policeman's signal.
But what of the others, those who still
rnanfA nuamv af +1.a .lre rlrrn hnan a rt
A$ BOTHERSOME as they may be,
roadblocks are very effective means of
stopping traffic. A trooper patrolling a
stretch of highway could simply radio
ahead to another patrol car, which would
stop all traffic until the first officer ar-
rived to identify the offending auto.
This mode of operations would not
please those drivers who were observing
the law, but it might save their lives by
taking the speeders off the road. And it
is infinitely safer than being in the midst
of a 100 m.p.h. chase.
THE CHASE may have been an effec-
tive means of capturing criminals in
the old days, when it was carried out
on horseback,, but chases in vehicles
weighing over a ton at over 100 m.p.h.
are too dargerous, and should be stopped.
-THOMAS COPI
Economics
IT WAS REPORTED yesterday that the
stock market was declining because of
peace talk about the war in Viet Nam.
While this reaction may seem a bit philis-
tine, one must remember that the inter-
ests of many investors are heavily wrap-
ped up in war industries and that the
expansion of the economy in the last
two years has been largely the result of
our expenditures in Asia.
Therefore, it is understandable that
many investors look upon impending
peace with something less than enthus-
iasm. The first glow of happiness gives
way to a worried frown as pocketbooks
start to ache.
Perhaps, in light of the great expan-
sion of the economy and the resulting
hbnefits tn Ameriean citizens we shn1
Democracy's Painful Awakening in Spain
EDITORS NOTE: The Author,
Director of Latin American and
Iberian Affairs for the U.S. Na-
tional Student Association, at-
tended the historic Barcelona
meeting of Spanish students this
spring. When theh meeting was
broken up by police, he was ar-
rested, questioned, and expelled
from Spain. This article is con-
densed from one which will ap-
pear in a future issue of the
American Student.
By FREDERICK E. BERGER
Collegiate Press Service
JACQUELINE KENNEDY'S re-
, cent visit to Spain drew criti-
cism from the American Society
for the Prevention of Cruelty to
Animals: Mrs. Kennedy committed
the unpardonable sin of attending
a bull fight. Apart from that,
though, her trip aroused no indig-
nation. The front pages were full
of charming pictures of her at
the annual Seville festival, dressed
in full Spanish regalia and on a
white horse.
From all appearances, one would
think there is nothing more rep-
rehensible in Spain today than the
torture and execution of bulls. In
reality, the people of Spain con-
tinue to live under the fascism of
Franco, an odd remnant of the
tyrannical system destroyed else-
where in Europe by World War II.
SPAIN IS AN anomaly today.
Isolated and remote from the New
Europe of rapid economic growth,
political freedom and regional in-
tegration, it is ruled by coercion
and guided by the principles of
19th century autocracy.
But underneath the surface,
things are changing. A spectacular
influx of tourists from the rest of
Europe in recent years has made
Spaniards aware of their political
same political rights and freedoms
ennjoyed by the rest of Europe.
But political liberalization will be
a slow and painful process.
THE ASPIRATION S of the
young, stirred by contact with
their contemporaries in France
and elsewhere, are growing fast-
er than the willingness of the re-
gime to accede to their demands,
most of which are elementary by
our standards. And it is precisely
in this area that Franco feels most
threatened and in which he is
most determined to resist change.
Those who remember the un-
imaginably cruel Civil War are un-
willing to risk violence. Only the
young are uninhibited by such
nightmarish memories, a n d
among them, the university stu-
dents are most exposed to the
intellectual and cultural (as well
as economic) influences from
abroad.
Thus the most articulate and co-
hesive opposition movement in
Spain today is the growing stu-
dent movement. The universities
are becoming the battleground in
the fight for freedom of expres-
sion and association.
IT IS REMARKABLE to observe
the awakening of each successive
generation as it enters the uni-
versity.
Because no opportunities for
higher education are available to
the middle and lower groups, the
overwhelming majority of univer-
sity students in Spain are from
the upper classes. Ironically, they
enjoy the greatest privileges and
have the brightest future. They
are also the most protected, for
they are generally the children of
citizens influential enough to
forestall drastic punishment.
and artists - men like Federico
Garcia Lorca, Antonio Macha-
do, Miguel de Unamuno, Pablo
Casals-were banished or destroy-
ed by the Fascitas, and that lit-
erary and artistic expression was
stifled after 1939.
THEIR CONSTRUCTIVE effort
to define a new cultural identity
comparable to those of other
countries leads inevitably to a
clash with the government.
The current student generation
traces this effort back to 1956
and the founding of the so-called
Frente de Liberacion Popular
(FLP). A movement of left-wing
Catholic and socialist elements,
it advocated violent uprisings all
over Spain. A rapid growth in
membership enabled the FLP to
provoke nationwide unrest, par-
ticularly among students and
workers in Madrid, Catalonia and
the Basque country. But confront-
ed with savage repression and
mass arrests, it collapsed as sud-
denly as it arose.
The FLP, however, was able to
plant the seed of opposition with-
in the universities. Seeking to re-
identify with Spain's cultural her-
itage and deeply concerned with
political freedoms, the embryo
movement chose as its specific
target the government-controlled
Spanish University Syndicate
(SEU).
ALTHOUGH ostensibly a stu-
dent organization, SEU's top offi-
cers received their appointments
directly from the Franco regime
and, in turn, appointed the dele-
gates from the various universities
and departments. For the first
time, in 1957, the government per-
mitted free elections of class dele-
gates, the lowest level of the SEU
hierarchy. All other levels re-
came involved, and the govern-
ment was forced to make a second
major concession: the Department
Councils, the second lowest level
of SEU, were made elective, al-
though their authority and inde-
pendence were simultaneously cur-
tailed.
THIS INCENTIVE stimulated
the formation of semi-political
university groups which, though
they represented the parties and
alliances, had a far greater poten-
tial for attracting the broad, apol-i
itical mass of students.
One of the first such groups
to be formed was the Democratic
University Federation of Spain,
centered in Madrid. Its leadership
was largely socialist, but other
groups were also represented, not-
ably the Communist party and
some left-wing Catholic tenden-
cies. Under its leadership, the
campaign against SEU was
launched on a massive scale. These
were crucial years, years in which
students grew expert in the tech-
niques of propaganda and orga-
nization in the face of constant
persecution and harrassment by
the police.
Meanwhile, similar groups ap-
peared independently in other ma-
jor universities. Finally, in De-
cember 1963, representatives from
10 universities met secretly in
Madrid to form a national orga-
nization. The result was CUDE-
the Spanish Democratic Student
Confederation.
CUDE ISSUED a manifesto and
a declaration of principles, call-
ing for curriculum reform, better
professors, and a week-long
"teach-in" on academic freedom
and reform which has since be-
come an annual climax of student
activism.
stage of mass participation began.
During the summer and fall
of 1964, CUDE held a series of
clandestine meetings to formulate
strategy for the coming academic
year. It decided to focus its ef-
forts on the Department Coun-
cils, to which many of its mem-
bers had already been selected.
One by one, the Department
Councils began to disaffiliate from
SEU.
THOUSANDS of students all
over Spain participated in "Free
Assemblies" held during the spring
of 1965 in Madrid, Barcelona, Bil-
bao, Valencia, and elsewhere, and
presided over by elected members
of the Department Councils. They
voted to disaffiliate from SEU
and form a democratic syndicate
in its place, based initially on the
Free Assemblies.
A National Coordinating Meet-
ing of representatives from the
Free Assemblies and the centers
that had withdrawn from SEU
met in Barcelona in March 1965
and again a month later. These
meetings represented a turning
point for the Spanish student
movement: they were the first
steps toward a national student
syndicate based on formal, demo-
cratic procedures on the local lev-
el.
REPRESSION continued, but
the authorities recognized that it
was futile. Franco attempted to
reassert his authority over the
students through a dramatic but
meaningless reform of SEU. He
called for "democratic elections"
on all levels of the SEU hierarchy,
but quietly transferred all the
functions and powers of the or-
ganization to appointed "commis-
sars" (sic!). Though he failed, as
we shall see, in his ultimate goal
of regaining control of the stu-
dent movement, he succeeded in
on.
4