Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BYS TUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS SOUND and FURY by Clarence Fanto Space Exploration: After the Fireworks 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MicH. NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, JUNE 2, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER Hell, Man, These People Have Got To Eat! THE GREAT SOCIETY and all that lies to make his third attempt at a high behind the coining of that victory school diploma when the draft beckons. slogan are not dead regardless of the slow death of that particular legislative A 20-YEAR-OLD WOMAN steals shoes program in the House--one more victim for her children because she cannot to that tolling debacle of the '60's, the war afford them on the sum allotted by the in Viet Nam. local ADC Bureau. She looks for a job The administration has become so en- but has one big handicap, she does not chanted with the faultily painted picture have a high school diploma. At 15 there of the U.S. as the democratic knight in was no pressure in her society to finish (literally) shining armor that, in the school. process of building a castle for the feud- A student enters the bus at Ypsilanti ing factions in South Viet Nam its own and is deposited at the smoke infested drawbridge is beginning to crumble, and corner of a "bad neighborhood." there is pollution in the moat. A Spanish-American family gaze with In the face of automation, the will of wonder through the softly colored win- the individual has become tainted with dows of the bus at the surrounding signs the smog of the perennial exhaust pipe. of American wealth. Air conditioners, government offices, bu- A man with the smell of cheap whiskey reaucratic bureaus and ivory towers keep clinging to his breath complains of the the polluted air out. But the time has 15%/ hour trek to Virginia. He asks with come to open the windows, there are too wonder if I've ever been on an airplane; many people on the outside looking in. decides the cost may be worth the saving In a bus, riding the cement-paved thor- of time (why be in a hurry to get to oughfares of America, one gets the view Virginia?); boasts that he works for one from here, the view from the back of the of the three largest factories outside of bus, and sorrowfully watches the Great Detroit and has picked up his pay check Society roll by. today, and lapses into slumbering peace. THE rINEVITABLE AGE of retirement VIET NAM POSES no immediate threat has established old men on benches to these statistics on the poverty sheets staring at the kaleidescope mass of haz- lying forgotten on legislative desks. They ardous chrome inches away from the merely transfer their identity, perhaps steadily shrinking green haven set aside with different faces, to a new statistic by the civic minded community. sheet, probably the draft or the casualty Children frolic beneath the protecting list. They shut the dim awareness of shade of a slum clearance projectone their limited numerical value to the gov- block from the thriving, choking factory ernment out of their minds. "Hell man, me and my kids have got to eat." and the bustling rear of the freeway. And indeed they do. But first on the "**** & Sons" lies crumbling at the agenda is the mass stuffing of every newly entrenched feet of a multi-state ndthreatened nation unprotected from industry, whose only occupant at the mo- the raging red fire of totalitarianism, ment is a "Help Wanted" sign. Communism, or whatever label is in style Three blocks from the "Help Wanted" at the time. We protect our own with sign vacant faces roam the streets sur- clever slogans and banners of peace while rounded by detestable structures called we send their sons to die. home by those who are too wealthy to The mass reaction to such homilies is live in the tenements. symbolized by a card framed in the back A woman with defeat engraved on her of a cab. aging features marches the 10 children "This card is free. It isn't good for any- to the supermarket, wondering how she thing, it's just free. Compliments of the will be able to feed the eleventh. Great Society." A 40-year-old man completes the high school course of Algerba II at night in PRESIDENT JOHNSON, if you have the order to be foreman of his factory divi- time in between escalations, take a sion. His wife has shots of cortisone in- bus ride through your great society-my jected daily so she can still climb the treat. steps to the packaging factory where she Hell, man, these people have got to eat. earns $1.50 an hour. Their son is about -PAT O'DONOHUE The Chase: Get a Horse THIS WEEK'S United States -space spectacular-the Gemini 9 mission and the Surveyor at- tempt to make a soft landing on the moon-has once again brought forth cries of indignation from those who contend that this coun- try is wasting its time and money on the space program. It would be better to spend these funds on the poverty program or other domestic welfare projects, these critics argue. The space competition with the Soviet Un- ion is criticized as a childish form of cold-war rivalry which drains funds from more worthy pro- grams. THOSE SUPER humanists who oppose or are suspicious of many scientific endeavors should exam- ine their history books. Man's urge to explore his environment- wlether on the earth or in space -has always been a vital part of his intellectual and scientific creativity. When Edmund Hillary, one of the intrepid explorers who ascended Mount Everest in 195' was asked why he had attempted the feat, he repliedh"because it is there." The same answer might be given to those who question why the United States should spend its resources on the exploration of space and manned landing on the moon. Thepossibilities which are opened by the possibility of inter- planetary space travel are limit- less. If this nation were to aban- don or limit its space exploration programs, it would be acting con- trary to human nature, which has always sought to explore the un- charted territories on our own planet as well as the great un- known of outer space. WHEN CRITICS point to the U.S.-Soviet rivalry and competi- tion in space exploration, they are on the right track. There is no reason why increased cooperation between these two superpowers- both of which have more interests in common than might have been supposed at the height of the cold war-could not materialize and help eliminate expensive, wasteful duplication of research. Unfortunately, the Soviets have been somewhat less than willing to share their findings with the outside world. The prestige they have gained through their space spectaculars and steady progress in space exploration has probably been indispensable and has helped obscure Russian propaganda set- backs elsewhere. But U.S.-Soviet tensions (al- though temporarily revived be- cause of the Viet Nam war) have been generally reduced as the Soviet political system moderates through economic gains. Were it not for the Southeast Asian con- flict, new gains in East-West co- operation would most likely be made. The U.S. has shown itself rela- tively unenthusiastic aboutrthe possibility of increasing coopera- tion with Russia in space explora- tion. But recent signs indicate that a new atmosphere may be developing, potentially conductive to future space cooperation. EARLY LAST MONTH, Presi- dent Johnson proposed a treaty that would ban weapons of mass destruction in outer space as well as weapons, tests and military maneuvers. Such a proposal would leave the moon and other outer- space bodies "free for exploration and use by all countries." Johnson advocated a policy through which no country would be permitted to advance the claim of sovereignty over any outer- space planet or r other body; all countries would cooperate in scientific activities relating to celestial bodies; and a treaty in- ternationalizing the moon and other outer space bodies would be concluded as soon as possible. This week, the Soviet Union re- plied with a proposal that was strikingly similar to the Presi- dent's plan. ACCORDING TO a letter sub- mitted by Soviet Foreign Ambas- sador Andrei Gromyko, the four Soviet principles included a call for cooperation and mutual as- sistance among nations involved in the exploration of celestial bodies; "the exploration of these bodies, should be carried out for the bene- fit of all mankind and the bodies are not subject to any territorial claims"; The moon and other celestial bodies should be used for peaceful purposes only; and the moon and other bodies should be free for exploration and use by all countries without discrimination. obviously, there are few dif- ferences in the American and the Soviet proposals for the inter- nationalization of outer space. Passage of a treaty guaranteeing these principles-probably through the United Nations-would cer- tainly constitute a major advance in international cooperation of high long-term significance. For, if nations with rival ideol- ogies can agree on the mutual abandonment of political competi- tion in outer space, the time should not be oto far off when disarmament agreements and eco- nomic cooperation on the earth would become a reality. WHAT ARE THE obstacles to such agreements? The constant tensions aroused by the Viet Nam war are major factor contribut- The Gemini 9 s ing to the stagnation in U.S.- which has been the v Soviet relations during the past year. The period of detente and nical misfortunes in increased cooperation which fol- includes important lowed the near-catastrophic nu- designed to test man clear showdown over Cuba in late ability in space and 1962 is on dead center. link up a spacecraft Because of rigidity at the top "docking" site. levels of the State Department, These cynics who c fresh diplomatic ventures to in- the space projects( crease American-Russian coopera- tion and resources fr tion have sadly been lacking. Thus, portant goals right many golden opportunities to reach earth should pause significant agreements with Rus- Man's exploratory in sia have been lost. The disarma- ways been a libera ment talks at Geneva are still force, although it h bogged down in technicalities and misused and applied mutual distrust. The prognosis for tive purposes (ma passage of the proposed tereaty colonialism). internationalizing the moon and If a way can be planets seems poor unless the general political atmosphere be- creasuterspnational tween East and West can be im- towards more interna proved. standing at home Still one more important reason clearer. is added to the accumulating bundle of evidence that the Viet NO DOUBT, the Nam war is costing the U.S. more economically and politically than priorities - urban1 it is worth, not to mention the opultionrexplosion needless carnage which is char- tinis-o wd acteristic of this modern war-in- tionalism-to which miniature. should devote much Meanwhile, Americans can take tion. But the space p a breather from the daily reports breather from weigh of political in-fighting and tragic -is also important self imolation in Saigon and ad- ighasoritans mire the accomplishments of its right, for its helps m scientists and engineers in this sense of perspectivea week of unprecedented space ac- in t me univrst Sche tivity. what and cause him t -his ideological rigidit AT THIS WRITING, the suc-h olgical rigdits cess of the Surveyor soft-landing political conflicts. attempt on the moon is not yet Most of all, man's i clear. If the mission succeeds, in- ity about his univer valuable pictures will be televised impels him to cont back to earth which will help ploration. This is a h significantly in the plans to land ing process, and tho a man on the moon before the end become too blase an of this decade. appreciate it are to b Mr. Wu Ha n BUT, SAYS today's propaganda, nese ought "to lear Wu published his essays "without American people." TI explanation." Thus, attacks on tion carefully points one-man and one-party rule could American people Wu have another meaning. By then were "not the genuin Mao had all the power and glory. Communist language Now the party finds that Wu munists are genuine p managed "to sneak into the revo- The party says Wu lutionary camp" in the 1940's. It unthinkable thingsF finds that in reality, all the in- liberty and freedom tervening time he was serving press, travel and oti Chiang and "the reactionaries" as election rights." a tool of the "U.S. imperialists." There must be m He sought a "middle road," thus Han in China. The d indicating a belief that the Com- name Yang Hsien-ch munist party did not represent Yang, two years ago, the Chinese people. At one time, of the Higher Comn the accusers say, he "brazenly School, a positiont praised U.S. troops as democratic trust, and a leading fighters." That was in World War He has been purged II days when the Americans as "modern revisionism.' well as the Chinese were fighting the Japanese and the other axis SUCH CASES indic powers. Politburo jitters. Atta ern revisionism" shoo WU COMMITTED yet other sins. must have been influ He forgot the importance of class viet ideas. Apparent hatred in two historical plays. creasingly difficult to The party now discovers that enforce the regime's before 1943 Wu had said the Chi- monotonous austerity pace mission, irtim of tech- the past, also experiments a's maneuver- his ability to with a target complain that divert atten- om more im- here on the and think. stinct has al- ting creative as also been for exploita- inly through found to in- cooperation taps the path tional under- can become e are urgent ghettos, the n, the dan- uropeandna h the U.S. more atten- rogram, while psychological tier problems in its own an to gain a about his role Mme of things, Mle him some- o re-evaluate ies and petty nnate curios- se irresistibly inue his ex- ealthy, excit- se who have d cynical to be pitied. 4 4' *: The Strange History oJ By WILLIAM L. RYAN Associated Press Special Correspondent J UDGING by a vast flood of propaganda from Peking, the blackest enemy of the Chinese Communist party is a Chinese Communist official named Wu Han. The indictment against Wu Han is a fascinating exercise in Com- munist logic. To hear Peking tell it, Wu is the center of a threat to the existence of the Red re- gime. WU HAS BECOME the main tar- get of a countrywide campaign of denunciation of "antiparty, anti- Communist elements." The cam- paign has such a hysterical sound that it suggests a degree of panic in high places. Mao Tze-tung's Politburo has made Wu and his supporters ob- ject lessons. What is happening to them serves as a warning of what can happen to anyone who toys with the idea of opposing Polit- buro policies. As the Politburo tells it, Wu Han as long as seven years ago "revealed his true face." But in those seven years he remained vice president of the Peking City Council, or deputy mayor, and a respected historian and theoreti- cian. THE PROPAGANDA fails to say why, if he revealed himself in 1959, he was not ousted then. It fails to say why, if Wu's works clearly labeled him then as an "enemy of the people," the Com- munist state continued to publish his works. Wu just happens to be In the center of a swirling, violent drive against intellectuals and others- some inside the party, some in- side the armed forces-now accus- ed of threatening the Politburo's rule. So the regime has construct- ed a case against Wu and flashed a signal for a drive against "ene- mies" throughout the nation of 700 million. THE CASE is based on Wu's writings since the 1940's. In those days the Communists, including Mao, instructed their followers to use any and all subterfuges for infiltrating enemy ranks. But to- day the things Wu wrote and said in those days are part of the in- dictment against him. Wu has been a prolific producer of historical and political essays and other works. His allegories about bandits and badmen in the 1940's would have been interpreted as condemning Chiang Kai-shek, the Nationalist leader ,and Chi- ang's Kuomintang party. Not so now, in retrospect. In the 1940's Wu wrote that "the people are suffering." He claimed to champion "genuine democratic politics"-as Commu- nists out of power invariably do. He wrote against one-party dicta- torship. He deplored the sort of rule which gave all wealth, glory and power to one man. These essays were published as a book in 1959. In the context of the 1940's, an attack on one-man rule and one-party dictatorship pointed to Chiang Kai-shek. n from the he denuncia- out that the talked about e people." In , only Com- eople. championed as "personal of thought, hers such as any like Wu denunciations ien for one. was director munist Party of Politburo theoretician. as espousing ate a case of cks on "mod- w that many enced by So- tly it is in- sustain and program of t., +A A STATE TROOPER sits in a radar car under a bridge, watching the cars whiz by at the legal limit of 70 m.p.h. All of a sudden his radar picks up a car travelling at 85 m.p.h., well over the lim- it. As the criminal car zooms past, obliv- ious of the trooper's presence, the patrol car pulls out from its hiding place and siren wailing and flashers flashing, be- gins to give chase. Hopefully, when the speeder sees that the trooper is on his tail, he will pull over to the side and a discussion of Michigan's speed laws will follow. All too often, the driver panics at the sight of the flashing red light and steps on the gas, hoping to evade the pursuing patrol car. The trooper, determined to "get his man" gives chase, sometimes reaching speeds of over 100 m.p.h. in the process. THAT IT IS UNSAFE for two cars to race along at over 100 m.p.h. while other traffic is travelling 70 m.p.h. goes without saying. Sometimes it leads to disastrous results, such as the crash last weekend which took three lives, as a chased car collided into the rear end of another vehicle, veered through a guard rail and struck an overpass abutment. Accidents such as this represent un- necessary carnage and must be stopped. If a trooper sees that a car he is at- tempting to pull over is not going to obey his signals, he should take the li- cense number of the car and its driver should be arrested at a later date not only for speeding but also for resisting arrest. Knowledge that such action will be taken would probably result in most driv- ers stopping at the policeman's signal. But what of the others, those who still rnanfA nuamv af +1.a .lre rlrrn hnan a rt A$ BOTHERSOME as they may be, roadblocks are very effective means of stopping traffic. A trooper patrolling a stretch of highway could simply radio ahead to another patrol car, which would stop all traffic until the first officer ar- rived to identify the offending auto. This mode of operations would not please those drivers who were observing the law, but it might save their lives by taking the speeders off the road. And it is infinitely safer than being in the midst of a 100 m.p.h. chase. THE CHASE may have been an effec- tive means of capturing criminals in the old days, when it was carried out on horseback,, but chases in vehicles weighing over a ton at over 100 m.p.h. are too dargerous, and should be stopped. -THOMAS COPI Economics IT WAS REPORTED yesterday that the stock market was declining because of peace talk about the war in Viet Nam. While this reaction may seem a bit philis- tine, one must remember that the inter- ests of many investors are heavily wrap- ped up in war industries and that the expansion of the economy in the last two years has been largely the result of our expenditures in Asia. Therefore, it is understandable that many investors look upon impending peace with something less than enthus- iasm. The first glow of happiness gives way to a worried frown as pocketbooks start to ache. Perhaps, in light of the great expan- sion of the economy and the resulting hbnefits tn Ameriean citizens we shn1 Democracy's Painful Awakening in Spain EDITORS NOTE: The Author, Director of Latin American and Iberian Affairs for the U.S. Na- tional Student Association, at- tended the historic Barcelona meeting of Spanish students this spring. When theh meeting was broken up by police, he was ar- rested, questioned, and expelled from Spain. This article is con- densed from one which will ap- pear in a future issue of the American Student. By FREDERICK E. BERGER Collegiate Press Service JACQUELINE KENNEDY'S re- , cent visit to Spain drew criti- cism from the American Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals: Mrs. Kennedy committed the unpardonable sin of attending a bull fight. Apart from that, though, her trip aroused no indig- nation. The front pages were full of charming pictures of her at the annual Seville festival, dressed in full Spanish regalia and on a white horse. From all appearances, one would think there is nothing more rep- rehensible in Spain today than the torture and execution of bulls. In reality, the people of Spain con- tinue to live under the fascism of Franco, an odd remnant of the tyrannical system destroyed else- where in Europe by World War II. SPAIN IS AN anomaly today. Isolated and remote from the New Europe of rapid economic growth, political freedom and regional in- tegration, it is ruled by coercion and guided by the principles of 19th century autocracy. But underneath the surface, things are changing. A spectacular influx of tourists from the rest of Europe in recent years has made Spaniards aware of their political same political rights and freedoms ennjoyed by the rest of Europe. But political liberalization will be a slow and painful process. THE ASPIRATION S of the young, stirred by contact with their contemporaries in France and elsewhere, are growing fast- er than the willingness of the re- gime to accede to their demands, most of which are elementary by our standards. And it is precisely in this area that Franco feels most threatened and in which he is most determined to resist change. Those who remember the un- imaginably cruel Civil War are un- willing to risk violence. Only the young are uninhibited by such nightmarish memories, a n d among them, the university stu- dents are most exposed to the intellectual and cultural (as well as economic) influences from abroad. Thus the most articulate and co- hesive opposition movement in Spain today is the growing stu- dent movement. The universities are becoming the battleground in the fight for freedom of expres- sion and association. IT IS REMARKABLE to observe the awakening of each successive generation as it enters the uni- versity. Because no opportunities for higher education are available to the middle and lower groups, the overwhelming majority of univer- sity students in Spain are from the upper classes. Ironically, they enjoy the greatest privileges and have the brightest future. They are also the most protected, for they are generally the children of citizens influential enough to forestall drastic punishment. and artists - men like Federico Garcia Lorca, Antonio Macha- do, Miguel de Unamuno, Pablo Casals-were banished or destroy- ed by the Fascitas, and that lit- erary and artistic expression was stifled after 1939. THEIR CONSTRUCTIVE effort to define a new cultural identity comparable to those of other countries leads inevitably to a clash with the government. The current student generation traces this effort back to 1956 and the founding of the so-called Frente de Liberacion Popular (FLP). A movement of left-wing Catholic and socialist elements, it advocated violent uprisings all over Spain. A rapid growth in membership enabled the FLP to provoke nationwide unrest, par- ticularly among students and workers in Madrid, Catalonia and the Basque country. But confront- ed with savage repression and mass arrests, it collapsed as sud- denly as it arose. The FLP, however, was able to plant the seed of opposition with- in the universities. Seeking to re- identify with Spain's cultural her- itage and deeply concerned with political freedoms, the embryo movement chose as its specific target the government-controlled Spanish University Syndicate (SEU). ALTHOUGH ostensibly a stu- dent organization, SEU's top offi- cers received their appointments directly from the Franco regime and, in turn, appointed the dele- gates from the various universities and departments. For the first time, in 1957, the government per- mitted free elections of class dele- gates, the lowest level of the SEU hierarchy. All other levels re- came involved, and the govern- ment was forced to make a second major concession: the Department Councils, the second lowest level of SEU, were made elective, al- though their authority and inde- pendence were simultaneously cur- tailed. THIS INCENTIVE stimulated the formation of semi-political university groups which, though they represented the parties and alliances, had a far greater poten- tial for attracting the broad, apol-i itical mass of students. One of the first such groups to be formed was the Democratic University Federation of Spain, centered in Madrid. Its leadership was largely socialist, but other groups were also represented, not- ably the Communist party and some left-wing Catholic tenden- cies. Under its leadership, the campaign against SEU was launched on a massive scale. These were crucial years, years in which students grew expert in the tech- niques of propaganda and orga- nization in the face of constant persecution and harrassment by the police. Meanwhile, similar groups ap- peared independently in other ma- jor universities. Finally, in De- cember 1963, representatives from 10 universities met secretly in Madrid to form a national orga- nization. The result was CUDE- the Spanish Democratic Student Confederation. CUDE ISSUED a manifesto and a declaration of principles, call- ing for curriculum reform, better professors, and a week-long "teach-in" on academic freedom and reform which has since be- come an annual climax of student activism. stage of mass participation began. During the summer and fall of 1964, CUDE held a series of clandestine meetings to formulate strategy for the coming academic year. It decided to focus its ef- forts on the Department Coun- cils, to which many of its mem- bers had already been selected. One by one, the Department Councils began to disaffiliate from SEU. THOUSANDS of students all over Spain participated in "Free Assemblies" held during the spring of 1965 in Madrid, Barcelona, Bil- bao, Valencia, and elsewhere, and presided over by elected members of the Department Councils. They voted to disaffiliate from SEU and form a democratic syndicate in its place, based initially on the Free Assemblies. A National Coordinating Meet- ing of representatives from the Free Assemblies and the centers that had withdrawn from SEU met in Barcelona in March 1965 and again a month later. These meetings represented a turning point for the Spanish student movement: they were the first steps toward a national student syndicate based on formal, demo- cratic procedures on the local lev- el. REPRESSION continued, but the authorities recognized that it was futile. Franco attempted to reassert his authority over the students through a dramatic but meaningless reform of SEU. He called for "democratic elections" on all levels of the SEU hierarchy, but quietly transferred all the functions and powers of the or- ganization to appointed "commis- sars" (sic!). Though he failed, as we shall see, in his ultimate goal of regaining control of the stu- dent movement, he succeeded in on. 4