TO SUPPLEMENT TREATIES:
Seventy-Fifth Year
EDrrED AND MANAGED BY STUNmrS Of THE UNIVERSrrT OF MICHIGAN
UNDE& AUTHORrTY OF BOARD IN COwmROL Of STUE'NT PvBLIcATIONS
*
Nuclear-Free Zones Must BeA
..9 , _g _ :x
Where Opinions Are Pree, 420 MAYNARD Sr., AN APJDOR, Mrai.
Truth :Will Prevail'
NEWS PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, AUGUST 5, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT HIPPLER
The Repeal of Section 14B.
A Dangerous Move
NOW THAT THE REPEAL of Section 14B If many of the industries did go out of
of the Taft-Hartley Act has cleared business the union would not only have
the House by a slim margin, the advis- harmed the industry but its members by
ability of the bill can once more be ques- throwing them out of work. The states
tioned. would become even more industrially dry
Rep. Weston Vivian (D-Mich) issued a and economically depressed.
statement shortly after the vote, listing Even though the moral question has
his reasons for voting for the repeal. He been thrown out as trivial by critics of
said that the 19 states affected by the 14B it must be given consideration. Is
bill had been pulling a large amount of it right to force a man to join any orga-
industry from the state of Michigan. If nization against his will. If it is, then
this was the only reason Vivian voted for the American ideal of individual freedom
the bill and if his reason is representa- of choice and self determination is as
tive of those of congressmer, then the dead as the saber-toothed tiger.
bill was totally misrepresented.
Although it has been said repeal of 14B AMERICAN UNIONISM always brings to
does not require compulsory unionism, in mind the names of Iave Beck and
effect, it does. In order to fulfill the un-Jimmy Hoffa. Union corruption is open-
ions requirements a worker must pay ly widespread and undoubtedly even more
dues to the union. Perhaps union dues widespread under cover.
represent no more of a man's salary than The course of contemporary history in-
social security payments, but the ques- sured the corruption of unions by the
tion remains - does he get maximum popular and governmental sanctions
value for his money? placed on them. In the beginning of the
labor movement the men who came to the
Basically, union dues serve two pur- fore as union leaders were simply un-
poses: they pay the union staff members skedabore a laresmeasuo
and support the labor lobby in Washing- skilled laborers with a large measure of
ton and various state capitals W opportunism. They saw a rising tide and
cashed in on it.
This was not a bad thing as long as the
THE FUNCTION of the union is to bet- Thswsntahdtiga oga h
trtheUNCtion of the unonkersTohet-9 individual worker received some benefits.
ter the position of the worker. The 19 No.hr is . siuto whr h n
states affected by the bill represent some Now there is a situation where the un-
of the most industrially dry areas in the skilled factory worker is receiving more
country, from Alabama to Utah. If com- money and fringe benefits than many
pulsory unionism was affected in these professional or semi-professional workers.
istates, the unions would immediately The union itself, not the union mem-
press for numerous additional benefits to bers but the core of paid union leaders
display, in the first place, their newly and staff members, has gained influ-
won power, and to an attempt to boost ence and economic control far out of
pay scales to national union standards. proportion to their actual economic
The industries in these states are for 'might.
the most part small and marginal. Higher THE INDIVIDUAL member has no co-
wages or a prolonged strike would in THE IDVnAm ember as hor
manyinsancs kil tem.hesive economic unity and therefore
many instances kill them, cannot effect change, except in the ca-
pacity of an individual consumer. The
union, on the other hand, has a sub-
o ly $p 4 B illhon stantial amount of influence in the mas-
sive industrial complex simply by threat
of a strike. The union has, the power to
THlE UNITED STATES is spending $50 paralyze the nation.
billion this year on its military. Why,? No one group should have that power.
To defend freedom and prevent tyranny.
The United States would have to spend By retaining 14B, however, union pow-
$4 billion to end the draft. er would have a real, even though small,
-K. WINTER curb.
No one faction should be allowed to
obtain more power or influence than is
P Atr1 Ftit iUI j due. An even balance between forces must
be presents for national stability and
JUDITH WARREN........................Co-Editor growth.
ROBERT HIPPLER.......................Co-Editor
EDWARD HERSTEIN................Sports EditorW
JUDITH FIELDS ................Business Manager WHEN THE BILL to repeal Section 14B
JEFFREY LEEDS....... ...... Supplement Manager comes before the Senate it must be
NIGHT EDITORS: Michael Badamo, John Meredith, voted down to maintain and promote this
Robert Moore, Barbara Seyfried, Bruce Wasserstein. balance of force.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich
Published daily Tuesday thrugh Saturday morning -MICHAEL BADAMO
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By LEONARD PRATT
The Last of Three Articles
VIRTUALLY THE only major
American effort currently be-
ing made to curtail the spread of
nuclear weapons is the conferences
at Geneva. This is certainly a
necessary effort and should be
continued. However, publicity on
the conferences implying that
they. are mankind's last hope for
peace has given the erroneous
impression that they are the only
way to prevent nuclear prolifera-
tion.
In fact, this is incorrect. There
are many alternatives left to
American foreign policy to attain
this vital goal, alternatives which
may have to be employed event-
ually, if, for example, a keyvna-
tion were to refuse to sign a pro-
liferation ban.
First on the agenda of such
American effortsashould be the
immediate removal of the three
blocs which United States foreign
policy has placed in the way of
an e f f e c t i v e antiproliferation
treaty. Diplomatic recognition of
Communist China, increased dip-
lomatic efforts to urge antipro-
liferation pledges on presently
non-nuclear nations and abandon-
ment of plans for allied or Atlan-
tic nuclear forces would go a long
way towardathe encouragement of
a Geneva pact and the easing the
world's nuclear strain in general.
BUT IN ADDITION to these
rather negative actions, dealing
with the destruction of blocs that
have already been created, there
are several positive and realistic
moves which America might make
to encourage an end to nuclear
proliferation.
Of course there is no world-
wide panacea. Actions must be
suited to the particular case to
ensure that they can deal with its
individual peculiarities with or
without the assistance of an anti-
proliferation treaty.
An area where pressures on
currently non-nuclear nations to
attain nuclear status are among
the greatest in East Asia, extend-
ing far enough west to include
India and Pakistan. In most of
these nations, with the notable
exception of the area centering on
North and South Viet Nam, U.S.
government contacts are primar-
ily diplomatic as opposed to mili-
tary. It follows that efforts to en-
courage an attitude of antipro-
liferation should be primarily dip-
lomatic in nature.
A MAJOR MOTIVE to acquire
nuclear weapons is undoubtedly
provided by the urge toward
seeking international status-the
urge to increase one's influence
in world affairs by belonging to
the "nuclear club."
This was certainly one of, if
not the, key motives in France's
and China's decisions to bid for
nuclear status. For example, the
Feb. 10, 1963 issue of "China
Youth" noted, "A country which
has fine delivery vehicles . . and
a large quantity of nuclear bombs
of great variety is a super-state,
and only a super-state is qualified
to lead the world and to control
and direct those countries which
do not havenuclear weapons or
have only a small number of nuc-
lear weapons without fine delivery
vehicles."
Thus the U.S. could advance the
cause of antiproliferation signifi-
cantly by a major diplomatic ef-
fort stating the obvious fact, that
the possession of some small num-
bers of atom bombs does not sig-
nificantly advance a country's
prestige or influence. Of course,
the fact that such an effort is
underway should not be overem-
phasized, unless the U.S. would
risk invalidating its -effectiveness
by making it seem that America
overly fears proliferation.
FORTUNATELY, the two na-
tions whose nuclear bids have
been so strongly influenced by
this international status seeking
are excellent examples of its fail-
ure. France may have been more
troublesome lately, but the root of
the troublesomeness does not lie
in her small atomic capacity.
China's nuclear detonation can
likewise be said to have had only
a small effect on America's re-
cent moves in East Asia.
Examples and reason thus com-
bine to make an excellent case for
the discouragement of nuclear
status seeking. It is a case which
should not go unemployed.
A strong security motive is also
likely to be working on East Asia's
non-nuclear nations. Overshadow-
ed militarily in almost every sense
by China, it must certainly be
tempting to them to wish to equal
her in the one area where they
can at the moment - nuclear
weapons. In addition a strong se-
curity threat certainly must seem
to loom over many of them who
are not at least neutral to Chinese
advances.
THEREFORE A diplomatic ef-
fort aimed toward these nations
which specifically downplays the
danger of Chinese nuclear threat
would certainlybe in order. It is
a fact that the Chinese nuclear
detonations do not now present a
threat to bordering nations; it is
also a fact that they will not do so
for several years at least. There is
no reason why these facts should
not be stressed diplomatically.
Later, as the Chinese nuclear
threat develops, it may certainly
prove necessary to take more ac-
tion of a defensive militaky nature
to assure the security of these
nations and thus prevent them
from wishing to develop nuclear
weapons. Such a thought must
certainly have been in President
Lyndon B. Johnson's mind when
he declared, two days after the
Chinese detonation, "the nations
that do not seek national nuclear
weapons can be sure that if they
need our strong support against
some threat of blackmail, they
will have it."
Nor would putting meat into
such an empty declaration be too
difficult a thing. The creation of
air-defense pacts with nations
that feel themselves particularly
threatened - Malaysia or India,
for example - has been proposed
and seems to suit the situation's
needs admirably.
SUCH PACTS would provide for
the stationing of U.S., British-
perhaps even Russian-air forces,
of a specifically defensive nature,
in the threatened country. The
investment by the protecting pow-
ers need not be large, as it will
be 10 years or so before Chinese
delivery systems acquiredgreat
sophistication. Danger of deepen-
ing committments could be pre-
vented by making the agreements
strictly defensive and u n d e r
United Nations supervision.
A policy with usefulness outside
East Asia has occasionally been
proposed by the Chinese them-
selves; that is the establishment
of nuclear-weapons free zones in
Asia in return for the establish-
ment of such zones in, say, South
America..
The United States would do
well to consider the establishment
of such zones as an important
minor objective of its foreign
policy. Their creation would cer-
tainly be a difficult process,
fought with disagreements about
adequate inspection procedures,
but it would certainly help in
easing the strain on the smaller
countries of East Asia.
WHILE, BECAUSE of probable
Chinese resistance to inspections,
a nuclear-free zone may be of
limited practicality in East Asia,
the concept may be able to play a
greater role in the world's other
hot spot of nuclear development
tension-the Middle East.
In the Middle East the pres-
sures encouraging nuclear develop-
ment stem not so much from de-
sires for prestige as from security
demands created by the Arab-
Israeli conflict. Diplomatic down-
play of nuclear advantages may
thus prove useless.
Declaring a free zone in the
area would provide both sides in
the conflict with a much needed
nuclear respite. It would assure
the Arabs that superior Israeli
technology would not suddenly
rain death on their cities and
people. A free zone would guar-
antee the Israelis that there would
be no surprise developments by
Nasser's German experts.
BY REMOVING the immediate
nuclear danger from both powers,
it would remove their desire and
their ability to reciprocate in the
creation of atom bombs. All would
breathe easier for it.
it is certainly easy enough for
the U.S. government to insist that
because it urgently desires a treaty
at Geneva it is doing everything
possible to prevent nuclear weap-
ons proliferation. In reality this
is far from the case.
Even if a nuclear treaty is cre-
ated, the policies outlined here or
others like them must still be
given a place in U.S. foreign
policy. For example, what would
happen if India didn't sign such
a pact? Clearly it would be mean-
ingless, for a key power in the
presently non-nuclear camp would
have refused to abide by it.
THERE IS thus an obvious need
for international mechanisms out-
side the Geneva conference and
any treaty they may produce. And
the U.S. government, for all its
"peace on earth" proclamations
is doing little to create them.
010
isdigltl-ocet hm
THREE DIRECTIONS:
SNCC Practices' Purest Democracy
By JACK NEWFIELD
EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is
reprinted from The Nation.
MORE THAN five years have
now passed since the Student
NonviolentaCoordinating Commit-
tee (SNCC) was formed during an
Easter weekend conference on the
campus of Shaw University in
Raleigh, N.C.
Since then, this battered broth-
erhood of organizers, poets, hip-
sters and visionaries2has grown
up to have a staff of 200 full-time
workers in the field, plus 250
full-time volunteers; an annual
budget of $800,000 and an evolv-
ing philosophy unburdened by
obsolete blueprints for utopia
from other generations or other
countries.
SNCCis simply the sum of its
experiences inside the eye of the
American dilemma.
SNCC IS MORE a chaotic
movement than a conventional
civil rights organization; the best
image for it is that of an amoeba
with pseudopods reaching out in
many directions. Compared the
well - organized and disciplined
S o u t h e r n Christian Leadership
Conference (SCLC), SNCC is a
happening.
Recoiling from the "cult of per-
sonality" that surrounds Martin
Luther King, the young anti-
heroes of SNCC has adopted a ro-
tating or egalitarian style of lead-
ership that baffles the rest of
the movement.
Whenever there is a summit
conference of civil rights leaders,
Dr. King, James Farmer, Roy Wilk-
ins and Whitney Young never
know which of a dozen possible
respresentatives of SNCC will
show up.
ASK A SNCC worker, "Who is
the head of SNCC?" and he'll
reply, "Man, we don't have any
leaders" or "The people lead
SNCC because they tell us, what
to do. We don't tell them."
The two most visible personali-
ties in SNCC are Chairman John
Lewis, introverted, the veteran of
39 arrests and an ordained min-
ister; and 37-year-old Executive
Secretary James Forman.
While Lewis' title is largely
ceremonial, Forman, with great
organizational skills and the in-
stincts of a Marine sargeant, has
become the most powerful indi-
vidual in SNCC. But his troops'
passion for spontaneity, individ-
ualism, and freedom is so marked
that he is still far from being
a "leader" in the conventional
sense.
ALTHOUGH HE has relin-
guished all formal titles, 30-year-
old Robert Parris is SNCC's other
center of gravity. He seems to
combine the qualities of the saint-
ly revolutionist Kropotkin with the
fav1 cnxn,101oi nhilncnnhna,. r a' c
along with Yale history professor
Stau'ghton Lynd, and pacifists
Dave Dellinger and Eric Wein-
berger, have opened up an office
in Washington to organize "stu-
dents, poor people and intellec-
tuals" around the war on Viet
Nam.}
THIS MOBILIZATION is not
conceived as the traditional and
mechanical coalition of peace and
civil rights "leaders," Rather, as
Cox explains it: "We have to con-
vince the country that civil rights
workers get killed in the South
because the government has a cer-
tain attitude toward killing in
Viet Nam. The concept thatr it is
all right to kill an 'enemy' affects
the morality of the country so
that people can be murdered
here."
Parris adds: "Most liberals
think of Mississippi as a cancer,'
as a distortion of America. But
we think Mississippi is an accu-
rate reflection of America's values
and morality. Why else can't the
people who killed Andrew, James
and Mickey be brought to justice,
unless a majority of the commun-
ity condones murder. Sheriff
Rainey is not a freak; he reflects
the majority. And what he did is
related to the napalm bombings
of 'objects' in Viet Nam."
This group of SNCC workers
and pacifists plans "continuous
activity in Washington through
the summer to end the war in
Viet Nam." Massive civil disobed-
ience is planned for Hiroshima
Day, Aug. 6, and a march of "un-
represented poor people" on Nag-
asaki Day, Aug. 9.
0
-Associated Press
SNCC WORKERS WERE among the leaders of massive demonstrations held this winter in racially
tense Selma, Ala. Above, 500 marchers crowd the steps and sidewalk in front of the Selma City Hall
in protest of the Alabama voting
Northerners a n d Southerners;
there are rambunctious teenagers
and stooped adults in their 60s;
there are gifted poets like Jane
Stembridge, complex Negro intel-
lectuals like Stokley Carmichael,
white Southerners like Robert
Zellner and former sharecroppers
like Mrs. Fannie Lou Hamer.
BECAUSE OF this pluralism
within a framework of individual-
ism, only a few generalizations fit
all of the animal called SNCC. It
is nonviolent and profundly dem-
ocratic. Its strength derives from
grass-roots involvement with the
very poor.
Strongly anarchic in spirit
(though not in program), SNCC
instills in its workers skepticism
of all bureaucracy and all cen-
tralized authority - including its
own. And SNCC preaches and
practices participatory democracy
-the concept that everyone should
take part in all the decisions that
affect his life.
With this goes an almost mys-
tical faith in the ability of "the
little people"-the lumpen prole-
tariat-to change their condition
and govern themselves democrat-
ically; a vision which seems to be
the antitheses of Communist elit-
ism and authoritarianism.
TO WATCH A SNCC worker
function in the rural South is to
see democracy in its purest and
rawest form. He doesn't manipu-
late, control or direct discussions
at mass meetings, Instead, he de-
votes his attention to encouraging
h o ae ar- - - - -_cor rin ___ .
.. _ .,_ .. .. ., ..., __ ... .. _sw .
Last May, Fred Meely, a 23-
year-old veteran of the Mississippi
campaigns, sat in the deserted
SNCC store-front headquarters in
Montgomery and talked about the
difficulties of urban organizing:
"ALL SUMMER we just might
sit here and build a base in the
community. It doesn't mean any-
thing that we don't have an ac-
tive program going yet. We're not
concerned with time. We're just
going to let the people in the
community know we're here, be-
come involved in their daily lives,
and find out what it is they want
us to do.
"The cities are a whole new ex-
perience for us. Size is something
new to us. So is the problem of
dealing with an existing Negro
leadership that is conservative and
corrupt like the ministers and
lawyers here in Montgomery. This
middle class doesn't exist in places
like Greenwood or Holly Springs.
"Another reason the cities are
so. hard to crack is that Negroes
here are much less open to the
idea of nonviolence. And they are
more apathetic. They have a whole
different set of values from rural
farmers. There is a hard core of
hate and violence in every black
man in this city. Dozens of Ne-
groes get cut up in- fights every
Saturday night. Even those people
who come into the office looking
for help are filled with hostility
and looking for a fight."
IN EXPLORING the cities,
SNCC's strategv has been to give
groes, despite their Johnny Mathis
albums and green stamps as well
as the white liberals.
SNCC is also looking in a third
direction-foreign policy.
Although, plans are still tenta-
tive, several of SNCC's veterans,
including Bob Parris, Courtland
Cox and Stokley Carmichael,
BAWDY:
'Measure for Measure'
4
It's Worth Seeing
At Lydia Mendelssohn Theatre
SHAKESPEARE incorporated the whole spectrum of human emotion
in his plays, from bawdiness to purity and "Measure for Measure"
is no exception. With an accent on the former, this play, presented by
the University Players, is an experience one should not pass up.
Julietta is with child, and for this crime her fiance Claudio (Patrick
McElroy) must die. Angelo, the deputy acting in the absence of the
Duke, vows he will reprieve Claudio only if his sister Isabella yields
her body to him. The Duke, disguised as a monk, discovers this and
other aspects of the plot and invokes a happy ending (for most).
The University Players, individually and as a whole, deliver
splendid performances. Kathleen Thompson, as the chaste Isabella,
conveys the purity of her characterization with every swan-like gesture
and uneven vocal inflection. Both she and Kenneth Chomont (Angelo)
sustain their portrayals unfaulteringly throughout the production.
Chomont, clenching- his fists and gesturing grotesquely in the agony
of his guilt, is terrific as he acts to the pagan drums that signify his
passion. Lucio (Stephen Wyman), the comic gadfly, pesters everyone
with his Mephistopholean voice and face. The Duke (Thomas Mann-
ing) is the most poetic member, in word and manner, of the cast.
I
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