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May 11, 1965 - Image 2

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Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1965-05-11

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ul4r m-rhigau Badg l
Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVZRSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF' STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

I

TROUBLES LOOM:

U'

Activism Nears Crises

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, Micm.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorils printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDAY, MAY 11, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE

Activists at Berkeley
Need a New Cause

RECENT EVENTS at the University of
California's Berkeley campus seem to
indicate that the whole tone of the Berke-
ley revolution is changing.
The resignation of Mario Savio and
the dissolution of the Free Speech Move-
ment are the two occurences which seem
to be shaping and giving new character
to Berkeley activism.
Savio's resignation, which came April
2 at a rally on the steps of Berkeley's
famous Sproul Hall, was a result of what
he called "the essentially undemocratic
character of FSM." He was referring to
the hierarchial structuring of FSM. Pow-
er went to those students who were the
earliest joiners last fall rather than the
best qualified.
The dissolution of FSM came shortly
after Savio's resignation.
A NEW GROUP, known as the Free Stu-
dent Union, has been constructed on
FSM foundations and claims to take its
place. FSU, however, is using somewhat
modified tactics in its fight for what it
calls "political and social freedoms." The
primary weapon in FSU's untried arsenal
is the "Student Strike." Apparently the
FSU is to be run like any industrial un-
ion; when collective bargaining on an
issue breaks down it will call a strike.
FSU is in the process of organizing
numerous committees and hopes to be-
come "analogous to a trade union," ac-
cording to Jack Weinberg, early FSM'er
and spokesman for FSU. The new organi-
zation supposedly will be more democratic
and its leaders foresee a permanent group.
FSU organizers are aiming at a more ef-
fective group which will involve a larger
number of students in actual decision
making.
Unfortunately FSU has not demonstrat-
ed whether or not it has the support of
enough students to make astrike in any
way effective. Last fall the FSM mobilized
massive student support for a rather
clear-cut set of issues and a series of
straight forward policies.
Some observers say FSU is hazy and
ill-defined and it can ride on FSM's glory
only so long before it fails.
LAST FALL FSM had the benefit of a
concrete issue (the ban on political
solicitation on campus) and was able to
crystallize immediate student support in
the form of huge student protest.
FSU has no issue and will find it nec-
essary to dig out even the most trivial of
issues. A static protest group has no
chance of success. As Mario Savio said
in his speech at the University last fall
the success or failure of a protest de-
pends in great part on the gravity of the
issue at hand.

The resignation of Mario Savio from
protest actions marked the end of an era
in the Berkeley struggle. He was the sym-
bol of the Berkeley protests from the be-
ginning. Any success which FSM enjoyed
was due in large- part to his enthusiastic
and unending prodding of both his group
and the administration.
THERE IS PERHAPS a possibility that
. Savio's resignation from FSM is an
effort on his part to secure a leadership
role in FSU. This view is unlikely consid-
ering his statements concerning his "com-
plete withdrawal" from the Berkeley pro-
test movement.
One item which did much to hurt the
Berkeley movement was this year's Filthy
Speech Movement. This movement, or-
ganized by a very small number of stu-
dents, was an attempt to test the extent
of Berkeley's newly obtained freedoms of
speech by the public use of certain so-
cially unacceptable "dirty" words.
The Filthy Speech Movement took on
an absurd character and the nation
laughed at Berkeley. Most Berkeley stu-
dents reacted in disgust toward the move-
ment. Any favorable public image the
Berkeley movement might have acquired
last fall was completely destroyed by this
group.
The success or failure and direction of
FSU in the future is not simply a matter
of conjecture. There are some indications
as to the outcome of the new facets of
the Berkeley movement.
THE FREE STUDENTS UNION has taken
on a character which might be de-
scribed as futile and amusing. This char-
acter is demonstrated by FSU statements
such as, "We want to be able to bargain
collectively with the Regents and say,
'Baby, you give in or we strike'." And
further in immature flag waving like:
"Whether Mario Savio is here today or
not, the fight will continue until we are
free."
A saving grace for the Berkeley move-
ments is the reform achieved by FSM.
What changes it did cause have worked
for the betterment of Berkeley students
and have sounded a warning bell for aca-
demic and social reform on almost every
other college campus in the nation.
It is unfortunate that the valid pro-
tests of first the united front of campus
organizations and later the Free Speech
Movement last fall have degenerated into
a directionless movement with little pur-
pose.
THERE CAN BE no hope for FSU unless
it finds an issue of sufficient magni-
tude to urge Berkeley students once more
into action.
-MICHAEL BADAMO

EITOR' S NOTE: In today's
article, the fifth in a series, Philip
Sutin, Grad, continues to trace the
path of student activism at the
University from 1960 to the present.
By PHILIP SUTIN
A MAJOR EFFORT aimed at
increasing communications
within the University was the first
Conference on the University, held
in late May, 1962. Daily Editor
Tom Hayden had proposed such
a conference in the fall of 1960,
getting S t u d e n t Government
Council endrosement for the idea,
The following spring, he and a
fellow staff member had explain-
ed it in an article that took up al-
most an entire editorial page,
Arrangements for the conference
took almost an entire year.
The conference provided a use-
ful forum for discussion, but
changed nothing. Its backers had
hoped it could be used to stress
the need for reform, especially in
the OSA and educational philo-
sophy. No follow-up work was
donee and no reports on the con-
ference's findings were ever pub-
lished.
SGC'S ATTENTION was cen-
tered on the long and tedious job
of policing fraternity - sorority
bias. The issue was emotionally
charged and debate was long,
rambling, dilatory and unproduc-
tive.
Council spent November, 1961,
establishing a procedure for col-
lecting statements from recalic-
trant affiliates. A deadline was to
be set; sanctions would be im-
posed for its violation.
Debating the issue for five
hours at a stretch, SGC first set
a Jan. 17, 1962 deadline for the
statements. Hours were spent de-
ciding what the statments would
be used for-reference or perhaps
starting points for an investiga-
tion. The conservatives, seeking a
limited use for the statements,
were not well organized and nit-
picking debate ensued.
COUNCIL adopted the narrow
approach, limiting the statements
for reference only.
The second vital question was'
who would decide the statement's
adequacy. The affiliates stressed
the need for keeping the docu-
ments secret.
In February, 1962, a 60-day
period for affiliates filing adequ-
ate statements was granted. De-
bate followed similar lines, but
took less time.
Sigma Nu fraternity became the
first affiliate group tried under
the membership rules. The fra-
ternity had a membership clause
which stated "Members must be
men, free born and of free an-
cestry, without Negro blood."
The membership c o m m i t t e e
brought its indictment March 8,
1962. A hearing was held a month
later with Prof. Robert Harris of
the Law School as SGC counsel.
The outcome was inconclusive
as national Sigma Nu granted the
chapter a waiver on its member-
ship clause, in part due to the be-
hind the scenes urging of then
dean of men Walter Rea.
COUNCIL entered a new ' era
with the election in fall, 1961, of
Robert Ross and Steven Stock-
meyer. They came to symbolize
the left and right in campus poli-
tics. Ross was one of the original
founders of Voice, but at the time
of its founding was an undisci-
plined intellectual. But in the
summier of 1961, Ross attended
NSA'sInternational Student Re-
lations Seminar at the University
of Pennsylvania. He returned an
intense, articulate leader of acti-
vists.
Ross had charismatic charm.
He also was an effective debater
who was rarely stymied by his op-
ponent's arguments. When the op-
position occasionally got the bet-
ter of him, he backed it into a
corner with invective.

Stockmeyer prospered in two
political careers while at the Uni-
versity. He was a leader of both
the local and state Young Repub-
licans, working for Gov. George
Romney full time during the sum-
mer of 1962.
Stockmeyer had paler intellec-
tual and charismatic powers than
Ross, but led the majority on
council. The two vied for the SGC
presidency and became spokesmen
for opposing viewpoints on many
issues.
THE CONSERVATIVES h a d
not yet gained the cohesion they
achieved the following year, but
their greater unity was beginning
to show in lessened debate, fewer
dilatory amendments and more
bloc voting,
The year marked the end of
Council pronouncements on off-
campus issues. SGC did protest
the beating of Hayden in Mc-
Comb, Miss., but became increas-
ingly suspicious of off-campus
motions.
In the spring, David Croysdale
introduced a motion eliminating
off-campus pronouncements. His
proposal was eventually with-
drawn, but its spirit settled upon
council. SGC has rarely com-

chairman of the committee, was
found to have circulated a peti-
tion of Katy Ford. Miss Ford was
disqualified and Martin left the
political scene under a cloud.
Seeing the election meaningless
with two candidates on the ballot
eliminated, one after the first
day's voting, The Daily senior edi-
tors attempted to void the elec-
tion. They rounded up as many
election violation complaints as
they could and bombarded the
SGC committee with them.
MEANWHILE, Daily E d i t o r
John Roberts and Daily Editorial
Director Faith Weinstein tried to
convince all candidates to with-
draw, thus forcing another elec-
tion. However, Lawrence Monberg
refused, killing the scheme. Mon-

next to her printed name on the
ballot.
This debacle illustrated the
risks of The Daily took when it
actively intervened in campus
politics.
SGC'S RELUCTANCE to act in
off-campus political affairs did
not infect other campus groups.
NSA had provided at its summer
1961 congress a rationale for stu-
dent political action in its "Stu-
dent as a Student" basic policy
declaration. It asserted that stu-
dents, because they as students are
uniquely aware of and available
to participate in politics, must
act on the most important issues
of the times. It also broadly
stretched the areas of student
concern far beyond education.

just .mehitable
U' Expansionism
Harms Education
By Judith Warren
DURING the late 19th century, under the impetus of the Darwinian
revolution in science and the influence of young American in-
tellectuals who were impressed with the German higher educational
system, the scientific method was born.
This method stressed, above all, man's right to reach opinions and
theories freely without the threat of censorship. The scientific method
lay at the core of the reforms in the U.S. educational system and
became the rallying cry for proponents of academic freedom.
The reformers fought to free the colleges from the control of
religious groups and to establish themselves as non-sectarian insti-
tutions, dedicated to the ideal of the academic freedom of the German
universities.
THE DISPUTE that has arisen in recent months between the
University on one side, and Governor Romney, the Legislature, the
State Board of Education and every major newspaper in the state on
the other can be viewed with reference to the now established Ameri-
can tradition of academic freedom.
According to such a view, the University is fighting to maintain
its autonomy and freedom to expand whenever and wherever it wishes.
The state, on the other hand, is trying to restrict the University and
to limit its freedom to do what it wants.
This conception of the controversy is simple and easy to under-
stand-but it does not depict reality.
IN THE FIRST PLACE, the University is not free to do whatever
it wants. Although constitutionally autonomous, it depends for a third
of its annual budget on appropriations from the Legislature. In
addition, the newly created State Board of Education is potentially a
strong organ for state control-and there is a chance that it may
be made stronger by a constitutional amendment in the near future.
Through the power of appropriations and through the Board of
Education, the state clearly has some say in where and when the
University expands. The University must listen through necessity to
what the state has to say.
The state is now saying that the University should not expand
its present branch at Flint to a four year institution-while the
branch is under University control. It contends that the state's educa-
tional needs will be better met if Flint is allowed to expand as an
autonomous institution.

#

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-MOW o s ag A .J
N. ~r 5lAl

\ *y r

I

Where Does Vivian Stand?

berg was later found guilty of a
petitioning violation and not seat-
ed. The credential and rules com-
mittee spent 25 straight hours
sifting through the complaints af-
ter the election.
All these maneuvers threw the
election into a turmoil, producing
the classic Daily headline, "Elec-
tion Situation Unclear" and a bul-
letin that read "The Student
Government Council election will
be held today."
Miss Ford's fellow sorority sis-
ters, the Pi Phis, the most poli-
tically active sorority, felt out-
raged and waged a write-in cam-
paign that successfully elected
her. She placed third despite
SGC's not counting any vote cast
.Dead
End
At Hill Auditorium
THERE WERE a few moments
among the final fourconcerts
of this Spring's Ann Arbor Festi-
val when the bored behemoth from
Philadelphia raised itself upon its
toes and produced music of un-
expected charm.
For the rest, the programming
was so filled with the bombastic
that its heavy-handed pretentious-
ness was as stifling as the unair-
conditioned atmosphere of Hill
Auditorium.
Saturday afternoon, the re-
strained, brisk directing of assis-
tant conductor William Smith was
a refreshing departure from Or
mandy's over-efflusive, windmill
technique. He directed his own
arrangement of dances from Han-
del's "Alcina" and elicited from
his brothers the first consistently
refined sounds of the group's mu-
sical sojourn.
ANTICIPATIONS of hearing
more of the same were necessarily
abandoned as Mr. Ormandy re-
turned to the podium Saturday
evening. Giving his audience por-
tents of what was to follow, he
read Mozart's "Symphony No. 30
in D major" with noticeable lack
of subtlety.
Bass Ceasare Siepi provided
some refreshing diversion, abetted
by the genius of two Frenchmen,
Franck and Ravel. The intimacy
which Siepi established with his
audience was deserted only too
soon for another tour de force
from the touring force, a gate-
crashing rendition of Moussorg-
sky's "Pictures."
Sunday afternoon, Thor John-
son began his second appearance
with a frivolous, sometimes medi-
ocre, but entrancing suite of re-

Civil rights languished as peace
became the major issue of the day.
The resumption of nuclear testing
and Kennedy's fallout shelter,
campaign provided great impetus
to the peace movement.
The Association for Commit-
ment to World Responsibility,
which in the previous year had
done basic spadework which paved
the way for the founding of the
Peace Corps, turned to the pro-
ject of a world university.
A small group .of dedicated stu-
dents researched the possibility
and feasibility of a world univer-
sity, aimed at training interna-
tional civil servants. Several pub-
lic meetings were held, but most
work was done quietly and pri-
vately. ACWR also sponsored for-
eign language lectures and panels
on interantional affairs for foreign
students.
Michael Zweig spent the sum-
mer of 1962 in Europe studying
reports on world university which
eventually formed a small book.
The group worked diligently
and quietly through the next year
and a half before it faded from
the scene.
VOICE MADE peace a major
theme during the year. It helped
organize an Armistice Day rally
on the Diag which drew some
500 students in 1961. Two-hun-
dred twenty-five of them signed
a petition urging the U.S. -and
Russia to end nuclear testing. A
silent peace vigil was held on the
Diag for five days preceding the
rally.
In mid-February, 1962, 75 Uni-
versity students joined 5000 from
across the nation in a Washing-
ton demonstration, "Turn To-
wards Peace." The group picketed
the White House, lobbied with
congressmen and rallied by the
Washington Monument.
Turn Toward Peace was a coali-
tion which included such organi-
zations as the United Auto Work-
ers as well as peace and student
groups.
The march did not leave a great
political impact, but for Univer-
sity students it left many memo-
ries of good fellowship.
VOICE continued its campaign
against HUAC. On April 25, 350
persons attended a Voice and
YD-sponsored Diag rally to hear
Professors Eugene Feingold and
Arnold Kaufman condemn the
committee.
The Young Republicans and
Young Americans for Freedom
opposed the rally. Their officers,
in a Daily advertisement, endorsed
the HUAC function of ferreting
out Communists, but agreed that
some procedural reforms were
needed.
This period, in which non-SGC
activities did rather well, was the

UNIVERSITY OFFICIALS must seriously ask themselves if this
contention is true. Would an expanded University branch at Flint
help or hurt the quality of education offered at Flint and at the
Ann Arbor campus?
In answering this question University officials must deal with the
charge that has been leveled at them constantly in recent months-
that of "empire building." This accusation has in fact been true.
University administrators are indeed trying to construct an extensive
system of branches throughout the state and under the control of the
University.
But "empire building" is not, in itself, an evil. What is bad is
that, in building their "empire" the administrators are not significantly
improving educational opportunities for the students they enroll but
are-or rather will, if the Flint branch is allowed to expand- prob-
ably dilute the quality of their education.
THIS IS the crucial point. And it is because of this that educators
throughout the state are worried about the University's expansionist
policies at Flint. ,
University administrators need only look at the experience of
other states to find strong indications that the critics of the
University are correct in asserting that a four year University branch
at Flint would do harm to the state's educational system.
For example, California is reputed to have an excellent system of
higher education. However, below this generalization lies' the truth
that only the University of California at Berkeley is really an excellent
university. The other myriad banches are decent schools but certainly
not of the stature of the branch which gives California its reputation.
New York University also has many branches. The only one gen-
erally recognized as good is the branch in Greenwich Village, and
even its reputation rests on only a few departments.
"EMPIRE BUILDING" does not lead to better educational in-
stitutions-just bigger ones, with more branches for university public
relations men to point to.
One argument that is often cited by proponents of extensive
branches is that by affiliating with a larger university, which has an
established reputation, a branch can attract better professors. This
generalization is invalid.
Top professors are, in fact, attracted by an already established
faculty and, in many cases, resent being shunted off to some unknown
branch.
EXTENSIVE BRANCHES also present other problems. If Flint
remains a University branch, University administrators will have the
task of building it into a good educational institution.
However, they must also maintain the excellence of the Ann Arbor
campus-a task difficult enough without the added burden of main-
taining and developing another four year college.
In addition to these factors, a University branch at Flint would
have much less control over its own fate than an autonomous in-
stitution. It would have to account to University administrators,
whose hearts would be in Ann Arbor, as well as indirectly to the
Legislature.
Frustration arising from this lack of control over one's own fate,
coupled with a sense of neglect from being low on appropriations
priorities and low in the esteem of potential faculty members, is not
conducive to academic innovation or excellence.
THE UNIVERSITY is in a race with Berkeley for the top position
among the state schools. But does Berkeley's "empire" help the edu-
cational quality of its branches-or of Berkeley Itself? The same
question should be asked-and answered-here.
'MANY FACES'
About Two Hours of
Throwing the Bull
At the State Theatre
T HERE ARE three reasons why the critical viewer should steer
clear of the State Theatre this week.
First of all, the newsreel is the same one the Michigan is using,
except with a different accompanying monologue.
Second, the cartoon is one of those "Loopy De Loop" jobs, uniform-
ly the worst cartoons to be found anywhere. Even the "coming at-
tractions" bit is enough to put you to sleep.
LAST AND WORST is the main feature, "Love Has Many Faces"
-none. of which you'd want to see coming at you in a dark alley.
Cliff Robertson's early comment that the whole town is a "can of

t

ANN ARBOR'S ultra-liberal Democratic
congressman Weston E. Vivian is
caught on the horns of a dilemma. He
must retain the support of his left-lean-
ing activist supporters in order to get out
the vote in his bid for reelection in 1966,
while at the same time not alienating
his preponderately conservative and mod-
erate constituency.
Vivian has thus far managed to strad-
dle this razor sharp edge without slip -
ping. To placate the left-wing intellec-
tuals he voted against HUAC, been a
sponsor of the seating of the Mississippi
Freedom Democrats and marched on Sel-
ma. None can claim he has deserted the
liberal standard,
THE MAJORITY of voters in this area-
moderates and conservatives-in the
area are not likely to condemn him for
his actions on behalf of civil rights be-
cause public opinion now generally sup-
ports civil rights. In addition, HUAC has
receded into obscurity for most. In other
words, Vivian has acted wisely politically,
holding both sections of opinion.
For moderates and conservatives Vivian
is doing little more than replying to re-
quests for occasional assistance and petty
favors. But who can help but admire a

In an interview with the
week, Vivian refused to take
Viet Nam.

Daily last
a stand on

In addition, the congressman has not
answered a personal letter sent to him
about two months ago inquiring of his
stand on Viet Nam. Thus he has not sat-
isfied his party.
HE HASN'T SATISFIED the average vot-
'er on this issue. One must understand
that this congressional district was safe-
ly Republican until last year to realize
Vivian's jeopardy. In all likelihood, the
"typical voter" in the district looks upon
the professor-initiated, anti-Johnson ac-
tion as something disloyal, if not down-
right subversive. (Whether it is or not is
irrelevant for the purposes of this edi-
torial.)
Vivian is losing popularity among these
voters for not supporting Johnson's poli-
cies.
Thus Vivian is faced with alienation
of a substantial part of his support re-
gardless of the side he eventually takes.
If he tries to please the majority of his
constituency, he may find himself with-
out precinct workers for next year, or
maybe even with a primary opponent

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