ul4r m-rhigau Badg l Seventy-Fifth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVZRSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF' STUDENT PUBLICATIONS I TROUBLES LOOM: U' Activism Nears Crises Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, Micm. Truth Will Prevail NEWS PHONE: 764-0552 Editorils printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, MAY 11, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE Activists at Berkeley Need a New Cause RECENT EVENTS at the University of California's Berkeley campus seem to indicate that the whole tone of the Berke- ley revolution is changing. The resignation of Mario Savio and the dissolution of the Free Speech Move- ment are the two occurences which seem to be shaping and giving new character to Berkeley activism. Savio's resignation, which came April 2 at a rally on the steps of Berkeley's famous Sproul Hall, was a result of what he called "the essentially undemocratic character of FSM." He was referring to the hierarchial structuring of FSM. Pow- er went to those students who were the earliest joiners last fall rather than the best qualified. The dissolution of FSM came shortly after Savio's resignation. A NEW GROUP, known as the Free Stu- dent Union, has been constructed on FSM foundations and claims to take its place. FSU, however, is using somewhat modified tactics in its fight for what it calls "political and social freedoms." The primary weapon in FSU's untried arsenal is the "Student Strike." Apparently the FSU is to be run like any industrial un- ion; when collective bargaining on an issue breaks down it will call a strike. FSU is in the process of organizing numerous committees and hopes to be- come "analogous to a trade union," ac- cording to Jack Weinberg, early FSM'er and spokesman for FSU. The new organi- zation supposedly will be more democratic and its leaders foresee a permanent group. FSU organizers are aiming at a more ef- fective group which will involve a larger number of students in actual decision making. Unfortunately FSU has not demonstrat- ed whether or not it has the support of enough students to make astrike in any way effective. Last fall the FSM mobilized massive student support for a rather clear-cut set of issues and a series of straight forward policies. Some observers say FSU is hazy and ill-defined and it can ride on FSM's glory only so long before it fails. LAST FALL FSM had the benefit of a concrete issue (the ban on political solicitation on campus) and was able to crystallize immediate student support in the form of huge student protest. FSU has no issue and will find it nec- essary to dig out even the most trivial of issues. A static protest group has no chance of success. As Mario Savio said in his speech at the University last fall the success or failure of a protest de- pends in great part on the gravity of the issue at hand. The resignation of Mario Savio from protest actions marked the end of an era in the Berkeley struggle. He was the sym- bol of the Berkeley protests from the be- ginning. Any success which FSM enjoyed was due in large- part to his enthusiastic and unending prodding of both his group and the administration. THERE IS PERHAPS a possibility that . Savio's resignation from FSM is an effort on his part to secure a leadership role in FSU. This view is unlikely consid- ering his statements concerning his "com- plete withdrawal" from the Berkeley pro- test movement. One item which did much to hurt the Berkeley movement was this year's Filthy Speech Movement. This movement, or- ganized by a very small number of stu- dents, was an attempt to test the extent of Berkeley's newly obtained freedoms of speech by the public use of certain so- cially unacceptable "dirty" words. The Filthy Speech Movement took on an absurd character and the nation laughed at Berkeley. Most Berkeley stu- dents reacted in disgust toward the move- ment. Any favorable public image the Berkeley movement might have acquired last fall was completely destroyed by this group. The success or failure and direction of FSU in the future is not simply a matter of conjecture. There are some indications as to the outcome of the new facets of the Berkeley movement. THE FREE STUDENTS UNION has taken on a character which might be de- scribed as futile and amusing. This char- acter is demonstrated by FSU statements such as, "We want to be able to bargain collectively with the Regents and say, 'Baby, you give in or we strike'." And further in immature flag waving like: "Whether Mario Savio is here today or not, the fight will continue until we are free." A saving grace for the Berkeley move- ments is the reform achieved by FSM. What changes it did cause have worked for the betterment of Berkeley students and have sounded a warning bell for aca- demic and social reform on almost every other college campus in the nation. It is unfortunate that the valid pro- tests of first the united front of campus organizations and later the Free Speech Movement last fall have degenerated into a directionless movement with little pur- pose. THERE CAN BE no hope for FSU unless it finds an issue of sufficient magni- tude to urge Berkeley students once more into action. -MICHAEL BADAMO EITOR' S NOTE: In today's article, the fifth in a series, Philip Sutin, Grad, continues to trace the path of student activism at the University from 1960 to the present. By PHILIP SUTIN A MAJOR EFFORT aimed at increasing communications within the University was the first Conference on the University, held in late May, 1962. Daily Editor Tom Hayden had proposed such a conference in the fall of 1960, getting S t u d e n t Government Council endrosement for the idea, The following spring, he and a fellow staff member had explain- ed it in an article that took up al- most an entire editorial page, Arrangements for the conference took almost an entire year. The conference provided a use- ful forum for discussion, but changed nothing. Its backers had hoped it could be used to stress the need for reform, especially in the OSA and educational philo- sophy. No follow-up work was donee and no reports on the con- ference's findings were ever pub- lished. SGC'S ATTENTION was cen- tered on the long and tedious job of policing fraternity - sorority bias. The issue was emotionally charged and debate was long, rambling, dilatory and unproduc- tive. Council spent November, 1961, establishing a procedure for col- lecting statements from recalic- trant affiliates. A deadline was to be set; sanctions would be im- posed for its violation. Debating the issue for five hours at a stretch, SGC first set a Jan. 17, 1962 deadline for the statements. Hours were spent de- ciding what the statments would be used for-reference or perhaps starting points for an investiga- tion. The conservatives, seeking a limited use for the statements, were not well organized and nit- picking debate ensued. COUNCIL adopted the narrow approach, limiting the statements for reference only. The second vital question was' who would decide the statement's adequacy. The affiliates stressed the need for keeping the docu- ments secret. In February, 1962, a 60-day period for affiliates filing adequ- ate statements was granted. De- bate followed similar lines, but took less time. Sigma Nu fraternity became the first affiliate group tried under the membership rules. The fra- ternity had a membership clause which stated "Members must be men, free born and of free an- cestry, without Negro blood." The membership c o m m i t t e e brought its indictment March 8, 1962. A hearing was held a month later with Prof. Robert Harris of the Law School as SGC counsel. The outcome was inconclusive as national Sigma Nu granted the chapter a waiver on its member- ship clause, in part due to the be- hind the scenes urging of then dean of men Walter Rea. COUNCIL entered a new ' era with the election in fall, 1961, of Robert Ross and Steven Stock- meyer. They came to symbolize the left and right in campus poli- tics. Ross was one of the original founders of Voice, but at the time of its founding was an undisci- plined intellectual. But in the summier of 1961, Ross attended NSA'sInternational Student Re- lations Seminar at the University of Pennsylvania. He returned an intense, articulate leader of acti- vists. Ross had charismatic charm. He also was an effective debater who was rarely stymied by his op- ponent's arguments. When the op- position occasionally got the bet- ter of him, he backed it into a corner with invective. Stockmeyer prospered in two political careers while at the Uni- versity. He was a leader of both the local and state Young Repub- licans, working for Gov. George Romney full time during the sum- mer of 1962. Stockmeyer had paler intellec- tual and charismatic powers than Ross, but led the majority on council. The two vied for the SGC presidency and became spokesmen for opposing viewpoints on many issues. THE CONSERVATIVES h a d not yet gained the cohesion they achieved the following year, but their greater unity was beginning to show in lessened debate, fewer dilatory amendments and more bloc voting, The year marked the end of Council pronouncements on off- campus issues. SGC did protest the beating of Hayden in Mc- Comb, Miss., but became increas- ingly suspicious of off-campus motions. In the spring, David Croysdale introduced a motion eliminating off-campus pronouncements. His proposal was eventually with- drawn, but its spirit settled upon council. SGC has rarely com- chairman of the committee, was found to have circulated a peti- tion of Katy Ford. Miss Ford was disqualified and Martin left the political scene under a cloud. Seeing the election meaningless with two candidates on the ballot eliminated, one after the first day's voting, The Daily senior edi- tors attempted to void the elec- tion. They rounded up as many election violation complaints as they could and bombarded the SGC committee with them. MEANWHILE, Daily E d i t o r John Roberts and Daily Editorial Director Faith Weinstein tried to convince all candidates to with- draw, thus forcing another elec- tion. However, Lawrence Monberg refused, killing the scheme. Mon- next to her printed name on the ballot. This debacle illustrated the risks of The Daily took when it actively intervened in campus politics. SGC'S RELUCTANCE to act in off-campus political affairs did not infect other campus groups. NSA had provided at its summer 1961 congress a rationale for stu- dent political action in its "Stu- dent as a Student" basic policy declaration. It asserted that stu- dents, because they as students are uniquely aware of and available to participate in politics, must act on the most important issues of the times. It also broadly stretched the areas of student concern far beyond education. just .mehitable U' Expansionism Harms Education By Judith Warren DURING the late 19th century, under the impetus of the Darwinian revolution in science and the influence of young American in- tellectuals who were impressed with the German higher educational system, the scientific method was born. This method stressed, above all, man's right to reach opinions and theories freely without the threat of censorship. The scientific method lay at the core of the reforms in the U.S. educational system and became the rallying cry for proponents of academic freedom. The reformers fought to free the colleges from the control of religious groups and to establish themselves as non-sectarian insti- tutions, dedicated to the ideal of the academic freedom of the German universities. THE DISPUTE that has arisen in recent months between the University on one side, and Governor Romney, the Legislature, the State Board of Education and every major newspaper in the state on the other can be viewed with reference to the now established Ameri- can tradition of academic freedom. According to such a view, the University is fighting to maintain its autonomy and freedom to expand whenever and wherever it wishes. The state, on the other hand, is trying to restrict the University and to limit its freedom to do what it wants. This conception of the controversy is simple and easy to under- stand-but it does not depict reality. IN THE FIRST PLACE, the University is not free to do whatever it wants. Although constitutionally autonomous, it depends for a third of its annual budget on appropriations from the Legislature. In addition, the newly created State Board of Education is potentially a strong organ for state control-and there is a chance that it may be made stronger by a constitutional amendment in the near future. Through the power of appropriations and through the Board of Education, the state clearly has some say in where and when the University expands. The University must listen through necessity to what the state has to say. The state is now saying that the University should not expand its present branch at Flint to a four year institution-while the branch is under University control. It contends that the state's educa- tional needs will be better met if Flint is allowed to expand as an autonomous institution. # S priligtimeI -MOW o s ag A .J N. ~r 5lAl \ *y r I Where Does Vivian Stand? berg was later found guilty of a petitioning violation and not seat- ed. The credential and rules com- mittee spent 25 straight hours sifting through the complaints af- ter the election. All these maneuvers threw the election into a turmoil, producing the classic Daily headline, "Elec- tion Situation Unclear" and a bul- letin that read "The Student Government Council election will be held today." Miss Ford's fellow sorority sis- ters, the Pi Phis, the most poli- tically active sorority, felt out- raged and waged a write-in cam- paign that successfully elected her. She placed third despite SGC's not counting any vote cast .Dead End At Hill Auditorium THERE WERE a few moments among the final fourconcerts of this Spring's Ann Arbor Festi- val when the bored behemoth from Philadelphia raised itself upon its toes and produced music of un- expected charm. For the rest, the programming was so filled with the bombastic that its heavy-handed pretentious- ness was as stifling as the unair- conditioned atmosphere of Hill Auditorium. Saturday afternoon, the re- strained, brisk directing of assis- tant conductor William Smith was a refreshing departure from Or mandy's over-efflusive, windmill technique. He directed his own arrangement of dances from Han- del's "Alcina" and elicited from his brothers the first consistently refined sounds of the group's mu- sical sojourn. ANTICIPATIONS of hearing more of the same were necessarily abandoned as Mr. Ormandy re- turned to the podium Saturday evening. Giving his audience por- tents of what was to follow, he read Mozart's "Symphony No. 30 in D major" with noticeable lack of subtlety. Bass Ceasare Siepi provided some refreshing diversion, abetted by the genius of two Frenchmen, Franck and Ravel. The intimacy which Siepi established with his audience was deserted only too soon for another tour de force from the touring force, a gate- crashing rendition of Moussorg- sky's "Pictures." Sunday afternoon, Thor John- son began his second appearance with a frivolous, sometimes medi- ocre, but entrancing suite of re- Civil rights languished as peace became the major issue of the day. The resumption of nuclear testing and Kennedy's fallout shelter, campaign provided great impetus to the peace movement. The Association for Commit- ment to World Responsibility, which in the previous year had done basic spadework which paved the way for the founding of the Peace Corps, turned to the pro- ject of a world university. A small group .of dedicated stu- dents researched the possibility and feasibility of a world univer- sity, aimed at training interna- tional civil servants. Several pub- lic meetings were held, but most work was done quietly and pri- vately. ACWR also sponsored for- eign language lectures and panels on interantional affairs for foreign students. Michael Zweig spent the sum- mer of 1962 in Europe studying reports on world university which eventually formed a small book. The group worked diligently and quietly through the next year and a half before it faded from the scene. VOICE MADE peace a major theme during the year. It helped organize an Armistice Day rally on the Diag which drew some 500 students in 1961. Two-hun- dred twenty-five of them signed a petition urging the U.S. -and Russia to end nuclear testing. A silent peace vigil was held on the Diag for five days preceding the rally. In mid-February, 1962, 75 Uni- versity students joined 5000 from across the nation in a Washing- ton demonstration, "Turn To- wards Peace." The group picketed the White House, lobbied with congressmen and rallied by the Washington Monument. Turn Toward Peace was a coali- tion which included such organi- zations as the United Auto Work- ers as well as peace and student groups. The march did not leave a great political impact, but for Univer- sity students it left many memo- ries of good fellowship. VOICE continued its campaign against HUAC. On April 25, 350 persons attended a Voice and YD-sponsored Diag rally to hear Professors Eugene Feingold and Arnold Kaufman condemn the committee. The Young Republicans and Young Americans for Freedom opposed the rally. Their officers, in a Daily advertisement, endorsed the HUAC function of ferreting out Communists, but agreed that some procedural reforms were needed. This period, in which non-SGC activities did rather well, was the UNIVERSITY OFFICIALS must seriously ask themselves if this contention is true. Would an expanded University branch at Flint help or hurt the quality of education offered at Flint and at the Ann Arbor campus? In answering this question University officials must deal with the charge that has been leveled at them constantly in recent months- that of "empire building." This accusation has in fact been true. University administrators are indeed trying to construct an extensive system of branches throughout the state and under the control of the University. But "empire building" is not, in itself, an evil. What is bad is that, in building their "empire" the administrators are not significantly improving educational opportunities for the students they enroll but are-or rather will, if the Flint branch is allowed to expand- prob- ably dilute the quality of their education. THIS IS the crucial point. And it is because of this that educators throughout the state are worried about the University's expansionist policies at Flint. , University administrators need only look at the experience of other states to find strong indications that the critics of the University are correct in asserting that a four year University branch at Flint would do harm to the state's educational system. For example, California is reputed to have an excellent system of higher education. However, below this generalization lies' the truth that only the University of California at Berkeley is really an excellent university. The other myriad banches are decent schools but certainly not of the stature of the branch which gives California its reputation. New York University also has many branches. The only one gen- erally recognized as good is the branch in Greenwich Village, and even its reputation rests on only a few departments. "EMPIRE BUILDING" does not lead to better educational in- stitutions-just bigger ones, with more branches for university public relations men to point to. One argument that is often cited by proponents of extensive branches is that by affiliating with a larger university, which has an established reputation, a branch can attract better professors. This generalization is invalid. Top professors are, in fact, attracted by an already established faculty and, in many cases, resent being shunted off to some unknown branch. EXTENSIVE BRANCHES also present other problems. If Flint remains a University branch, University administrators will have the task of building it into a good educational institution. However, they must also maintain the excellence of the Ann Arbor campus-a task difficult enough without the added burden of main- taining and developing another four year college. In addition to these factors, a University branch at Flint would have much less control over its own fate than an autonomous in- stitution. It would have to account to University administrators, whose hearts would be in Ann Arbor, as well as indirectly to the Legislature. Frustration arising from this lack of control over one's own fate, coupled with a sense of neglect from being low on appropriations priorities and low in the esteem of potential faculty members, is not conducive to academic innovation or excellence. THE UNIVERSITY is in a race with Berkeley for the top position among the state schools. But does Berkeley's "empire" help the edu- cational quality of its branches-or of Berkeley Itself? The same question should be asked-and answered-here. 'MANY FACES' About Two Hours of Throwing the Bull At the State Theatre T HERE ARE three reasons why the critical viewer should steer clear of the State Theatre this week. First of all, the newsreel is the same one the Michigan is using, except with a different accompanying monologue. Second, the cartoon is one of those "Loopy De Loop" jobs, uniform- ly the worst cartoons to be found anywhere. Even the "coming at- tractions" bit is enough to put you to sleep. LAST AND WORST is the main feature, "Love Has Many Faces" -none. of which you'd want to see coming at you in a dark alley. Cliff Robertson's early comment that the whole town is a "can of t ANN ARBOR'S ultra-liberal Democratic congressman Weston E. Vivian is caught on the horns of a dilemma. He must retain the support of his left-lean- ing activist supporters in order to get out the vote in his bid for reelection in 1966, while at the same time not alienating his preponderately conservative and mod- erate constituency. Vivian has thus far managed to strad- dle this razor sharp edge without slip - ping. To placate the left-wing intellec- tuals he voted against HUAC, been a sponsor of the seating of the Mississippi Freedom Democrats and marched on Sel- ma. None can claim he has deserted the liberal standard, THE MAJORITY of voters in this area- moderates and conservatives-in the area are not likely to condemn him for his actions on behalf of civil rights be- cause public opinion now generally sup- ports civil rights. In addition, HUAC has receded into obscurity for most. In other words, Vivian has acted wisely politically, holding both sections of opinion. For moderates and conservatives Vivian is doing little more than replying to re- quests for occasional assistance and petty favors. But who can help but admire a In an interview with the week, Vivian refused to take Viet Nam. Daily last a stand on In addition, the congressman has not answered a personal letter sent to him about two months ago inquiring of his stand on Viet Nam. Thus he has not sat- isfied his party. HE HASN'T SATISFIED the average vot- 'er on this issue. One must understand that this congressional district was safe- ly Republican until last year to realize Vivian's jeopardy. In all likelihood, the "typical voter" in the district looks upon the professor-initiated, anti-Johnson ac- tion as something disloyal, if not down- right subversive. (Whether it is or not is irrelevant for the purposes of this edi- torial.) Vivian is losing popularity among these voters for not supporting Johnson's poli- cies. Thus Vivian is faced with alienation of a substantial part of his support re- gardless of the side he eventually takes. If he tries to please the majority of his constituency, he may find himself with- out precinct workers for next year, or maybe even with a primary opponent 4 9