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July 22, 1965 - Image 2

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Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1965-07-22

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Seventy-Fifth Year
EImED AND MANAGED BY STuDom or THE UNIVERsITo 0f MIc GAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBUCATIONS

IN THE REGENTS' HANDS:
Heyns and the Problem of Leadership

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWs PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JULY 22, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: BRUCE WASSERSTEIN

The Balance of Power:
Some Solutions

ONE OF THE DISASTROUS popular illu-
sions concerning imperialism is the
policy which has been called "defensive
imperialism."
"Defensive imperialism" finds histori-
cal precedent in the growth of the Ro-
man Empire. It was in fact the motiva-
tion of Rome's expansion.
The reason for Rome's expansion
through conquest in the second and third
centuries B.C. was the prevalent fear in
Rome that if she did not attack her
neighbors they would certainly attack
her. Consequently Rome embarked on a
'long series of aggressive wars and con-
quered all possible opposition.
ONE MORE SIGNIFICANT point to note
concerning Rome's policy is that it is
not clearly known if the policy was justi-
fied. It is possible that Rome had no
choice, in the interests of her own se-
curity, but to embark on the policy of
"defensive imperialism." It is also possi-
ble that Rome was gripped for two cen-
turies with a paranoic fear of a non-
existent enemy. It is clear there was fear
Out the justification for this fear is not
known.
When relating Rome's "defense im-
perialism" to modern times there is an
added complication. There is no longer
only one power engaging in a policy of
"defensive imperialism" but three - the
Soviet Union, China, and the United
States.
Today there exists a similar fear in the
three major world powers. The U.S. feels
that Communism must be stopped at all
costs or it will surely engulf her. China
fears that the U.S. and Russia will com-
bine to annihilate her. Russia fears Chi-
nese hordes will come crashing across the
Siberian border seeking living space and
also fears the U.S. and her nuclear stock-
ple.
The absurdity of this situation is self-
evident.
Because there are three powers en-
gaging in the policy of "defensive im-
perialism" there is bound to be a direct
and disastrous clash among the powers
if the policy is continued, The Pentagon
war hawks are correct in the assumption
that an armed conflict with China is in-
evitable. It is their reasoning which is
in error. In their opinion the problem
stems from the evil menace-Commu-
nism-while the U.S. is good and right-
eous. They are out to conquer the world
and we want to give everyone peace, free-
dom and prosperity. This, at least is their
public stand on the issue of China.
THE U.S. AND CHINA are on a collision
course simply because they are death-
ly afraid of each other.
Another delusion about the problems
of power comes with the omnipresent
voice of propaganda. Every nation uses
propaganda to convince its population
of the "rightness," morally or otherwise,
of its official position on any issue.
This is glaringly evident when one ob-
serves the news mediae of the U.S. and
the Soviet Union. The same facts are
presented in totally different lights by
.imple alterations in verbiage, while dif-
.ereices in facts presented are by no
neans uncommon.
This in itself is not terribly important,
out when related to the overall picture
of a power struggle it becomes an im-
portant point.
NEWS MANAGEMENT and propaganda
establish a justification for any ac-
tion taken by a nation if presented in a
correctly indoctrinating manner.

The U.S. government presents certain
alleged "facts" to newsmen on the war
:n Viet Nam and leaves the newsman to
present these facts in the "correct" way.
The Chinese reporter is also presented
with a set of alleged facts and is also
left to present them in the "proper" way.
.[f in either case the "facts" are not pre-
vented properly the newsman risks gov-
ernmental ostracism.
If the populations of the individual na-
.ions are not wholly convinced of the
"rightness" of the government further
similar policies enacted by the govern-
ment would become dangerous because

THE U.S. FEARS a surprise nuclear at-
tack by the Soviet Union and there-
fore builds a massive retaliatory force to
deter such an attack. The Soviet Union,
on the other hand, also fears a surprise
nuclear attack by the U.S. and builds a
huge retaliatory force.
China fears the nuclear capabilities of
both the U.S. and Russia and pushes de-
velopment of its own nuclear force to the
extreme. Eventually if the situation re-
mains relatively static for any length of
time, China will also develop sufficient
nuclear capabilities to pose a third deter-
rent power.
Whereas the use, or lack of use, of
atomic weapons will make absolutely no
difference in the world situation aside
from massive aestruction, tfe propagan-.
iizea rears or atomic war are so mgramea
in everyone it is highly unlikely any
side will resort to the use of them.
THE CONCEPT of "overkill" is also in-
teresting In the light of deterrence,
the balance of power and present con-
flicts.
The presence of "overkill" should pro-
vide the absolute deterrent to war and
the maintenance of a stable balance of
power because it is absolute. But here
we are once again victims of our own
propaganda.
We are caught between the fear of
absolute destruction on the one hand, yet
convinced that these awesome weapons
will not be used. So the arms race con-
tinues, the stockpiles grow larger and the
fear of their use also grows in direct re-
lation to the size of the stockpile.
Another aspect of the power struggle is
the struggle between the three major
powers for the allegiance of the few in-
dependent and non-aligned countries left.
THE U.S. ALLOCATES huge amounts of
money each year to so-called foreign
aid. The alleged objectives of such allo-
cations is the betterment of the under-
developed countries. The actual philoso-
phy behind the foreign aid program is
the prevention of the underdeveloped
countries from "going Communist."
THE SOVIET UNION does the same in
hopes the aid will prevent the same
countries from going "capitalist" or per-
haps "Maoist." China, on a smaller scale
stemming from lack of adequate resourc-
es, follows suit.
The theory falls down when the coun-
tries receiving the aid from all sides play
off one power against the other to in-
sure continued shipments.
The U.S. also runs into a further trap
because, in many cases, much of the aid
goes into the pockets of the leaders. Thus,
because the money is not going to the in-
tended place, i.e., the peasants, the peas-
ant is easily convinced the corruption is
a direct function of those "imperialistic,
capitalistic war mongers."
The outlook is, of necessity, pessimis-
tic.
THERE ARE, HOWEVER, a number of
alternatives to the present patterns of
world policy.
-The formation of strong, independent
and neutral buffer states which would be
capable of deterring any aggression
against themselves.
-The establishment of better commu-
nications between the major powers. This
would reduce the fallacious necessity for
policies of "defensive imperialism."
-The elimination of news manage-
ment by all the great powers and the
eradication of all so-called "military se-
crets."

This would lessen the possibility of in-
ternational misunderstanding and also
permit the people to have sane and ra-
tional opinions concerning world politics.
-The elimination of nuclear stockpiles
as being worthless expenditures. This
would lessen tensions and remove the
threat of a nuclear disaster.
-The adoption of a mutual aid pro-
gram to underdeveloped countries. This
would reduce waste, curb corruption, and
approach the ideals of the various aid
programs.
IT IS TO BE UNDERSTOOD that these

EDITOR'S NOTE: Roger W. Heyns,
vice-president for academic affairs,
is currently being considered as the
next chancellor of the Berkeley
campus of the University of Cali-
fornia.
By ROBERT JOHNSTON
and KENNETH WINTER
THE ISSUE tonight is leader-
ship in the University. This ar-
ticle is addressed directly to the
Regents of the University, for it is
to them that this problem of lead-
ership has been ultimately en-
trusted.
Suddenly and without warning
decisions involving the essential
nature and future and meaning of
the University have devolved upon
them. And, while the concerns ex-
pressed here are important to
every faculty member and every
student as much as they are to
the Regents, these faculty and
these students can, at this point,
serve only as observers.
Michigan has placed the fate of
its finest university in the hands
of the Board of Regents. And the
faculty, students and administra-
tors of the University have shown
this week a similar faith in the
ability of the regental structure to
handle these problems of respon-
sibility.
DEANS, department chairmen,
and other faculty and administra-
tors and students have expressed,
almost to a man, unqualified es-
teem and support for the work of
Roger W. Heyns.
This is remarkable. It has been
a long time since so many have
genuinely felt that the future of
the University hinges on the pres-
ence or absence of one man. Per-
sonnel changes-even those in-
volving highly competent people
and top slots in the hierarchy-
are generally just personnel
changes: another competent per-
son is found, and life goes on. But
where, the campus seems to be
asking, could we find another
Roger Heyns?
Hence the frenzied activity:
phonecalls, letters, meetings with
the President and an unprece-
dented summer meeting of the
Senate Advisory Committee on
University Affairs at which a
unanimous resolutiontwas passed
and sent to the Regents.
The University's three most.
powerful deans, Haber of the lit-
erary college, Hubbard of the Med-
ical School and Smith of the. law
school have sent a message
through President Hatcher to the
Regents. So have many depart-
ment chairmen.

THEY ALL AGREE on one
thing: a way must be found to
keep Roger Heyns at the Univer-
sity. Heyns himself would have to
admit that unified faculty support
of anything at the University is
practically unheard of.
Again, however, no one has sug-
gested that this is not a matter
which must be left in the hands of
the Regents. No one has suggested
that ways be found to circumvent
or undercut the decision-making
authority of the Regents. There is
every willingness to discuss, to
confer and to suggest if called
upon, but the established limits
have been scrupulously observed
by both sides.
It is some measure of Heyns
that the high quality of the Re-
gents-University relationship evi-
denced this week is due in no
small part to his own work over
the last three years as vice-
president for Academic affairs.
His effect has been to build a ra-
tional mutual faith into relations
often governed (as in California)
by an uninformed mutual hostility.
His method has been to transcend
discord based on pettiness and
jealousies and to clarify disagree-
ments based on genuine, impor-
tant issues, so that men may talk
to one another. As one professor
put it, "Heyns' method is still the
method of a teacher."
Heyns has, in fact, shown an
extraordinary ability to take in-
stitutions as he finds them, to
work with them and to make them
work. He has accepted the basic
tenets of the University and re-
spected them: the power of the
Regents over the University on
the one hand and the control by
the faculty of their own destiny
on the other, academic freedom,
student responsibility, and the
powers held by his fellow executive
officers.
BUT THERE ARE larger ques-
tions involved here. Ross L. Moon-
ey of Ohio State University dis-
cusses them in a 1961 paper en-
titled "The Problem of Leadership
in a University."
Mooney notes first the acceler-
ating rate of change on campus.
Since 1900, he says, "As the people
have changed in their needs and
in their preceptions of preparation
for life in the modern world, the
universities have changed from
small to large, from simple to
complex."
With. growth in both size and
complexity, "What was formerly
a clear center of power, i.e., the
assembled faculty, is no longer a
feasible instrument of institution-

al decision. It is too big, too di-
verse."
As a result, Mooney says, "Aca-
demic power and operational re-
sponsibility are divided and sub-
divided, again and again, and the
image of the university as an in-
tegral community progressively
dissipates."
What has happened is that "the
problem of leadership is bigger
than men can solve, no matter
how able they may be, so long as
they accept the present institu-
tional context as suitable for their
action.
"It is the most able men who
are most likely now to sense that
the ball may be lost. They cannot
take a sufficiently comprehensive
grip on the situation to really take
hold. If anyone has power to act,
it seems to each that it must be
some other; one certainly cannot
do it himself. A prevailing ques-
tion becomes, how does one take
leadership in a university today?
The question is naked and
sharply real."
And it was driven sharply home
by events last fall at Berkeley.
The California regents and the
central administration of the Uni-
versity of California did not real-
ize what the University's Regents
have generally understood quite
well, that the trustees' role is (as
President Hatcher once put it)
"not to manage a college, but to
make sure that it is properly man-
aged."
IT IS somehow fitting that
Heyns has been asked to work with
the same problems at Berkeley
that he has coped with so well
here. But they are far from solved
at the University of Michigan.
Mooney states: "Into the pri-
vate speech of conscientious lead-
ers of higher education, there now
commonly appears a deeply plain-
tive note, expressing a hope-all-
but-lost that they shall ever be
able to gain commanding perspec-
tive and intelligent control o
what is happening inside their in-
stitutions. The note of plaintive-
ness derives from a feeling not
only of having gotten behind in
the game, but perhaps of having
lost the ball altogether."
Compare this with the last
paragraph of Heyns' 1963-64
President's Report:
The pace of the University
of Michigan is fast. There is
much life and excitement; there
is no shortage of good ideas to
encourage, of sound programs to
assist, no, indeed, of weak ac-
tivities that need strengthening.
In the face of this vigorous life
of the University, this short
chronicle of things done only
accentuates the daily feeling of
regret that exciting tasks had to
be put off, and that, unfortun-
ately, problems which should
have been solved persist to this
very minute.
This comes from a man who
believes deeply in the present and
future greatness of the University,
and who has worked prodigiously
on the problems he speaks of, but
whose leadership has been every-
where circumscribed by fragmen-
tation, splits between sensitive
faculty and administration, man-
agement psychologies, inertia born
of paralysis and Multiplying
patch-work bureaucracy and com-
mittees.
Again, Mooney states it suc-
cintly: "Without release of -posi-
tive leadership in the university,
the pressures for further size and
complexity will mean that the

ROGER W. HEYNS, who may accept a bid to become chancellor
of California's Berkeley campus, was made vice-president for aca-
demic affairs in 1962, replacing the old dean of faculties position.
He is 47 and a native of Michigan. He received his bachelor's degree
from Calvin College in 1940, his master's in clinical psychology
from the University in 1942, and his PhD from the University in
1948. Heyns moved up through the professional ranks at the Uni-
versity, becoming a full professor in 1957. In 1958 he moved from
an assistant deanship in the literary college to the deanship, re-
placing Charles Odegaard.

0

university moves- deeper into its
own paralysis, with progressively
decreasing capacity to give power
and dignity to its leadership role
in the culture. If the universities
bog down, then from what agen-
cies in the culture may we expect
leadership to come for America
and the modern world?"
Where, indeed?
CLARK KERR, president of the
University of California, notes,
with Mooney, the disappearance of
the faculty from the center of
leadership. In "The Uses of the
University" he says, "Hutchins
observed that the faculty really
'prefer anarchy to any form of
government' - particularly the
presidential form."
But, he says, there is a strong
case for leadership. "A university
needs a purpose, 'a vision of the
end.' Without vision, there is 'aim-
lessness' and the 'vast chaos of the
American university'."
Such vision is difficult to find
and nurture. "The role of the
giant was -never a, happy one. The
experience of Tappan at Michigan
was typical of many, as Angell
later saw it: 'Tappan was the
largest figure of a man that ever
appeared on the Michigan campus.
And he was stung to death by
gnats'."
For his university leader then,
Kerr supports the idea of "'a co-
ordinator rather than a creative
leader . . . an expert executive, a
tactful moderator'." But he wants
"mostly a mediator." However,
Kerr gives the game away with his
next sentence, "The first task of
the mediator is peace."
IIEYNS HAS SAID on occasion
that he disagrees with Kerr's me-
diator theory of leadership. A
mediator cannot subscribe to any
particular theory of leadership.
A mediator cannot subscribe to
any particular side if his primary
goal is to keep the peace and make
sure the boat doesn't rock. Heyns
is always willing to examine new
ideas and to support them and put
them through if they are promis-
ing. The idea is to keep the boat

A case in point is the residential
college. This is boat-rocking of
the first sort. Rather than me-
diate-i.e., let the gnats go to work
and destroy the idea-he has been
behind it since its inception, sug-
gesting, cajoling, wheedling and
persuading. Faculty and admin-
istrators are gradually lining up
in support, a head of steam is
slowly building, and.; eventually, if
Heyns stays around to see it out,
there will be a residential college
-and it will be free to become
something more than space for
1200 new students.
Many times faculty conversation
runs something like this: "It's a
fine idea but nobody will ever ac-
cept it." Followed by, "Well, we
can talk it over with Heyns."
THIS IS CLOSE to the essence
of leadership in a modern uni-
versity. It includes Clark Kerr's
comprehension of the reality that
is, but not his surrender to it. It
includes Tappan's and Hutchins'
vision of the reality that should
be, but rendered more possible by
a calm determination to bring it
about with the devices available in
the real world.
Such a leader gets more ulcers
than ovations. But he gets things
done: ideas are provoked, evaluat-
ed and implemented, not "stung to
death."
It has been and will continue to
be a painfully slow process, open-
ing up new programs and prob-
lems to Heyns' style of leadership.
And there are plenty of them.
In yesterday's Detroit News
Dean Allan Smith of the Law
School was quoted as saying,
"There has been a lot of specu-
lation about what the Regents
might do, and it should remain in
the realm of speculation."
The article, however, goes on to
state, "What some faculty mem-
bers have talked about-for many
years actually-is an administra-
tive reorganization that would
create a position between the
presidency and the eight second-
echelon vice presidents."
The Regents' closed meeting be-
gins tonight. They have a lot to

0

4

BEAUTIFUL:
The Soft Skin':
Almost Great

At the Campus Theatre
"THE SOFT SKIN" proves again
just how capable an artist
Francois Truffaut is. For although
it misses in some vague way
achieving the stature of a "Great"
film, "The Soft Skin" is in all
respects an outstanding work. As,
a film or as an experience, "The
Soft Skin" is a beautiful and com-
pelling creation.
The plot is simple and age-old.
A middle-aged married man finds
new life and excitement in a
young girl. An affair ensues, the
wife discovers it and the eternal
triangle results.
However, Truffaut needs no
added complications (although
they occur) nor spicey love scenes
to substitute for interest and
action.
TRUFFAUT realizes that the
true complications of life and the
real complexity of an emotional
situation need no props, instead
they are an integral- portion of
human nature.
Technically "The Soft Skin" is
a marvel. The camera work is so
creative, so clear, so compact and
inventive that in many instances
the impact of a particular scene
or shot is delayed slightly and
doubles itself back in one's mind.
The camera eye becomes more
than an observer, it participates
as well as relates. In superb co-
ordination with Coutard and his
camera, the editing in "The Soft
Skin," an art form in itself, is
perhaps the most effective and
interesting of any European film
maker (except those of Godard).
ADD TO THIS the same com-
petent acting one has come to
expect from the New Wave
cinema, mix under the direction
of a master, Truffaut, and the re-
sult is both exciting and memor-
able.
For in the final evaluation, it
is under the eye of Truffaut that
this tale of adultery and intrique
becomes more than the usual
Hollywood "Sandpiper" or the
European skin flick. Truffaut has
that exquisite sense of taste and
that integ~ral eleme.nt rof fienif',

art, there must be honesty.
"THE SOFT SKIN" offers no
vicarious sexual thrill (as the ads
indicate), nor is it the adventur-
ous escape film currently in
vogue. But as a testament to hu-
manity, and a beautiful portrayal
of the life's paradox of equal por-
tions of simplicity and complexity
(as well as an artistically beau-
ful film), "The Soft Skin" should
not be missed.
--HUGH HOLLAND

I

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Can We Meet Stevenson's. Heritage?

By WALTER LIPPMANN
WE MUST wonder whether we
have buried with Adlai Stev-
enson some element of the prom-
ise of American life.
For in this generation he has
stood apart, not only for his deeds
and his words and his wit and his
lovableness, but as somehow a liv-
ing specimen of the kind of
American that Americans them-
selves, and the great mass of man-
kind, wouldrlike to think that
Americans are.
He was not a common man or
a typical American of our times
or, indeed, of any other time. But
he evoked for us the mystic chords
of memory because he touched
again "the better angels of our
nature."
FROM LINCOLN to Adlai Stev-
enson the heritage is direct and
unbroken, a family tradition which
began with his great-grandfather.
Like Lincoln he made men feel
what this nation had to be if the
American experiment was to suc-
ceed.
Like Lincoln he was what the
prairies and the new world had
made of the educated Englishmen
who led this country in the 18th
century.

with the enormous and sudden
increase of our power and wealth,
the stress and strain of the strug-
gle for the American soul has be-
come fierce.
It is the uncertainty as to which
spirit will prevail that divides,
more than tactics or manners or
policy, the American people among
themselves and from the world
around us.
ADLAI STEVENSON'S enemies
were not men whom he had in-
jured. He injured no men. His
enemies were men who recognized
that he did not share and was a
living reproach to the new imperi-
ousness of our power and our
wealth, that he was a deeply es-
tablished American who had no
part in the arrogance of the newly
rich and the newly powerful and
the newly arrived.
His very presence made them
uncomfortable, even abashed, all
the more because he was so witty
when they were so hot, so urbane
when they were pushing and vul-
gar, so elegant when they were
making a spectacle of themselves.
. Shall we see his like again? Or
was he the last of his noble breed?
On this question hangs the Ameri-
can future.
nV nV VTU ndTrQI t. . cho

I

-Associated Press
THE BODY OF THE LATE Adlai Stevenson lay in the rotunda
of the capitol in Springfield, Ill., after being returned from London
where he died.

such an American. He was ad-
mired by the discerning all over
the world and greatly loved.
AN ESSENTIAL ingredient of
of the admiration and the love
was the knowledge that only
Amrr mi~~n nld hVa,,,. n.nAina t-.4him.

THE QUESTION is whether in
our critical moments the better
angels of our nature respond to
our authentic ideals.
For there is abroad in this land
today a very different spirit con-
tending for the soul of our people.

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