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July 07, 1967 - Image 2

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1967-07-07

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Seventy-Sixth Year
Whe reOpnions Are r, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEws PHONE: 764-0552
Editorials Printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Teachers Corps: By the Grace of Lyndon

The 'U' and the Legislature:
Time for Some Changes

;HILE THE QAME of appropriations
compromise goes on in Lansing, two
iterrelated points have become painfully
bvious: first, the Legislature must aban-
on its attempts to make the University's
ecisions; second, higher education rep-
esentatives should be permitted to enter
he talks and present their case for in-
reased appropriations.
University autonomy was first threat-
ned when large slashes in allocations
'ere made behind closed doors while
ouse and Senate appropriations com-
iittees maintained deaf ears to officials'
leas for more money.
But, through constant pressure, Mich-
;an State University President John
.annah finally did get to see Rep. Ar-
ell Engstrom (D-Traverse City), appro-
dations committee chairman. While this
as only during a coffee break, it opened
he way for University President Harlan
atcher and others to send Engstrom
ritten pleas later that evening. Since
hen, the Legislature has given more at-
mtion to the needs of higher education.
UTONOMY RECEIVED its second blow
when the Senate passed amendments
ith its first version of the higher edu-
ation bill, which were intended to force
non-resident tuition increase. This was
itended 'as the only course the ,Univer-
ty could take if it hoped to operate its
reatly expanded program next year.
The University replied, however, that
aly the Regents could make such a de-
sion and that the Senate version was
ot legally binding. Actually, the storm

was safely weathered by the passage of
fiscal reform, which will bring in enough
money to cover all but a few millions of
Romney's record $1.153 billion state budg-
et plan for next year. But, the Legisla-
ture is continuing to haggle over whether
to take cuts from various original allot-
ments to make up the missing millions.
Once again, the universities have been
shut out of the legislative budget deci-
sions. An allocation well below the $62.2
million request is still a possibility and
this has been described by officials as
"less than what is needed to run at a
minimum level next year."
This would mean a cut in planned pro-
grams and the need to renege on com-
mitments made for salary increases and
increased enrollment at the universities.
The Legislature, in the meantime, is con-
sidering a plan to hold $29 million in reve-
nues from a cigarette tax which is separ-
ate from the fiscal reform package. This
would be used to replace a $20 million
surplus deleted in extra programs last
BUT THIS STRATEGY would leave the
state's system of colleges and universi-
ties receiving insufficient funds to sup-
port their growing programs.
Many legislators are not aware of the
crisis facing higher education without
adequate funds. Education officials must
be permitted to present their case before
the higher education budget is finalized
and administrators must continue their
pressure for such hearings.

The Teachers Corps is still alive,
thanks to a quick and hot oral
resuscitation by Lyndon Johnson.
Yet, despite any inhalation of
Texas barbeque breath, this
brainchild of Senators Gaylord
Nelson and Edward Kennedy
faces a treacherous path for the
foreseeable future.
Originally proposed in 1965 as
one of the early Great Society
measures, the Corps languished in
Congressional committees f o r
nearly a year before winning a
$9.5 million initial allocation.
Since 1965-66 were legislative
salad days for Johnson, the in-
itial sum, which was nearly $4
million less than what the Ad-
ministration had requested, rep-
resented an irksome setback for
the former English instructor. It
was during the first hassle over
the Teachers Corps that one Con-
gressman first remembers hear-
ing those arm-twisting words,
"Trust me boy, I'm your Presi-
dent," come drawling out of
-Pennsylvania Avenue. This first
appropriation provided training
opportunities for 1,600 recruits,
each of whom were sent to one of
42 college campuses to receive
special training in education of
the socially disadvantaged and
urban poor. Although it was hard-
ly an all-encompassing enterprise,
considering the millions of chil-
dren who could qualify as being
socially disadvantaged, it was
hoped that the pilot program
could acquire enough experience

and popular support to back ef-
forts for a more intensive project.
IT WAS NOT long after this
modest inception that the Corps
began making powerful enemies
in Congress and among local
school districts in the South.
Fearing loss of educational con-
trol to the federal government,
legislators from rural districts
lined up against the Corps, de-

termined to choke it in the 1
According to legend, it was dui
one of those beer-sipping
mph rides around the LBJ Ra
that Johnson became nosta
about his days "at the high sq
and decided that preservation
the Corps was a must. So in
tober of 1966, an additional
million was appropriated to k
the Teachers Corps afloat u
June, 1967.


Facing strong opposition from
Oregon Republican Edith Green,
chairman ofr the House Special
Subcommittee on Education, the
administration was successfully

197 The Regirsa -
And Tribune Syndict
O~+ - *." l nG"*'M 4*'+ . ""'.

MIN- %



'The Modern University'

en from a reprint in the Christian
Science Monitor of an address by
John 'Kenneth Galbraith, entitled
"The Modern University: Three Steps
Toward Today," delivered at the Uni-
versity of California at Berkeley:
'OOD UNIVERSITIES have always been
places of contention and dispute. And
he best universities in their greatest
Iase have always been places of the
nost energetic and uninhibited conten-
ion. That is because, in great universi-
les, ideas are important and issues are
aken seriously and scholars are not
owards and no one is so silly as to sup-
ose there is such a thing as orderly, well-
egulated debate which, in the manner
f a motion picture script, can be care-
ully tailored in advance to the taste of
he audience and the prejudices of the
ensors. Poor universities composed of
raven men are invariably very orderly
laces and bad universities have the sil-
nce and tranquility of the desert....
The first source of trouble in the mod-
rn university has been the, spread, in
nodern times, of the atavistic doctrine
hat modern government is unnecessary
-that its services, including education,
re a plot against the liberties of the citi-
[HE SECOND FAILURE of the modern
university has been in the perception
f its own economic significance - and
ower. None of us questions the import-
nce of the modern university as a cen-
er of untrammeled intellectual inquiry.
For do we question its role in scientific
nd social innovation. Speeches asserting
hese values flow readily from the aca-
emic pen, and automatically from the
onvocation orator. We speak much less
f the economic role of the modern uni-
ersity. We think it a trifle Philistine to
ssert it, yet potentially it is a point on
'hich the passions of even the most
rchaic citizen can be aroused....
I come now to the third and final weak-
ess. In the 19th century and well into
he present one the university was not,
i economic and political terms, a very
nportant institution. It contributed to
he graces of life. It provided the profes-
.onal learning that kept men and horses
live and criminals in jail. It was not in
n age of enterpreneurs and of clerks and
ookkeepers and unlettered proletarians

vation it was vulnerable to the aggres-
sions of those who saw in such discussion
and such innovation some peril to their
power or their pocketbooks... .
culiarly American system of univer-
sity administration. This was the lay
board which acted as financial advocate
of education before the legislature or the
men of wealth, which served as a buffer
between those who had a disposition to
heresy and those who had an urge to sup-
press it. Depending on circumstances it
protected the heresy or restrained it....
These ideas are now greatly attenuat-
ed. In the mature university, power over
appointments, the curriculum and the
conduct of research has, by agreement,
passed to the faculty. These are the cri-
tical powers-the commanding heights.
And the notidn of academic inadequacy
has, for good reasons, disappeared. It is
to the modern faculty that the national
government and the modern large cor-
poration turn for the talent when they
are faced with some really difficult prob-
lem of decision or administration. The
university scientist guides the govern-
ment on the problem of nuclear policy.
He helps the helplessly practical men of
business through the world of the com-
puter. With perhaps less applause he de-
signs and administers social welfare inno-
vation, staffs and guides the Council of.
Economic Advisers, maps taxation and
regulation, and on occasion even seeks to
'rationalize the determined empiricism
of economic aid and diplomacy.
When tasks of vast technical or social
complexity must be done, and done well,
it is to the university faculty that society
turns. Only for running the modern uni-
versity is it imagined that they are too
stupid or otherwise incompetent. For this,
men of practical insight must be com-
manded. Of course, the modern faculty
runs the university too. The governing
board of the mature university is an an-
achronism as the more perceptive and
acute of its members are adequately aware
... But the governing board is not yet a
harmless anachronism. In many respects,
it remains a barrier to rational prog-
SOONER OR LATER the administration
of the modern and mature university
must be brought abreast of the reality.
This reality is that the faculty now gov-

of able to wrest the program from an
Oc- omnibus education bill earlier in
$7.5 the year in the hope that a special
keep compromise on the Corps; could be
ntil arranged. The move turned out
better than had been expected, al-
though Rep. Green cut immediate
appropriations for the Corps down
to $3.8 million. However, $135 mil-
lion was provided for Corps ex-
pansion through 1970. The Green
formula exacted as a price for
passage the transfer of admin-
istrative control to state and local
agencies. Since it is not probable
that o program directed from the
Office of Education in Washing-
ton would be met by enthusiastic
approval in rural Mississippi or
Kentucky, one can expect some
friction to be generated between
many of the student-teacher
corpsmen and the local boards of
Another problem envisioned by
Teachers Corps director Richard
Graham is the long-range dilem-
ma of recruitment. If the Corps is
to expand toward presently en-
visioned proportions, the number
of teacher volunteers must be mul-
tiplied many times over current
prospects. Since service as a Corps
teacher gives many an increased
vulnerability to the military draft,
does not offer the incentive of
overseas travel available in the
Peace Corps, provides little career
experience outside of teaching, and
pays ,hardly more than a subsist-
ence allowance, the attractiveness
of Teacher Corps service to most
college graduates seems minimal.
Furthermore, those persons eager
to put college training in the social
sciences and in education into
practice, may find that the poten-
tially splendid opportunity of
working with culturally deprived
children to be bureaucratically
frustrating as compared with some
of the more experimentally orient-
ed university social welfare pro-
Since it can be properly as-
sumed that one of the motivating
concerns in starting the Teachers
Corps was to remove part of the
responsibility for educating ghet-
to children from big city boards
at of education, the reaction of board
'eat directors in cities like Chicago
o've and Philadelphia will probably de-
'ng termine the Corps' eventual suc-
hey cess or failure. If it is viewed as a
;hy form of federal assistance in
hey breaking up the physical and per-
eend sonal entity of the ghetto, then
eels the Corps could go a long way
and toward aiding in the rehabilita-
and tion of the major cities. However,
an- most trustee boards are general-
low ly comprised of upper middle class
em, business and professional people
at who frequently live in .a suburb
no 'and send their children to private
at schools. At best, they regard the
ethnic and economic structure of
the city as not amenable to any-
I it thing but the most gradual of
illar changes.

Typical among big city school
boards is the Daley machine's
hand-picked assortment in Chica-
go. Having given the public school
superintendent repeated difficul-
ty on his proposal for busing of
pupils, the board has steadfast-
ly refused to alter the tradition-
al school boundaries in the city.
The present arrangement has all
the districts on the city's predom-
inantly Negro south side arranged
into narrow-north-south boundar-
ies, while the districts north of
the Madison Street dividing line,
inhabited by mostly white ethnic
neighborhoods, are conveniently
arranged in east-west boundaries
which are adjusted yearly as some
Negroes cross the line.
Since workers in other federal
assistance programs have done
much to alienate a good number
in Chicago's sizable Slavic popu-
lation by participating in freedom
and anti-war m a r c h e s, the
chances for success of the locally
administeredsCorps in places like
Chicago remains much in doubt.
TO DATE, the Administration
has made .careful efforts to keep
the Teachers Corps under the Of-
fice of Education and away from
the exposed flank of the Office
of Economic Opportunity, which
runs the War on Poverty. In fact,
poverty program administrators
who were questioned about the
Teachers Corps expressed a re-
luctance to become identified with
the Corps for fear of exposing to
fledgling organization to some of
the standard criticisms made
against the OEO.
If the greatest obstacle to the
Teachers Corps seems to lie with
the local school boards and their
influence 'upon Congress, Corps
director Graham also pins his
strongest hopes , for long range
success upon these same local
school districts. This Is because
any school district which is afraid
of the changes that the idealistic
recruits might bring, would not
request a Teacher Corps program
for its area. Thus, the best oppor-
tunities for local change still lie
with a progressive-minded local
administrator who can break bar-
riers from within. One source of
immediate irritation which Gra-
ham faces, in this area is the
tendency of school superinten-
dents to muzzle the political ex-
pressions of their subordinates.
Many of the recruits who joined
the Corps because they viewed the
organization as a means for
changing tradition-rooted policies
from the outside are in for a-big
DESPITE all the qualifications
which stand in the way of a
meaningful realization of the 1965
hopes, Graham remains buoyantly
optimistic. fis future plans in-
elude asking Congress for funds
to attract people who are interest-
ed in careers other than teaching:
social workers, economists, clini-
cal psychologists, anthropologists,
public health workers, vriminolog-
ists and lawyers could also gain
valuable experience in the ghetto.
In talking to Graham, an old bu-
reaucratic veteran of the Peace
Corps, one gains the distinct im-
pression that he feels he has the
big trump card up his sleeve. A
little reflection on the subject
might easily lead to the conclu-
sion that Graham does indeed
have the high cards, for in spite
of local boards, congressional cool-
ness and recruitment lag, the cru-
cial factor remains Johnson him-
self. His memories of dirt farm-
ing down by the Pedernales are
still vivid. Possessed of the same
hellbent for leather spirit, John-
son could skilfully, employ his tal-
ents for arm twisting and mid-
night window tapping to make
the Galbraith-Kennedy ideas as
embodied in the Teacher Corps in-
to reality. Unfortunately, Johnson
has been "twistin' and tappin'"

for quite some time over Vietnam
and many with whom he must
deal appear to have grown weary
of the constant entreatments.
But there are still those who
expect dazzlement from Johnson.
He is the key to the Teachers
Corps and the Corps might be a
good indication of Johnson's fu-
ture with the Congress.




"Coach, I believe his name is Gipp . . .'

There's Gold in California

It may be an off-year in Amer-
ican politics, but the leading Re-
publican presidential candidates
are already off and running. And
while the favorites, George the
Rambler and Tricky Dick, are
chomping at their bits out in the
open, campaign managers for the
dark horses are putting their can-
didates through their paces be-
hind the barn.
The fight for the GOP presi-
dential nomination promises to
be an exciting one, if only be-
cause 1968 looks like the year the
Republicans have been waiting
After only eight years in the
White House since 1952 they are
as close to the big prize now as
they have ever been since 1960,
and they don't want to muff this
one. Almost anything, from in-
conclusive primaries to a con-
vention deadlock, could destroy
the chances of one or both front-
And if that happens, a whole
host of favorite sons are ready
and willing to take their place.
The brightest of the new crop of
young Republicans, including New
York's Mayor John Lindsay, Ill-
inois Senator Charles Percy, and
Ohio's Governor Mark Hatfield,
are unlikely contenders at this
time. They are all young, all lib-
eral, and can all afford to wait
for a more favorable climate be-
fore making their bids. It is the
older men that know that '68 -
and perhaps '72 - will offer them
their last chance. Governor Nel-
son Rockefeller findsshimself in
this position, and responds with
the accepted formula that he is
not a candidate. A deadlocked

itician. In little more than a
year, this grade-B actor has, with
a little help, become not only a
leading contender for the presi-
dency but what many consider the
"perfect candidate." He is con-
servative enough to be the dar-
ling of California Birch Society,
yet astute enough politically to
tacitly b a c k liberal Senator
Thomas Kuchel's bid for re-elec-
tion - thereby avoiding re-open-
ing the newly-healed wounds in
California's faction - plagued Re-
publican Party. He is dynamic, an
excellent speaker who can make
platitudes sound like profundities,
who can say the same things
Goldwater said, but without an-
tagonizing anyone. Throw in a
carefully-cultivated image, home-
spun folksiness, and television
presence, and top the whole thing
off with an appearance which
makes him "look like a presi-
dent" more than any winning
candidate since Warren G. Har-
ding, and you have the star for
"The Making of the President,
What is so disheartening about
Reagan is not so much his con-
servatism or even his anti-intel-
lectualism, but his superficiality.
He seems to have taken for his
personalstandard this decade's
demigod - the "image." With
the help of the crack public re-
lations firm of Spencer-Roberts,
the onetime-liberal Reagan be-
came a conservative around whom
disillusioned Goldwater-support-
ers flocked. The image-building
was so effective that it even fool-
ed many of Reagan's closest sup-
Nonetheless, the Golden Boy of
.rnva ,',',tndnpz '1~i.take n. stand on

His appeal is aimed instead
those he has called "that gr
unsung body of Americans wh
been carrying the load and pay
send their kids to school, t
send their kinds to school, t
contribute to their church
charity and they make the wh(
of the local community go 'rot
by their contributions, civic
otherwise. I think that our b
ner, if we want them to fol
us, must be that we say to th
"We offer equal opportunity
the starting line in life, but
compulsory tie for everyone
the finish line."
THIS IS HIS appeal, and
works. He aligns the blue-co
workers against the hippies,
"common people" against "th
radicals at Berkley," He off
lower-middle-class workers a
cal program designed to red
their taxes, and union officials
dismayed that their members
supports the governor's anti-
ion programs. With a backd
of all the pop culture of "swing
California," he presents him
as the defender of what they
is the threatened fortress of t
ditional law, order, and moral
The "folks" to whom Reaj
appeals form most of his folk
ing - the silent part of it. M
vocal are the Goldbirchers,
economy-in-government supp
ers, and many others with a rig
of-center axe to grind. Not
least of these are many big-na
show biz personalities - from
late Walt Disney to Shirley Te
ple Black. Their abaility to
fluence the electorate is am
the many factors in Reaga



"Be A Good Sport And Run Along Home. The Poor
Chap Feels Bad Enough About Having Missed You"
Ss "


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