Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNTVERSrTY OF MTCMr.AN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Whe reOpnions Are r, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. NEws PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials Printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, JULY 7, 1967 NIGHT EDITOR: BETSY TURNER Teachers Corps: By the Grace of Lyndon The 'U' and the Legislature: Time for Some Changes ;HILE THE QAME of appropriations compromise goes on in Lansing, two iterrelated points have become painfully bvious: first, the Legislature must aban- on its attempts to make the University's ecisions; second, higher education rep- esentatives should be permitted to enter he talks and present their case for in- reased appropriations. University autonomy was first threat- ned when large slashes in allocations 'ere made behind closed doors while ouse and Senate appropriations com- iittees maintained deaf ears to officials' leas for more money. But, through constant pressure, Mich- ;an State University President John .annah finally did get to see Rep. Ar- ell Engstrom (D-Traverse City), appro- dations committee chairman. While this as only during a coffee break, it opened he way for University President Harlan atcher and others to send Engstrom ritten pleas later that evening. Since hen, the Legislature has given more at- mtion to the needs of higher education. UTONOMY RECEIVED its second blow when the Senate passed amendments ith its first version of the higher edu- ation bill, which were intended to force non-resident tuition increase. This was itended 'as the only course the ,Univer- ty could take if it hoped to operate its reatly expanded program next year. The University replied, however, that aly the Regents could make such a de- sion and that the Senate version was ot legally binding. Actually, the storm was safely weathered by the passage of fiscal reform, which will bring in enough money to cover all but a few millions of Romney's record $1.153 billion state budg- et plan for next year. But, the Legisla- ture is continuing to haggle over whether to take cuts from various original allot- ments to make up the missing millions. Once again, the universities have been shut out of the legislative budget deci- sions. An allocation well below the $62.2 million request is still a possibility and this has been described by officials as "less than what is needed to run at a minimum level next year." This would mean a cut in planned pro- grams and the need to renege on com- mitments made for salary increases and increased enrollment at the universities. The Legislature, in the meantime, is con- sidering a plan to hold $29 million in reve- nues from a cigarette tax which is separ- ate from the fiscal reform package. This would be used to replace a $20 million surplus deleted in extra programs last year. BUT THIS STRATEGY would leave the state's system of colleges and universi- ties receiving insufficient funds to sup- port their growing programs. Many legislators are not aware of the crisis facing higher education without adequate funds. Education officials must be permitted to present their case before the higher education budget is finalized and administrators must continue their pressure for such hearings. -WALLACE IMMEN By DAN HOFFMAN The Teachers Corps is still alive, thanks to a quick and hot oral resuscitation by Lyndon Johnson. Yet, despite any inhalation of Texas barbeque breath, this brainchild of Senators Gaylord Nelson and Edward Kennedy faces a treacherous path for the foreseeable future. Originally proposed in 1965 as one of the early Great Society measures, the Corps languished in Congressional committees f o r nearly a year before winning a $9.5 million initial allocation. Since 1965-66 were legislative salad days for Johnson, the in- itial sum, which was nearly $4 million less than what the Ad- ministration had requested, rep- resented an irksome setback for the former English instructor. It was during the first hassle over the Teachers Corps that one Con- gressman first remembers hear- ing those arm-twisting words, "Trust me boy, I'm your Presi- dent," come drawling out of -Pennsylvania Avenue. This first appropriation provided training opportunities for 1,600 recruits, each of whom were sent to one of 42 college campuses to receive special training in education of the socially disadvantaged and urban poor. Although it was hard- ly an all-encompassing enterprise, considering the millions of chil- dren who could qualify as being socially disadvantaged, it was hoped that the pilot program could acquire enough experience and popular support to back ef- forts for a more intensive project. IT WAS NOT long after this modest inception that the Corps began making powerful enemies in Congress and among local school districts in the South. Fearing loss of educational con- trol to the federal government, legislators from rural districts lined up against the Corps, de- termined to choke it in the 1 According to legend, it was dui one of those beer-sipping mph rides around the LBJ Ra that Johnson became nosta about his days "at the high sq and decided that preservation the Corps was a must. So in tober of 1966, an additional million was appropriated to k the Teachers Corps afloat u June, 1967. bud. ring 120 nch Ilgic ule" Facing strong opposition from Oregon Republican Edith Green, chairman ofr the House Special Subcommittee on Education, the administration was successfully 000", :IIx 197 The Regirsa - And Tribune Syndict O~+ - *." l nG"*'M 4*'+ . ""'. MIN- % A* F " A4 'The Modern University' THE FOLLOWING EXCERPT is tak- en from a reprint in the Christian Science Monitor of an address by John 'Kenneth Galbraith, entitled "The Modern University: Three Steps Toward Today," delivered at the Uni- versity of California at Berkeley: 'OOD UNIVERSITIES have always been places of contention and dispute. And he best universities in their greatest Iase have always been places of the nost energetic and uninhibited conten- ion. That is because, in great universi- les, ideas are important and issues are aken seriously and scholars are not owards and no one is so silly as to sup- ose there is such a thing as orderly, well- egulated debate which, in the manner f a motion picture script, can be care- ully tailored in advance to the taste of he audience and the prejudices of the ensors. Poor universities composed of raven men are invariably very orderly laces and bad universities have the sil- nce and tranquility of the desert.... The first source of trouble in the mod- rn university has been the, spread, in nodern times, of the atavistic doctrine hat modern government is unnecessary -that its services, including education, re a plot against the liberties of the citi- en.... [HE SECOND FAILURE of the modern university has been in the perception f its own economic significance - and ower. None of us questions the import- nce of the modern university as a cen- er of untrammeled intellectual inquiry. For do we question its role in scientific nd social innovation. Speeches asserting hese values flow readily from the aca- emic pen, and automatically from the onvocation orator. We speak much less f the economic role of the modern uni- ersity. We think it a trifle Philistine to ssert it, yet potentially it is a point on 'hich the passions of even the most rchaic citizen can be aroused.... I come now to the third and final weak- ess. In the 19th century and well into he present one the university was not, i economic and political terms, a very nportant institution. It contributed to he graces of life. It provided the profes- .onal learning that kept men and horses live and criminals in jail. It was not in n age of enterpreneurs and of clerks and ookkeepers and unlettered proletarians vation it was vulnerable to the aggres- sions of those who saw in such discussion and such innovation some peril to their power or their pocketbooks... . OUT OF THIS SITUATION came the pe- culiarly American system of univer- sity administration. This was the lay board which acted as financial advocate of education before the legislature or the men of wealth, which served as a buffer between those who had a disposition to heresy and those who had an urge to sup- press it. Depending on circumstances it protected the heresy or restrained it.... These ideas are now greatly attenuat- ed. In the mature university, power over appointments, the curriculum and the conduct of research has, by agreement, passed to the faculty. These are the cri- tical powers-the commanding heights. And the notidn of academic inadequacy has, for good reasons, disappeared. It is to the modern faculty that the national government and the modern large cor- poration turn for the talent when they are faced with some really difficult prob- lem of decision or administration. The university scientist guides the govern- ment on the problem of nuclear policy. He helps the helplessly practical men of business through the world of the com- puter. With perhaps less applause he de- signs and administers social welfare inno- vation, staffs and guides the Council of. Economic Advisers, maps taxation and regulation, and on occasion even seeks to 'rationalize the determined empiricism of economic aid and diplomacy. When tasks of vast technical or social complexity must be done, and done well, it is to the university faculty that society turns. Only for running the modern uni- versity is it imagined that they are too stupid or otherwise incompetent. For this, men of practical insight must be com- manded. Of course, the modern faculty runs the university too. The governing board of the mature university is an an- achronism as the more perceptive and acute of its members are adequately aware ... But the governing board is not yet a harmless anachronism. In many respects, it remains a barrier to rational prog- ress.... SOONER OR LATER the administration of the modern and mature university must be brought abreast of the reality. This reality is that the faculty now gov- of able to wrest the program from an Oc- omnibus education bill earlier in $7.5 the year in the hope that a special keep compromise on the Corps; could be ntil arranged. The move turned out better than had been expected, al- though Rep. Green cut immediate appropriations for the Corps down to $3.8 million. However, $135 mil- lion was provided for Corps ex- pansion through 1970. The Green formula exacted as a price for passage the transfer of admin- istrative control to state and local agencies. Since it is not probable that o program directed from the Office of Education in Washing- ton would be met by enthusiastic approval in rural Mississippi or Kentucky, one can expect some friction to be generated between many of the student-teacher corpsmen and the local boards of education. Another problem envisioned by Teachers Corps director Richard Graham is the long-range dilem- ma of recruitment. If the Corps is to expand toward presently en- visioned proportions, the number of teacher volunteers must be mul- tiplied many times over current prospects. Since service as a Corps teacher gives many an increased vulnerability to the military draft, does not offer the incentive of overseas travel available in the Peace Corps, provides little career experience outside of teaching, and pays ,hardly more than a subsist- ence allowance, the attractiveness of Teacher Corps service to most college graduates seems minimal. Furthermore, those persons eager to put college training in the social sciences and in education into practice, may find that the poten- tially splendid opportunity of working with culturally deprived children to be bureaucratically frustrating as compared with some of the more experimentally orient- ed university social welfare pro- grams. Since it can be properly as- sumed that one of the motivating concerns in starting the Teachers Corps was to remove part of the responsibility for educating ghet- to children from big city boards at of education, the reaction of board 'eat directors in cities like Chicago o've and Philadelphia will probably de- 'ng termine the Corps' eventual suc- hey cess or failure. If it is viewed as a ;hy form of federal assistance in hey breaking up the physical and per- eend sonal entity of the ghetto, then eels the Corps could go a long way and toward aiding in the rehabilita- and tion of the major cities. However, an- most trustee boards are general- low ly comprised of upper middle class em, business and professional people at who frequently live in .a suburb no 'and send their children to private at schools. At best, they regard the ethnic and economic structure of the city as not amenable to any- I it thing but the most gradual of illar changes. Typical among big city school boards is the Daley machine's hand-picked assortment in Chica- go. Having given the public school superintendent repeated difficul- ty on his proposal for busing of pupils, the board has steadfast- ly refused to alter the tradition- al school boundaries in the city. The present arrangement has all the districts on the city's predom- inantly Negro south side arranged into narrow-north-south boundar- ies, while the districts north of the Madison Street dividing line, inhabited by mostly white ethnic neighborhoods, are conveniently arranged in east-west boundaries which are adjusted yearly as some Negroes cross the line. Since workers in other federal assistance programs have done much to alienate a good number in Chicago's sizable Slavic popu- lation by participating in freedom and anti-war m a r c h e s, the chances for success of the locally administeredsCorps in places like Chicago remains much in doubt. TO DATE, the Administration has made .careful efforts to keep the Teachers Corps under the Of- fice of Education and away from the exposed flank of the Office of Economic Opportunity, which runs the War on Poverty. In fact, poverty program administrators who were questioned about the Teachers Corps expressed a re- luctance to become identified with the Corps for fear of exposing to fledgling organization to some of the standard criticisms made against the OEO. If the greatest obstacle to the Teachers Corps seems to lie with the local school boards and their influence 'upon Congress, Corps director Graham also pins his strongest hopes , for long range success upon these same local school districts. This Is because any school district which is afraid of the changes that the idealistic recruits might bring, would not request a Teacher Corps program for its area. Thus, the best oppor- tunities for local change still lie with a progressive-minded local administrator who can break bar- riers from within. One source of immediate irritation which Gra- ham faces, in this area is the tendency of school superinten- dents to muzzle the political ex- pressions of their subordinates. Many of the recruits who joined the Corps because they viewed the organization as a means for changing tradition-rooted policies from the outside are in for a-big disappointment. DESPITE all the qualifications which stand in the way of a meaningful realization of the 1965 hopes, Graham remains buoyantly optimistic. fis future plans in- elude asking Congress for funds to attract people who are interest- ed in careers other than teaching: social workers, economists, clini- cal psychologists, anthropologists, public health workers, vriminolog- ists and lawyers could also gain valuable experience in the ghetto. In talking to Graham, an old bu- reaucratic veteran of the Peace Corps, one gains the distinct im- pression that he feels he has the big trump card up his sleeve. A little reflection on the subject might easily lead to the conclu- sion that Graham does indeed have the high cards, for in spite of local boards, congressional cool- ness and recruitment lag, the cru- cial factor remains Johnson him- self. His memories of dirt farm- ing down by the Pedernales are still vivid. Possessed of the same hellbent for leather spirit, John- son could skilfully, employ his tal- ents for arm twisting and mid- night window tapping to make the Galbraith-Kennedy ideas as embodied in the Teacher Corps in- to reality. Unfortunately, Johnson has been "twistin' and tappin'" for quite some time over Vietnam and many with whom he must deal appear to have grown weary of the constant entreatments. But there are still those who expect dazzlement from Johnson. He is the key to the Teachers Corps and the Corps might be a good indication of Johnson's fu- ture with the Congress. !I 4,; A. "Coach, I believe his name is Gipp . . .' There's Gold in California By JENNY STILLER It may be an off-year in Amer- ican politics, but the leading Re- publican presidential candidates are already off and running. And while the favorites, George the Rambler and Tricky Dick, are chomping at their bits out in the open, campaign managers for the dark horses are putting their can- didates through their paces be- hind the barn. The fight for the GOP presi- dential nomination promises to be an exciting one, if only be- cause 1968 looks like the year the Republicans have been waiting for. After only eight years in the White House since 1952 they are as close to the big prize now as they have ever been since 1960, and they don't want to muff this one. Almost anything, from in- conclusive primaries to a con- vention deadlock, could destroy the chances of one or both front- runners. And if that happens, a whole host of favorite sons are ready and willing to take their place. The brightest of the new crop of young Republicans, including New York's Mayor John Lindsay, Ill- inois Senator Charles Percy, and Ohio's Governor Mark Hatfield, are unlikely contenders at this time. They are all young, all lib- eral, and can all afford to wait for a more favorable climate be- fore making their bids. It is the older men that know that '68 - and perhaps '72 - will offer them their last chance. Governor Nel- son Rockefeller findsshimself in this position, and responds with the accepted formula that he is not a candidate. A deadlocked itician. In little more than a year, this grade-B actor has, with a little help, become not only a leading contender for the presi- dency but what many consider the "perfect candidate." He is con- servative enough to be the dar- ling of California Birch Society, yet astute enough politically to tacitly b a c k liberal Senator Thomas Kuchel's bid for re-elec- tion - thereby avoiding re-open- ing the newly-healed wounds in California's faction - plagued Re- publican Party. He is dynamic, an excellent speaker who can make platitudes sound like profundities, who can say the same things Goldwater said, but without an- tagonizing anyone. Throw in a carefully-cultivated image, home- spun folksiness, and television presence, and top the whole thing off with an appearance which makes him "look like a presi- dent" more than any winning candidate since Warren G. Har- ding, and you have the star for "The Making of the President, 1968." What is so disheartening about Reagan is not so much his con- servatism or even his anti-intel- lectualism, but his superficiality. He seems to have taken for his personalstandard this decade's demigod - the "image." With the help of the crack public re- lations firm of Spencer-Roberts, the onetime-liberal Reagan be- came a conservative around whom disillusioned Goldwater-support- ers flocked. The image-building was so effective that it even fool- ed many of Reagan's closest sup- porters. Nonetheless, the Golden Boy of .rnva ,',',tndnpz '1~i.take n. stand on His appeal is aimed instead those he has called "that gr unsung body of Americans wh been carrying the load and pay send their kids to school, t send their kinds to school, t contribute to their church charity and they make the wh( of the local community go 'rot by their contributions, civic otherwise. I think that our b ner, if we want them to fol us, must be that we say to th "We offer equal opportunity the starting line in life, but compulsory tie for everyone the finish line." THIS IS HIS appeal, and works. He aligns the blue-co workers against the hippies, "common people" against "th radicals at Berkley," He off lower-middle-class workers a cal program designed to red their taxes, and union officials dismayed that their members supports the governor's anti- ion programs. With a backd of all the pop culture of "swing California," he presents him as the defender of what they is the threatened fortress of t ditional law, order, and moral The "folks" to whom Reaj appeals form most of his folk ing - the silent part of it. M vocal are the Goldbirchers, economy-in-government supp ers, and many others with a rig of-center axe to grind. Not least of these are many big-na show biz personalities - from late Walt Disney to Shirley Te ple Black. Their abaility to fluence the electorate is am the many factors in Reaga r the lose fers fis- uce are hip un- rop ;ing self feel ra- ity. gan fore the art- 'ht- the ime the em- in- ong sn's "Be A Good Sport And Run Along Home. The Poor Chap Feels Bad Enough About Having Missed You" Ay Ss " p.