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July 16, 1960 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1960-07-16

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"And Tell the UN We also Protest the Aggressive
Attitude of the Democratic Party"

Seventieth Year

: :--

ditorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.


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Eaton Emphasizes
U.S. Peace Desire
(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following interview with industrialist Cyrus Eaton
on his talks this year with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev was made
available to the Associated Press by the Cleveland Plain Dealer.)
Contributing Editor to the Cleveland Plain Dealer
LOS ANGELES--Cyrus Eaton recently disclosed, in an exclusive inter-
view with the Cleveland Plain Dealer, that during his talks this
year with Premier Nikita Khrushchev of Russia he has reassured the
Soviet leader about the intentions and the psychology of American
He has told Khrushchev, he said, that the industrialists of the
nation want no war and at no time would put the considerations of

AY, JULY .16, 1960


Experimental Theatre
Could Benefit University

ELMER RICE'S apparent attitude, almost one
of bewilderment, toward the place of ex-
perimental theatre in Ann Arbor and most other
college communities today, is especially note-
worthy because Rice, a former guest playwright
for the University, is no stranger to the aca-
demic atmosphere.
In his afternoon speech on Wednesday and
particularly during the panel discussion with
members of the University staff, Rice's view-
point toward college theatre and its possibilities
was in marked contrast to that of the other
Rice's stand was approximately this: "Why
don't you college people, with your supposed
LikeIt or Not.
THESHRUBBERY around Ann Arbor is
creeping away these days. Not only does
the speech department's imminent production
of "As You Like It" feature alive and moving
"trees" (providing more parts for student stars),
but all the greens on the Student Activities
Building lawn are being methodically whisked
away, roots and all.
Wasting not a moment, University grounds-
men brought out the spades and green thumbs
early yesterday morning, hours before the Re-
gents had approved the building contract for
the new, probably tin-foil encrusted, wing of
the SAB. At the rate the eager gardeners are
going, ground will be broken within a week,
and the building will be up in no time.,
The students wanted a central location for
their activities, the Administration says, so they
must want an addition to the original edifice.
Therefore, a portion of the next seven years'
student fees will be used to finance the $750,-
000 edifice.
But times have changed since the students
first complained of dislocated activities. Per-
haps now they are more worried about losing
professors who are more and more often drawn
from the University to higher-paying, good
positions elsewhere. Mathematically, that $750,-
000 could add up to a $1,000 bonus for 750
professors over the next seven years.
Still, the bushes are bowing out and there's
no time for an encore - yet the SAB lawn
pageant isn't necessarily "As You Like It."

stock of youthful idealism and your public sup-
port, take advantage of these things and be-
come seekers and leaders for drama in this
society that is so fraught with dangers for it?"
"Your playwrights, actors, and other person-
nel need not depend on the traditionally con-
servative audiences for your livelihood. Why
don't you present unknown, unusual work by
struggling young writers no one ever heard of?"
Worldly New Yorker Rice repeatedly posed
variations of these questions to the other panel-
ists and the audience, almost ignoring all other
discussion topics.
HE WAS ANSWERED from both the floor
and the stage with what must have been
discouragingly shortsighted complaints, which
boiled down to this: "We want to have a big
audience and make at least enough money to
finance our productions. We want our young
stars and starlets to have fun with their work,
because fun is all they get out of it."
Probably I have done an injustice to Prof.
Halstead's arguments in my effort to make
what I think is essentially an accurate gen-
eralization, summarizing the prevalent attitude
in college and other communities.
Not only did Rice suggest that college theatre
should work with other than post-Broadway
material, but that we might even find it salu-
tary to us and to theatre in general to air work
that never would qualify for the 'big time.'
"Plays for which there is a selective audience,"
as he put it, "are necessary."
Prof. Halstead attributed the conformist
tendencies in Ann Arbor productions to "an
extremely conservative local taste." The im-
plication is that local taste necessarily dictates
the taste, or at least the play selection, of local
theatre. What Rice kept saying is that this
need not, be true, and if it need not, it should
A completely different attitude toward the
responsibility of the academic institution seems
imperative here. "Instead of obeying public
taste," to again quote the playwright, "you
ought to lead it." The service which would be
performed by a university group that almost
completely ignores public sentiment by select-
ing and producing material on aesthetic and
intellectual rather than popular criteria, would
be a vitally needed step in a direction more
worthy of such a group.

their enterprises in any conception
As Mr. Eaton pointed out, the
suspicion has been rife in Russia
for years that the "capitalist in-
dustrialists" of the free-enterprise
countries-notably those of the
United States, the largest of these
-might conceivably confront the
possibilities of a third world war
in interests of their enterprise.
* * *
MR. EATON declined to quote
the Moscow premier, but when
asked whether he considered that
Khrushchevhbelieved him, said he
listened with the greatest of ear-
nestness to everything the Cleve-
lander said.
Eaton clinched his statement-
which conceivably might become
of historic value in the years to
come-with the example of An-
drew Carnegie, the greatest steel
maker in the world's history and
the classic founder of independent
steel production for America.
"Mr. Carnegie," he told Premier
Khrushchev, "to the immense for-
tune from his liquidation of his
steel interests and used the largest
part of it to establish the world's
best known foundation for peace,
which has been effective for peace
almost beyond any other effort.
"His psychology has become tra-
dition for the makers of metal
products in America since his day."
ing the similar psychology of in-
dustrialists elsewhere in the free
world, Mr. Eaton discussed with
Khrushchev various talks he had
had with Alfred Krupp, principal
entrepreneur of the famous Ger-
man steel, chemicals, banking, and
In these, the Clevelander said,
Krupp declared that he prayed not
to be forced ever again to become
a 'producer for a war.".
In the regimes of both Kaiser
Wilhelm II and Adolph Hitler,
Krupp recounted, the family inter-
ests were given no choice but to
become the largest German muni-
tions p'roducers. At the present
Krupp faces the possibility of still
another governmental pressure to
return to the munitions produc-
tion, and told the Cleveland capi-
talist of his dread of this eventu-

head of the world's need of peace.
Revolt Dies
In Cauc us,
don B. Johnson's nomination
for Vice-President turned the
Democratic convention into an
emotional checkerboard,
It delighted most of the party
leaders, dismayed many rank and
file delegates, and brought this
comment from an observed who
belongs to neither group:
"Kennedy will lose the South
and Johnson will lose the North
but the ticket ought to do all
right in Hawaii and Alaskca."
The mixed emotions swirled
hardest on the convention floor
around the standards of Calif-
ornia, Michigan, Wisconsin and
the District of Columbia.
appeared, a California delegate
from Berkeley began gathering
signatures for a petition to-cau-
cus. Exactly what action the Cal-
ifornians could take, assuming
they agreed to one, was never
This correspondent then wrig-
gled through the subway-crowd
jam over to the Michigan delega-
"We're taking a caucus," said
Gov. G. Mennen Williams.
"What about?"
"To see what the question is
to caucus about," he said.
MEANWHILE, representatives.
from Wisconsin and the District
of Columbia kept coming to Wil-
liams. They were trying' to forge
a movement to endorse someone
else for the Vice-Presidency.
So it went until the convention
There was a roar of approving
votes. But when Collins called for
"those opposed," there was a roar
from those against Johnson. It
came mainly from the four dele-
gations, plus the gallery where,
of course, the vote doesn't count.

t . 0 ow- c

A workable Combination

The Quiet Democrats

LOS ANGELES-No occurrence
in the past week has prompted
quite as much speculation as the
selection of Lyndon Johnson to
run with John F. Kennedy in No-
It is likely that the true effects
of the choice will not be known
for some time, but at present it
appears that Kennedy has done
himself slightly more political
good than harm.
The most useful consequences
for the Kennedy forces are three.
First, Johnson, with his relative
conservatism and self-emphasized
ability to "bring men together,"
should help keep the South with-
in the Democratic fold in Novem-
Second, Kennedy has now found
Johnson and his political ally,
Speaker of the House Sam Ray-
burn, to work zealously in the
critical session of Congress now
Third, if the Democrats are vic-
torious in November, Johnson will
be replaced by a new Senate ma-
jority leader of more liberal cut
who would more agreeably comply
with the programs and wishes of
President Kennedy,
*4 * *!
less tangible.
Civil rights evangelists and la-
bor leaders are unhappy with
Kennedy's choice of Johnson. The
Texan is the one man they have
vehemently opposed in this con-
vention, and his nomination in-
furiated a few and upset many.
Two of the more important
questions about Kennedy-his
courage and the liberalism- of
his liberalism-will certainly be
more frequently raised. And Ken-
nedy will find it a more difficult
chore to secure the Negro vote in
Northern urban areas.
* * *

ritation may be minimal, since
normally progressive individuals
like G. Mennen Williams, Adam
Clayton Powell, Orville Freeman
and Walter Reuther have deter-
mined to work for a Kennedy-
Johnson victory.
They are satisfied, in particu-
lar, with the strongly liberal plat-
form this convention has en-
The liberals, in short, have been
rankled by the naming of John-
son but soothed by the declara-
tions in the party platform.
Kennedy has carefully applied
reverse treatment to the South.
Their abuse came early with the
adoption of the platform, but the
Johnson nomination has healed
much of the party disunity.
Richard Nixon, ironically
enough, is quite likely to attack
Kennedy as the compromiser who
places political ambition above
principle, and the cry will un-
doubtedly be echoed by the na-
tion's idealistic liberals.
* * *
surely involved in the decision,
the amazing point about Ken-
nedy's choice is its boldness. The.
senator, at a point when critics
are raising loud questions about
his machinations, has defiantly
begun his campaign with a move
that will increase at volume of
Three months before November,
he has acted like a man already
elected by making a controversial
political appointment. It is geared
not only to getting votes, but
also, to the easier enactment of
President Kennedy's legislative
program next year,
Vice-President Johnson would
be under President Kennedy's di-
rect orders and unable to be a
stubborn majority leader.
* * *
IT MAY BE A mistake to begin

Ikeda's Political Ability

enacting a Presidential program
before an election, and surely
Kennedy has considered that pos-
No one here can deny that Ken-
nedy is a calculator, nor can they
deny that he has taken a risk
in selecting Johnson.
But after watching Kennedy's
operations all along, one almost
has to respect his political judg-
ment and assume that the Ken-
nedy-Johnson ticket will be highly
workable, and popular, with Ken-
nedy pounding the North, John-
son the South, and Henry (Scoop)
Jackson-and possibly Stevenson
-the West Coast.

LOS ANGELES-They hailed the conqueror,
and a new hero came into a political culture
where hero types die hard and bring heart-
break when they die, and in which a new
political man is struggling to be born.
Before we push the past wholly into the ob-
scurity of musty files and memoirs it is worth
saying that no good fight for a deeply felt
cause is ever wholly wasted or lost. Lyndon
Johnson fought a lusty fight, yet the notable
one was that of the Stevenson cohorts.
Their wished miracle was never achieved,
the dream and hope on which they operated
never materialized. There is a wistful sadness
among the Stevenson faithful who brought to
the nomination proceedings the only note of
passionate caring that was sounded all day.
While the outward struggle was between
Johnson and Kennedy, there was a more subtle
one between the Stevenson and Kennedy forces.
The North-South fight was marked by genuine
differences of social outlook which will form a
continuing problem during the campaign. The
Stevenson-Kennedy fight was not over basic
issues, since both men represent the liberal
wing of the Democratic Party. It was a matter
of choice between two different kinds of leader-
ship, two moods and temperaments whose
differences are not easy to define yet are im-
portant to understand.
ONE WAY of putting the difference is to see
it as one between a reflective man for
whom action comes at the end of a complex
analysis, and an action man for whom reflec-
tion is a prelude to action. Perhaps the best
epitaph on the Stevenson hero-type was the
general post mortem comment in his camp:
"We started too late"-something that could
never be said of the Kennedy hero-type. There
is a heady sense of triumph among the men
who planned, organized, and executed the Ken-

nedy victory with a precision rarely achieved
in the loose and sloppy entity called the Demo-
cratic Party.
Adlai Stevenson was the kind of political
figure who, like a great novelist or artist,
creates a world that bears his unmistakable
stamp. If I didn't understand this earlier I
understood it when I watched the demonstra-
tion at the convention.
The people who took part in it-Negro and
white, young and old, poor, middling, and rich
-couldn't have explained their almost fanatical
intensity by any position Stevenson has taken
on any particular issue. All you could say was
that they had about him an awareness of
greatness. They were caught up in his world
of intangibles, as a reader is caught up in the
world a novelist weaves out of his own and the
reader's sensitiveness and dreams.
I was going to say that Kennedy will In
time create his 'similar world, but that would
miss the whole point. Kennedy as a new politi-
cal figure is interested in the means by which
a given end will be achieved. Weare entering
an era in which political leadership, like al-
most everything else in our culture, is handed
over to the technicians. Give them the ends,
and they will find the means. That is the kind
of man this new political man is. This is Jack
HE IS EASILY one of the most brilliant
political technicians who has come on the
American scene since Franklin Roosevelt. We
can count on his skill, his timing, his percep-
tiveness, his adroitness of maneuver. Above all,
we can count on his intense will to complete
whatever job he takes on, and to win.
What this means is that John Kennedy will
be as good as-and no better than-the frame
of ends and values within which he works. He
is not the sort of man who can himself create
this frame. But he has the right instincts, as
Harry Truman had; and he has the perceptive-
ness to select from the thinking of those around
him those ends that are most in tune with the
nature and needs of our times.
This has already been illustrated by the forth-
rightness and generosity of the Democratic
platform which was fashioned so largely under
his influence, and presumably with his complete

Associated Press Correspondent
T OKYO - "Let the people eat
barley if they can't afford rice."
"We can't help it if five or 10
small businessmen starve to
These were statements made by
Hayato Ikeda. Japan's new prime
minister, as he pressed the meas-
ures which laid the groundwork
for this country's postwar eco-
nomic boom.
They made him no friends at
the time and the latter statement
cost him his job as trade minister
in 1952, but bighbusiness, which
fought him all the way, now re-
spects and backs him.
The 60-year-old minister of in-
ternational trade and industry
trounced Mitsujiro Ishii, candi-
date of a coalition rallying to the
cry of "politicians against the
bureaucrats," for the post of Lib-
eral Democratic Party president,


No Crackdown on Cuba

succeeding Premier Nobusuke Ki-
* * *
WHAT SORT OF a prime minis-
ter will Ikeda make? Few question
his ability, his toughness, or his
integrity as an executive.
The question is Ikeda's ability
as a politician. Does he have the
flexibility, tact and skill to win
over political enemies, to keep his
party together and maintain a
stable government?
He has that reputation for
brusqueness which got him in
trouble more than once. But many
politicians feel the edges now
have been rounded off the Ikeda
personality. They say he is now
more diplomatic and considerate
in his dealings with others.
He may need all the ability he
has to get through the coming
months. The fight over the party
Presidency and the Kishi succes-
sion created a deep schism with
oldtime party politicos. He needs
their cooperation to make party
machinery move smothly.
* * *
PARTY MEN have also ques-
tioned whether Ikeda has the
popular appeal to pull the liberal
Democrats to a resounding victory
at the upcoming general elections.
They are to be called in the au-
tumn in a test of strength with
the Socialists, cocky from their
success in blocking President
Eisenhower's visit here and forc-
ing Kishi to resign.
Left-wing demonstrators have
for the past several weeks de-
nounced Ikeda inplacards and
slogans, 'claiming he would be-
come "another Kishi."
Ikeda, born Dec. 3, 1899, once
was considered the wilful playboy
son of a wealthy Hiroshima sake-
brewing family. He has learned a
great deal, his friends say, since
his days as cabinet minister under
the wing of 'pro-Western states-
man Shlgeru Yoshida.
more and more like a politician
and less like a bureaucrat-a term
in Japan synonymous with inflexi-
bility, red tape and arrogance.
This year, he told newsmen,

"The basis of our policy is co-
operation with the United States,"
he. said recently. "But with the
new security pact confirming that
basic policy, we should try to re-
open our trade-with Red China."
Some Years
Are Bad
COTTSBLUFF, Neb. (JP)--Terry
Carpenter, of "Joe Smith"
fame, went to another national
political convention this year, but
under different circumstances-
than in 1956.
Instead of being a delegate, to
the Republican national conven-
tion in Chicago, Carpenter was
the escort of his wife, a Nebraska
delegate to the Democratic na-
tional convention in Los Angeles.
The state senator, who nomi-
nated the mythical "Joe Smith"
for Vice-President at the 1956
Republican convention, lost not
only his bid for' the Republican
nomination for governor in the
May primary but also failed to
make the grade as Republican
The Daily Official Bulletin is aa
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The,
Michigan Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Build-
ing, before 2 p.m. two days preced-
ing publication.
General Notices
College of Literature, Science and the
Arts and Schools of Business Adminis-
tration, Education. Music, Natural Re-

Democrats were in Los An-
geles wrestling with the selection
of their candidate, the joint chiefs
of staff in Washington was mak-
ing one of the most momentous
recommendations since the end of
the war,
It advised President Eisenhower
to crack down on Cuba with mili-
tary force before it's too late.
They recommended the use of
marines and paratroopers to take
over the entire island.
This would bring us back to
approximately the days when we
occupied Cuba after the Spanish-
American war, and the state de-
partment immediately objected.
It informed President Eisenhower
that nothing would turn Latin-
American sentiment against the
United States more than military
intervention in Cuba.

by Raul Castro, brother of Fidel,
to Czechoslovakia, Egypt and
Moscow. It was strongly suspected
that he was on a secret mission
to sign a mutual defense pact
with the Soviet.
So far this has not been con-
firmed, However, a mutual de-
fense pact between Cuba and
Russia would be equivalent to the
mutual defense pacts we have
signed with Iran, Turkey and
other countries on the Soviet
border. If they are attacked by
Russia, we promise to go to their
* * *
other foot, with Khrushchev
pledging--at least by public state-
ment-to attack the United States
if we intervene in Cuba.
Whether Raul Castro actually
signed a defense pact is not
known. What is known is that he
arranged with the Cechs tn shin

States troops on the Soviet border.
What it wants most is Russian
bases close to the United States.
Strategy is to use them as a bar-
gaining weapon to force our with-
drawal from the perimeter of the
AT ALMOST THE same time
Premier Khrushchev was blasting
the United States regarding Cuba,
300 Russian officials and diplo-
mats called at the American Em-
bassy in Moscow in honor of the
A m e r i c a n Independence Day.
United States Ambassador "Tom-
my" Thompson was dumfounded.
He hadn't expected any Rus-
sians to his 4th of July reception,
figured they would boycott it. But
300 came, including First Deputy
Premier Frol Kozlov.
Reason appeared to be twofold:
I) the Russians actually want
peace with the American people
even thonh they attack Nixon

Editorial Staff
CHAEL BURNS ...................... Night Editor
DREW HAWLEY................... Night Editor
CHAEL OLINICK .............p..Sorts Co-Editor
SAN JONES ..................... Sports Co-Editor

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