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Seventieth Year
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CINEMA GUILD:
Trader Horn Battles
Natives for Fetish
TRADER HORN, filmed in 1931, can make. several claims to being
the grandfather of all jungle films. At least it has practically all
the situations Hollywood has since put in its African repertoire.
There is the great white hunter (Harry Carey), the faithful native
gunbearer (Rutia Omoolu), the young hunter (Duncan Renaldo), and
an endless number of pith helmets, stiff upper lips, and stampeding
animals.
There is also the heroine (Edwina Booth), in this case, a young
white woman captured by 4(of course) the fiercest of all tribes and
made a fetish. Trader Horn and Mr. Renaldo set our to find her in
IDAY, JULY 1, 1960
NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL BURNS
Freedom for the Unprepared:
A Rash and Dangerous Gift
As WE IN THE United States prepare to
celebrate the 184th anniversary of our In-
dependence Day, two nations halfway across
the world from us are joining the common-
wealth of sovereign states.
The Congo achieved independence a handful
of hours ago with the last withdrawal of Bel-
gian authorities, and tomorrow Somalia, the
union of Italian and British Somalilands, be-
comes a free nation. They will bring the total
of independent African nations to 15, five of
which were created this year.
In this rash of liberalism, it would be pleasant
to praise these infant states without reserva-
tions and commend their former governors for
their enlightened wisdom and graciousness in
freeing their territories. Yet one is unable to
do this wholeheartedly for there are indications
that freedom may have come too soon for some
of them, especially the Congo.
Created in the wake of nationalist violence
last winter, the Congo became free when the
frightened Belgians decided to pull out. They
left a land plagued by educational and political
problems, and plagued badly.
There are 14 million people in the Congo.
Only sixteen are college graduates. There are
no doctors, no lawyers, no engineers.
F ACED WITH THIS lack of talented minds
and hands to preserve the health, ad-
minister fair and equitable justice, and begin
the construction of industry needed for a
strong economy, the Congo is going to need
a great deal of outside assistance if it is to
prosper. This will be granted by the free na-
tions of the West only if the Congo can dis-
play a stable political front that has the sup-
port of and authority over the majority of the
people. No such political monolith appears to
exist yet.
More than 200 political parties nominated
candidates for the parliamentary election last
month, parties that divided by parochial re-
gional and tribal interests into bitter, squab-
blMng groups. Some of their leaders favor seces-
sion because they are in a minority and are
kept from being in first place by the Congo's
democratic rules.
LN FIVE OF THE nation's six provinces, mi-
nority parties withdrew from the assembly.
Others issued threats of doing the same. They
claimed they would organize new provinces in
the regions from which their votes came.
Two days ago, members of two such dis-
gruntled political groups attempted a protest
march in Leopoldville, the capital. It took tear
gas and rifle butts to avert this crisis in the
ironic setting of a city daily decorated for to-
day's celebration.
These groups are engaging in nothing more
than tribal warfare on a slightly higher plane,
using the nomenclature of political behavior
in place of shrill war cries. Their action is
just as savage to the nation's growth as a
violent attack on an unarmed rival tribe.
MAX LERNER sN Rr
Chinupra
IF EACH GENERATION could choose its own
epitaph for its sepulchre, that of the Eisen-
hower Administration would be "nothing could
touch us because we meant well."
President Eisenhower's report on his Far
East trip suffered from two disabilities. He
tried to make it an answer to his political
critics to reassure the world that America has
suffered no recent diplomatic defeats, despite
the evidence of Paris and Tokyo.
Thereby he missed the chance to win the
The Belgian authorities, in a move reflecting
their final responsibility, named as provisional
premier Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba is not
especially liked by the Belgians, who regard
him as an extremist and an opportunist. Yet
he seemed the only one able to get anything
done in the parliament. By compromises pacify-
ing the regional leaders, he has been able to
execute some makeshift action. The picture,
however, still appears dismal. The Congo stands
today an uneducated and selfishly divergent
group of regions and tribes, displaying little
unity of action.
ONE CAN ARGUE, of course, that our own
beginnings had similar drawbacks. Com-
munication was poor, sectional interests were
strong, the economy depended heavily on the
very nation we were fighting. Yet, we were en-
gaged in a unifying, if not wholly moral, event:
war. We were able, moreover, to find intelligent.
and practical leaders to guide us.
The Congo has no force unifying it and the
promise of new leaders is only a vague cloud
beyond the present horizon. Lumumba has
questionable motives, at best. Even the military,
which has provided leaders in similar situa-
tions elsewhere, is empty of native leadership.
There are no African officers in the 25,000 man
army.
(OMPARED TO THE Congo, Somalia appears
perfectly prepared for independence. So-
malia becomes a free nation after a calm transi-
tion from territory to United Nations trustee-
ship. It held its first election not last month,
but four years ago. The Somali Youth League
won 42 of the 62 legislative Assembly seats,
named its premier, and became actively in-
volved in national problems.
Although Somalia has little industry as yet,
and few natural resources, the United States
regards its transition to independence with
such optimism as to have granted the small na-
tion $5.2 million in economic assistance since
1952. More aid is promised this year.
ANATION THAT IS given independence too
quickly and without serious thought to its
readiness for it may fail to fulfill the burdens
of responsibility that freedom entails. Economic
aid to bolster the nation will not be forthcom-
ing from the West if the political management
is shaky. Internal disunities will be encouraged
and aided by Mr. Khrushchev and his friends.
Pressure from the outside may push the nation
into an autocratic Communist rule more
stringent than the one it left. Or it might be-
come the scene of vicious nationalist outbreaks
that will destroy the nation from within.
Second thoughts niay often be fruitful. In
the situation of deciding the destiny of millions
of people, they are compulsory. Rashness, par-
ticularly in extending freedom, is certainly not
the best policy.
-MICHAEL OLINICK
accordance with a promise made
to the fetish's mother. On the way
they see and catalogue most of
the animals on the continent.
* * *
WHEN THEY finally do reach
the fierce tribe's camp, they are
almost given a Petrine crucifixion
by way of welcome, saved only by
the fetish, who on initial appear-
ance proves to be wonderfully
reminiscent of the Ziegfeld Follies.
Seeipg in Mr. Renaldo a future
happier than that of a tribal
fetish, she helps everyone to es-
cape.
The irate trible pursues them,
they are hungry and thirsty, tired
and rent with dissention, but
everyone escapes except the native
guide, who inadvertantly sacrifices
himself to the greater good.
They reach civilization at last,
and Horn surrenders the beautiful
fetish to his rival with all good
grace. Muttering home - spun
philosophies about the jungle not
growing old the way women do,
he returns to his Africa as the
fetish sails off into the sunset
facing the perils of higher educa-
tion, presumably at the hands of
Mr. Renaldo.
* * *
BUT TO DISCUSS the extrava-
gances of the plot is not to negate
the good points of the film. The
acting, ifrnative, is at least honest
and refreshingly free of formcla.
The technique, likewise, is un-
hampered by the mannerisms of
Cinemascope and colour, and often
has a factual poetry that re-
minded this interviewer, as did
the whole film, of nothing so
much as old pages from the Na-
tional Geographic Magazine.
-Michael Wentworth
DAIL'Y
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Miichigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no edi-
torial responsibility. Notices should
be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 AdmInistration Build-
ing, before 2 p.n. two days preced-
ing publication.
FRIDAY, JULY 1, 1960
VOL. LXX, NO. 98
General Notices
University Libraries, including the
General Library, the Underraduate Li-
brary, and divisional libraries will be
closed Independence Day, July 4.
Classical Studies Coffee Hour: Tues.,
July 5, West Conference Room of the
Rackharn Building, 4 p.m. All students
and friends of the Classics are cordially
invited.
Graduate Social Hour and Mixer on
Fri., July 1 at the VFW Club, 314 E.
Liberty. The Social Hour will be from
5 to 7 p.m. and the Mixer from 9 p.m.
to midnight with music by the Men of
Note.
(Continued on Page 3)
AT THE STATE:
Icee Palace
Big, Cool
EDNA FERBER likes big men,
big enough to embody an idea,
without becoming caricatures.
And after picking a situation with
large enough potential, throws
them in to fight it out amongst
themselves.
Alaska since the end of World
War I is the arena this time for
her latest battle titled "Ice Pal-
ace." The men are Robert Ryan,
a native Alaskan, righteously but
justly angry at the exploitation
of his home, and Richard Burton,
the poor boy who knows freedom
and self-respect are exactly syn-
onomous with money.
Carolyn Jones transforms their
early friendship into a lifetime
slugging match by loving the
wrong man. They separate and
come back fighting, with Miss
Jones refereeing the rest of the
show.
* s
RICHARD BURTON LETS no
love stand in the way of success.
While he expands the canning
and mining industries with greed
and cynicism, Alaska grows. So
does the hatred for Burton as he
ruthlessly. introduces m o d e r n
methods.
By this time the loveless tycoon
has only his business cynicism
with which to justify himself. And
Ryan is too intensely opposed to
everything Burton stands for to
try a reasonable compromise.
Can ruthless Burton be forgiven
his sins in making Alaska great
so that he can take over com-
pletely? Can conservative Ryan
take over and continue his en-
emies' accomplishments without
indulging in his sins? The ans-
wer is no for both questions.
* * *
90 BURTON'S DAUGHTER
marries Ryan's son and they die
in a hardly credible episode in
the Yukon, leaving a daughter for
the grandfathers to argue over.
This does not solve the problem,
for they resort to arbitration and
Miss Jones gets the baby.
No, compromise and under-
standing are the only answers if
the men are to live together. The
movie can't help expanding this
moral at the end, but they don't
overdo it too much,
The men as ideas are remark-
ably real. Their lives are complex
enough; and the apportioning of
love and hate to each makes them
understandable and human.
It's a shame the directing and
acting were not always up to the
material. The love scenes were
corny, the drama often laughable.
Nor was the conclusion as honest
as that of "Giant," which offers
many parallels.
--Thomas Brien
THE RULE OF LAW
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This seven-part series reports the current Law
School lecture series on "Post-War Thinking about the Rule of Law")
By FRED STEINGOLD
ABOVE THE. MARBLE portals of the Supreme Court is in-
scribed the motto "Equal Justice Under Law." That phrase
is the proud hallmark of America's faith in its legal system. Too
often, however, that phrase becomes a cliche: It reflects a smug
satisfaction with the peculiar set of institutions we have de-
veloped in defining the relationship between man and his govern-
ment.
It is appropriate, therefore, that from time to time the men
who daily deal in legal details should stand back and take a
critical look at the legal system as a whole. Six University law
professors undertook this difficult assignment in a series of lec-
tures given this week and last.
At times the ideas they sought
to convey were nebulous and
not easily grasped. This se-
mantic difficulty is inevitable
when one makes a deliberate
effort to escape from tradi-
tional modes of thought. -For
the most part, the presentation
of professional soul-searching
in a public forum was enlight-
ening, challenging and hearten-
ing. In an era of history when
the world is threatened on
many fronts by the Rule of
Force, it is refreshing to hearf
dynamic, imaginative talk about
the Rule of Law.
Justice Felix Frankfurter in
a new book says that "the worst-
public servants are narrow-
minded lawyers, and the best -
are broad-minded lawyers." By i'
this standard, the men who lec-
tured on the Rule of Law have
performed a valuable public
service.
RIGHT TI
Socialists
Jon't Run
This Time
A GRAND TRADITION in Amer-
ican political life came to an
end here recently.
The Socialist Party, at its na-
tional convention, voted not to
run candidates in this year's elec-
tions.
There had once been glorious
days for the Socialist movement,
when the devoted were convinced
that an American plebiscite for a
new, collective society was just
around the corner.
It started with Eugene V. Debs'
first candidacy in 1900 and reach-
ed its peak in 1920, when Debs
collected almost a million votes.
** *
BUT THE EUPHORIA did not
last. In 1956, the slate of Darling-
ton Hoopes and Sam Friedman, on
the ballot in only four states, re-
ceived a total of 2,126 votes.
At this year's convention, a
hard core of delegates wanted to
continue running a ticket, but not
because the chances of success
seemed greater than in 1956,
They argued, quite simply, that
a party without candidates was
not a party.
But a two-thirds majority, with
the 1956 disaster in mind, was con-
vinced that to put up a slate
would be foolish.
-The Nation
#'
I
' .
4
i
4.
WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND:
WASHINGTON - Consistently
and faithfully during the past
two decades, the du Pont family
of Delaware has been one of the
top contributors to the Republican,
party. Along withx the Rockefel-
lers' $152,604 in '56, the Pew family
of Sun Oil ($206,800 in '56) and
the Mellons of Gulf Oil and Al-
coa ($150,100 in '56), the du Ponts
($248,423 in '56) have sprinkled
their political largess around the
nation wherever a good Republi-
can was in trouble.
Last week, in a closed-door ses-
sion of the Senate finance com-
mittee, this generosity paid off.
The finance committee, by an
11-to-6 secret vote, ok'd the so-
called du Pont amendment which
would hand the du Pont family
about $650 million in reduced
taxes.
THE DU PONT amendment to
the tax bill was nitroduced by able,
unobtrusive Sen. Allan Frear of
Delaware who, though a Demo-
crat, frequently votes Republican
and invariably votes with the big
chemical family which dominates
his tiny state. The amendment
stems from the Supreme Court
order requiring the giant du Pont
company to divest itself of the
giant General Motors combine.
Two giants, operating under joint
ownership, the court ruled, made
free competition from smaller
companies impossible.
The du Pont family bought their
General Motors stock at $2.10 a
share. It is now selling for $43. On
its total of 63 million shares this
would mean a cool capital gains
of $27 billion.
BonanEza, Loopholes
By DREW PEARSON
'I
, M A. , f: II
hnship
"Let's Not Blame Ourselves for What's Done by
Those Darn Rocks"
Most high - bracket taxpayers
would be delighted to pay a capital
gains tax of only 25 per cent on
this, and feel they were lucky.
However, Senator Frear, the oblig-
ing Democrat from Delaware, feel-
ing sorry for the du Ponts, intro-
duced his amendment scaling their
tax down from $650 million to
about $43 million. In brief, the du
Ponts would pay a tax of only
16 cents a share instead of $12 a
share-if Senator Frear has his
way. And the finance committee
voted last week to give it to him.
SIGNIFICANTLY seven Demo-
crats lined up with the du Ponts-
largely in deference to the skill-
ful, personal lobbying of Frear who
had done some favors for them.
Here is how they voted on the du
Pont tax bonanza:
Democrats for du Pont:
Eugene McCarthy (Minn.) dar-
ling of the liberals and a battler
on the Senate floor for plugging
tax loopholes.
Russell Long (La.) the "poor
folks champion." He explained
later that he had helped Frear be-
cause Frear had helped his social
security bill; that he would vote
against the du Ponts in the final
Senate balloting.
Herman Talmadge (Ga.) who
when governor of Georgia gen-
erally tried to plug tax loopholes.
Bob Kerr (Okla.) whose vote
surprised no one. His Kerr-McGee
Oil Company has made millions
from tax loopholes, which in turn
has made him the wealthiest man
in the Senate.
Also, George Smathers (Fla.),
Clinton Anderson (N.Mex.), Vance
Hartke (Ind.).
* * *
REPUBLICANS for du Pont:
Thruston Morton (Ky.) who as
chairman of the Republican na-
tional committee raises money
from the du Ponts.
Frank Carlson (Kans.) a liberal
on farm legislation and in this
case also liberal with other tax-
payers' money.
John M. Butler (Md.) who has
received support from the du
Ponts.
Against the du Ponts some sur-
prising votes were cast. The op-
position of Paul Douglas (Ill.) and
Albert Gore (Tenn.) was not sur-
prising, for they have been con-
sistent pluggers of tax loopholes.
However, Wallace Bennett, the
Utah Republican, onetime presi-
dent of the National Association
of Manufacturers, voted against
the du Pont tax bonanza. So did
another Republican, Carl Curtis
of Nebraska, generally conserva-
tive.
* * *
FURTHERMORE, Sen. John
Williams, Republican of Delaware,
who has to live with the du Ponts
but is a crusader for fiscal in-
teegrity, had the courage to vote
against them; which put me in
the position of apologizing to Wil-
liams. I recently reported that he
usually voted with the du Ponts
on fiscal matters. I was wrong.
Finally, Chairman Harry Byrd,
the big Virginia apple-grower, re-
fused to stomach the du Pont tax
bonanza. He voted against it.
,Senator Frear had tacked the
du Pont amendment onto a tax
bill aimed at preventing residents
of the Virgin Islands from becom-
ing tax dodgers. Remarked Senator
Douglas, after the $600 million tax
before introducing his yachting
amendment to plug 'swindle sheet'
tax deductions, Sen. Joe Clark
(Penn.) had consulted with the
treasury. They advised him to
write his amendment in general
terms. But in the secre$- commit-
tee conferences, Jay Glasnann,
the treasury lobbyist, sabotaged
the Clark amendment because
Clark had followed the treasury's
advice. The amendment was too
general, Glasmann said. Real fact
is that Secretary of the Treasury
Anderson talks publicly about the
importance of savin gtax money
while his righthand man privately
talked just the opposite. On the
very same day the duPont amend-
ment was OK'd, the Democratic
policy committee gave the green
light to HR 10, a bill giving spe-
cial ,tax relief to doctors, lawyers
and the self-employed.
It was a big day for the tax
concessionaires all the way around.
(copyright 1960, by the Bell syndicate)
INTERPRETING:
Panama
R estless
By J. M. ROBERTS
Associated Press News Analyst
T HE UNITED STATES position
in Cuba is much like that of
a man in white flannels under
attack by urchins in a slum dis-
trict.
He can't bring himself to exert
full force, he's going to get dirtied
up no matter what he does and
he's in danger that the whole.
block will start rioting.
There's nothing ludicrous in
this picture of the great United
States being kicked in the shins
by a bunch of immature revolu-
tionaries in a region where inter-
national politics is always explo-
sive.
* * *
IT'S THE EXAMPLE that's be-
ing set - the demonstration that;
the United States is handicapped
by her own dignity and her own
sense of forbearance.
It is bound to be taken for weak-
ness in such spots, for instance)
as Panama.
The Panamanian politicians al-
ready have been taking advantage
of a similar situation. A succession
of American concessions over 20
years have fed Panamanian na-
tionalism until now the very own-
ership.of the Canal Zone itself is
in question. Panama no longer
permits anti - aircraft emplace-
ments outside the- zone to defend
the Canal. American forces would
no longer be permitted to defend
the republic if it were attacked by
outside forces, such as the Cuban
revolutionaries.
One of Washington's problems
is whether to let such erosive pro-
cesses continue until other Latin
American states become suffi-
cientlyralarmed to take an open
stand, or whether to rely for ac-
tion now on assurances of support
which are still private and there-
fore still evasive.
Politically, the irritation is
much greater.
If the United States cannot pre-
vent the establishment in Latin
America of bases for international
Communism. then nations all
e{
r
confidence of his people and the world by a
candid admission of the American setbacks,
along with an assessment of the fearful splits
by which the Communist world is riven and the
basic strength that the democratic world bloc
can summon for the battle of ideas ahead.
DISTILLED FROM ITS depressingly banal
verbiage (who, oh, who writes these speeches
now?) the Eisenhower report comes down to
the proposition that America har suffered no
defeats, and besides, the Communists are re-
sponsible for them and not the Americans
themselves.
"These disorders," said the President about
the Japanese riots, "were not occasioned by
Americans. We in the United States must not
.all into the error of blaming ourselves for
what the Communists do. After all, Commu-
nists will act like Communists." And he went
on to assert that the final ratification of the
pact was a Communist defeat, and that there
is overwhelming support for America-even in
Japan.
One must admire the man's capacity for
self-deception. The question is not whether
Americans caused the rioting (no one would
be zany enough to suggest that they did) but
why the Japanese Communist minority found'
such fertile ground among students, professors
The question is why the Communists had a
strategic success in Japan, and why the Ameri-
canleaders were so badly informed and ad-
vised that it caught them by surprise.
One would guess that the majority of Japa-
nese still value their freedom and their Ameri-
can alliance. The question is why the Japanese
climate of opinion has changed as it has, and
what blunders and miscalculations are re-
sponsible.
ANOTHER RECENT example of complacency
in the fact of danger may be found in Vice-
President Nixon's crack about the compari-
sons of economic growth in the United States
and Russia as "a parlor game we might call
growthmanship." Whether the Vice-President
likes it or not I can assure him that in both
Asia and Europe the young intellectuals persist
in studying the comparisons, and they don't
regard it as a parlor game.
No, the struggle for internal economic growth
and strength is anything but a game. The
struggle to win the marginal and uncom-
mitted nations to the democratic cause will
not be achieved by a cheerfulness undiluted
and unqualified by the facts of life. The real
game that the Administration leaders are play-
ing is that of chinupmanship-a dangerous
game which could also be called bland men's
bluff.
IF ANYTHING FURTHER were needed, after
the summit collapse and the Tokyo fiasco,
to underscore the grimness of humanity's
plight, the Russian walkout from the Geneva
disarmament talks has furnished it. My guess
is that this rounds out Khrushchev's retreat
from his pre-Paris moderation policy and is the
payoff he is giving his generals and his op-
ponents in the world Communist bloc for letting
him stay in power. But I must add that while
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