KT~w Eidgan iati Seventieth Year - EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSiTY OF MICHIGAN When Opinions Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Truth Wil Prevai" STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241 Editorials printed in TheMichigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. CINEMA GUILD: Trader Horn Battles Natives for Fetish TRADER HORN, filmed in 1931, can make. several claims to being the grandfather of all jungle films. At least it has practically all the situations Hollywood has since put in its African repertoire. There is the great white hunter (Harry Carey), the faithful native gunbearer (Rutia Omoolu), the young hunter (Duncan Renaldo), and an endless number of pith helmets, stiff upper lips, and stampeding animals. There is also the heroine (Edwina Booth), in this case, a young white woman captured by 4(of course) the fiercest of all tribes and made a fetish. Trader Horn and Mr. Renaldo set our to find her in IDAY, JULY 1, 1960 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL BURNS Freedom for the Unprepared: A Rash and Dangerous Gift As WE IN THE United States prepare to celebrate the 184th anniversary of our In- dependence Day, two nations halfway across the world from us are joining the common- wealth of sovereign states. The Congo achieved independence a handful of hours ago with the last withdrawal of Bel- gian authorities, and tomorrow Somalia, the union of Italian and British Somalilands, be- comes a free nation. They will bring the total of independent African nations to 15, five of which were created this year. In this rash of liberalism, it would be pleasant to praise these infant states without reserva- tions and commend their former governors for their enlightened wisdom and graciousness in freeing their territories. Yet one is unable to do this wholeheartedly for there are indications that freedom may have come too soon for some of them, especially the Congo. Created in the wake of nationalist violence last winter, the Congo became free when the frightened Belgians decided to pull out. They left a land plagued by educational and political problems, and plagued badly. There are 14 million people in the Congo. Only sixteen are college graduates. There are no doctors, no lawyers, no engineers. F ACED WITH THIS lack of talented minds and hands to preserve the health, ad- minister fair and equitable justice, and begin the construction of industry needed for a strong economy, the Congo is going to need a great deal of outside assistance if it is to prosper. This will be granted by the free na- tions of the West only if the Congo can dis- play a stable political front that has the sup- port of and authority over the majority of the people. No such political monolith appears to exist yet. More than 200 political parties nominated candidates for the parliamentary election last month, parties that divided by parochial re- gional and tribal interests into bitter, squab- blMng groups. Some of their leaders favor seces- sion because they are in a minority and are kept from being in first place by the Congo's democratic rules. LN FIVE OF THE nation's six provinces, mi- nority parties withdrew from the assembly. Others issued threats of doing the same. They claimed they would organize new provinces in the regions from which their votes came. Two days ago, members of two such dis- gruntled political groups attempted a protest march in Leopoldville, the capital. It took tear gas and rifle butts to avert this crisis in the ironic setting of a city daily decorated for to- day's celebration. These groups are engaging in nothing more than tribal warfare on a slightly higher plane, using the nomenclature of political behavior in place of shrill war cries. Their action is just as savage to the nation's growth as a violent attack on an unarmed rival tribe. MAX LERNER sN Rr Chinupra IF EACH GENERATION could choose its own epitaph for its sepulchre, that of the Eisen- hower Administration would be "nothing could touch us because we meant well." President Eisenhower's report on his Far East trip suffered from two disabilities. He tried to make it an answer to his political critics to reassure the world that America has suffered no recent diplomatic defeats, despite the evidence of Paris and Tokyo. Thereby he missed the chance to win the The Belgian authorities, in a move reflecting their final responsibility, named as provisional premier Patrice Lumumba. Lumumba is not especially liked by the Belgians, who regard him as an extremist and an opportunist. Yet he seemed the only one able to get anything done in the parliament. By compromises pacify- ing the regional leaders, he has been able to execute some makeshift action. The picture, however, still appears dismal. The Congo stands today an uneducated and selfishly divergent group of regions and tribes, displaying little unity of action. ONE CAN ARGUE, of course, that our own beginnings had similar drawbacks. Com- munication was poor, sectional interests were strong, the economy depended heavily on the very nation we were fighting. Yet, we were en- gaged in a unifying, if not wholly moral, event: war. We were able, moreover, to find intelligent. and practical leaders to guide us. The Congo has no force unifying it and the promise of new leaders is only a vague cloud beyond the present horizon. Lumumba has questionable motives, at best. Even the military, which has provided leaders in similar situa- tions elsewhere, is empty of native leadership. There are no African officers in the 25,000 man army. (OMPARED TO THE Congo, Somalia appears perfectly prepared for independence. So- malia becomes a free nation after a calm transi- tion from territory to United Nations trustee- ship. It held its first election not last month, but four years ago. The Somali Youth League won 42 of the 62 legislative Assembly seats, named its premier, and became actively in- volved in national problems. Although Somalia has little industry as yet, and few natural resources, the United States regards its transition to independence with such optimism as to have granted the small na- tion $5.2 million in economic assistance since 1952. More aid is promised this year. ANATION THAT IS given independence too quickly and without serious thought to its readiness for it may fail to fulfill the burdens of responsibility that freedom entails. Economic aid to bolster the nation will not be forthcom- ing from the West if the political management is shaky. Internal disunities will be encouraged and aided by Mr. Khrushchev and his friends. Pressure from the outside may push the nation into an autocratic Communist rule more stringent than the one it left. Or it might be- come the scene of vicious nationalist outbreaks that will destroy the nation from within. Second thoughts niay often be fruitful. In the situation of deciding the destiny of millions of people, they are compulsory. Rashness, par- ticularly in extending freedom, is certainly not the best policy. -MICHAEL OLINICK accordance with a promise made to the fetish's mother. On the way they see and catalogue most of the animals on the continent. * * * WHEN THEY finally do reach the fierce tribe's camp, they are almost given a Petrine crucifixion by way of welcome, saved only by the fetish, who on initial appear- ance proves to be wonderfully reminiscent of the Ziegfeld Follies. Seeipg in Mr. Renaldo a future happier than that of a tribal fetish, she helps everyone to es- cape. The irate trible pursues them, they are hungry and thirsty, tired and rent with dissention, but everyone escapes except the native guide, who inadvertantly sacrifices himself to the greater good. They reach civilization at last, and Horn surrenders the beautiful fetish to his rival with all good grace. Muttering home - spun philosophies about the jungle not growing old the way women do, he returns to his Africa as the fetish sails off into the sunset facing the perils of higher educa- tion, presumably at the hands of Mr. Renaldo. * * * BUT TO DISCUSS the extrava- gances of the plot is not to negate the good points of the film. The acting, ifrnative, is at least honest and refreshingly free of formcla. The technique, likewise, is un- hampered by the mannerisms of Cinemascope and colour, and often has a factual poetry that re- minded this interviewer, as did the whole film, of nothing so much as old pages from the Na- tional Geographic Magazine. -Michael Wentworth DAIL'Y OFFICIAL BULLETIN The Daily Official Bulletin is an official publication of The Univer- sity of Miichigan for which The Michigan Daily assumes no edi- torial responsibility. Notices should be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to Room 3519 AdmInistration Build- ing, before 2 p.n. two days preced- ing publication. FRIDAY, JULY 1, 1960 VOL. LXX, NO. 98 General Notices University Libraries, including the General Library, the Underraduate Li- brary, and divisional libraries will be closed Independence Day, July 4. Classical Studies Coffee Hour: Tues., July 5, West Conference Room of the Rackharn Building, 4 p.m. All students and friends of the Classics are cordially invited. Graduate Social Hour and Mixer on Fri., July 1 at the VFW Club, 314 E. Liberty. The Social Hour will be from 5 to 7 p.m. and the Mixer from 9 p.m. to midnight with music by the Men of Note. (Continued on Page 3) AT THE STATE: Icee Palace Big, Cool EDNA FERBER likes big men, big enough to embody an idea, without becoming caricatures. And after picking a situation with large enough potential, throws them in to fight it out amongst themselves. Alaska since the end of World War I is the arena this time for her latest battle titled "Ice Pal- ace." The men are Robert Ryan, a native Alaskan, righteously but justly angry at the exploitation of his home, and Richard Burton, the poor boy who knows freedom and self-respect are exactly syn- onomous with money. Carolyn Jones transforms their early friendship into a lifetime slugging match by loving the wrong man. They separate and come back fighting, with Miss Jones refereeing the rest of the show. * s RICHARD BURTON LETS no love stand in the way of success. While he expands the canning and mining industries with greed and cynicism, Alaska grows. So does the hatred for Burton as he ruthlessly. introduces m o d e r n methods. By this time the loveless tycoon has only his business cynicism with which to justify himself. And Ryan is too intensely opposed to everything Burton stands for to try a reasonable compromise. Can ruthless Burton be forgiven his sins in making Alaska great so that he can take over com- pletely? Can conservative Ryan take over and continue his en- emies' accomplishments without indulging in his sins? The ans- wer is no for both questions. * * * 90 BURTON'S DAUGHTER marries Ryan's son and they die in a hardly credible episode in the Yukon, leaving a daughter for the grandfathers to argue over. This does not solve the problem, for they resort to arbitration and Miss Jones gets the baby. No, compromise and under- standing are the only answers if the men are to live together. The movie can't help expanding this moral at the end, but they don't overdo it too much, The men as ideas are remark- ably real. Their lives are complex enough; and the apportioning of love and hate to each makes them understandable and human. It's a shame the directing and acting were not always up to the material. The love scenes were corny, the drama often laughable. Nor was the conclusion as honest as that of "Giant," which offers many parallels. --Thomas Brien THE RULE OF LAW (EDITOR'S NOTE: This seven-part series reports the current Law School lecture series on "Post-War Thinking about the Rule of Law") By FRED STEINGOLD ABOVE THE. MARBLE portals of the Supreme Court is in- scribed the motto "Equal Justice Under Law." That phrase is the proud hallmark of America's faith in its legal system. Too often, however, that phrase becomes a cliche: It reflects a smug satisfaction with the peculiar set of institutions we have de- veloped in defining the relationship between man and his govern- ment. It is appropriate, therefore, that from time to time the men who daily deal in legal details should stand back and take a critical look at the legal system as a whole. Six University law professors undertook this difficult assignment in a series of lec- tures given this week and last. At times the ideas they sought to convey were nebulous and not easily grasped. This se- mantic difficulty is inevitable when one makes a deliberate effort to escape from tradi- tional modes of thought. -For the most part, the presentation of professional soul-searching in a public forum was enlight- ening, challenging and hearten- ing. In an era of history when the world is threatened on many fronts by the Rule of Force, it is refreshing to hearf dynamic, imaginative talk about the Rule of Law. Justice Felix Frankfurter in a new book says that "the worst- public servants are narrow- minded lawyers, and the best - are broad-minded lawyers." By i' this standard, the men who lec- tured on the Rule of Law have performed a valuable public service. RIGHT TI Socialists Jon't Run This Time A GRAND TRADITION in Amer- ican political life came to an end here recently. The Socialist Party, at its na- tional convention, voted not to run candidates in this year's elec- tions. There had once been glorious days for the Socialist movement, when the devoted were convinced that an American plebiscite for a new, collective society was just around the corner. It started with Eugene V. Debs' first candidacy in 1900 and reach- ed its peak in 1920, when Debs collected almost a million votes. ** * BUT THE EUPHORIA did not last. In 1956, the slate of Darling- ton Hoopes and Sam Friedman, on the ballot in only four states, re- ceived a total of 2,126 votes. At this year's convention, a hard core of delegates wanted to continue running a ticket, but not because the chances of success seemed greater than in 1956, They argued, quite simply, that a party without candidates was not a party. But a two-thirds majority, with the 1956 disaster in mind, was con- vinced that to put up a slate would be foolish. -The Nation #' I ' . 4 i 4. WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND: WASHINGTON - Consistently and faithfully during the past two decades, the du Pont family of Delaware has been one of the top contributors to the Republican, party. Along withx the Rockefel- lers' $152,604 in '56, the Pew family of Sun Oil ($206,800 in '56) and the Mellons of Gulf Oil and Al- coa ($150,100 in '56), the du Ponts ($248,423 in '56) have sprinkled their political largess around the nation wherever a good Republi- can was in trouble. Last week, in a closed-door ses- sion of the Senate finance com- mittee, this generosity paid off. The finance committee, by an 11-to-6 secret vote, ok'd the so- called du Pont amendment which would hand the du Pont family about $650 million in reduced taxes. THE DU PONT amendment to the tax bill was nitroduced by able, unobtrusive Sen. Allan Frear of Delaware who, though a Demo- crat, frequently votes Republican and invariably votes with the big chemical family which dominates his tiny state. The amendment stems from the Supreme Court order requiring the giant du Pont company to divest itself of the giant General Motors combine. Two giants, operating under joint ownership, the court ruled, made free competition from smaller companies impossible. The du Pont family bought their General Motors stock at $2.10 a share. It is now selling for $43. On its total of 63 million shares this would mean a cool capital gains of $27 billion. BonanEza, Loopholes By DREW PEARSON 'I , M A. , f: II hnship "Let's Not Blame Ourselves for What's Done by Those Darn Rocks" Most high - bracket taxpayers would be delighted to pay a capital gains tax of only 25 per cent on this, and feel they were lucky. However, Senator Frear, the oblig- ing Democrat from Delaware, feel- ing sorry for the du Ponts, intro- duced his amendment scaling their tax down from $650 million to about $43 million. In brief, the du Ponts would pay a tax of only 16 cents a share instead of $12 a share-if Senator Frear has his way. And the finance committee voted last week to give it to him. SIGNIFICANTLY seven Demo- crats lined up with the du Ponts- largely in deference to the skill- ful, personal lobbying of Frear who had done some favors for them. Here is how they voted on the du Pont tax bonanza: Democrats for du Pont: Eugene McCarthy (Minn.) dar- ling of the liberals and a battler on the Senate floor for plugging tax loopholes. Russell Long (La.) the "poor folks champion." He explained later that he had helped Frear be- cause Frear had helped his social security bill; that he would vote against the du Ponts in the final Senate balloting. Herman Talmadge (Ga.) who when governor of Georgia gen- erally tried to plug tax loopholes. Bob Kerr (Okla.) whose vote surprised no one. His Kerr-McGee Oil Company has made millions from tax loopholes, which in turn has made him the wealthiest man in the Senate. Also, George Smathers (Fla.), Clinton Anderson (N.Mex.), Vance Hartke (Ind.). * * * REPUBLICANS for du Pont: Thruston Morton (Ky.) who as chairman of the Republican na- tional committee raises money from the du Ponts. Frank Carlson (Kans.) a liberal on farm legislation and in this case also liberal with other tax- payers' money. John M. Butler (Md.) who has received support from the du Ponts. Against the du Ponts some sur- prising votes were cast. The op- position of Paul Douglas (Ill.) and Albert Gore (Tenn.) was not sur- prising, for they have been con- sistent pluggers of tax loopholes. However, Wallace Bennett, the Utah Republican, onetime presi- dent of the National Association of Manufacturers, voted against the du Pont tax bonanza. So did another Republican, Carl Curtis of Nebraska, generally conserva- tive. * * * FURTHERMORE, Sen. John Williams, Republican of Delaware, who has to live with the du Ponts but is a crusader for fiscal in- teegrity, had the courage to vote against them; which put me in the position of apologizing to Wil- liams. I recently reported that he usually voted with the du Ponts on fiscal matters. I was wrong. Finally, Chairman Harry Byrd, the big Virginia apple-grower, re- fused to stomach the du Pont tax bonanza. He voted against it. ,Senator Frear had tacked the du Pont amendment onto a tax bill aimed at preventing residents of the Virgin Islands from becom- ing tax dodgers. Remarked Senator Douglas, after the $600 million tax before introducing his yachting amendment to plug 'swindle sheet' tax deductions, Sen. Joe Clark (Penn.) had consulted with the treasury. They advised him to write his amendment in general terms. But in the secre$- commit- tee conferences, Jay Glasnann, the treasury lobbyist, sabotaged the Clark amendment because Clark had followed the treasury's advice. The amendment was too general, Glasmann said. Real fact is that Secretary of the Treasury Anderson talks publicly about the importance of savin gtax money while his righthand man privately talked just the opposite. On the very same day the duPont amend- ment was OK'd, the Democratic policy committee gave the green light to HR 10, a bill giving spe- cial ,tax relief to doctors, lawyers and the self-employed. It was a big day for the tax concessionaires all the way around. (copyright 1960, by the Bell syndicate) INTERPRETING: Panama R estless By J. M. ROBERTS Associated Press News Analyst T HE UNITED STATES position in Cuba is much like that of a man in white flannels under attack by urchins in a slum dis- trict. He can't bring himself to exert full force, he's going to get dirtied up no matter what he does and he's in danger that the whole. block will start rioting. There's nothing ludicrous in this picture of the great United States being kicked in the shins by a bunch of immature revolu- tionaries in a region where inter- national politics is always explo- sive. * * * IT'S THE EXAMPLE that's be- ing set - the demonstration that; the United States is handicapped by her own dignity and her own sense of forbearance. It is bound to be taken for weak- ness in such spots, for instance) as Panama. The Panamanian politicians al- ready have been taking advantage of a similar situation. A succession of American concessions over 20 years have fed Panamanian na- tionalism until now the very own- ership.of the Canal Zone itself is in question. Panama no longer permits anti - aircraft emplace- ments outside the- zone to defend the Canal. American forces would no longer be permitted to defend the republic if it were attacked by outside forces, such as the Cuban revolutionaries. One of Washington's problems is whether to let such erosive pro- cesses continue until other Latin American states become suffi- cientlyralarmed to take an open stand, or whether to rely for ac- tion now on assurances of support which are still private and there- fore still evasive. Politically, the irritation is much greater. If the United States cannot pre- vent the establishment in Latin America of bases for international Communism. then nations all e{ r confidence of his people and the world by a candid admission of the American setbacks, along with an assessment of the fearful splits by which the Communist world is riven and the basic strength that the democratic world bloc can summon for the battle of ideas ahead. DISTILLED FROM ITS depressingly banal verbiage (who, oh, who writes these speeches now?) the Eisenhower report comes down to the proposition that America har suffered no defeats, and besides, the Communists are re- sponsible for them and not the Americans themselves. "These disorders," said the President about the Japanese riots, "were not occasioned by Americans. We in the United States must not .all into the error of blaming ourselves for what the Communists do. After all, Commu- nists will act like Communists." And he went on to assert that the final ratification of the pact was a Communist defeat, and that there is overwhelming support for America-even in Japan. One must admire the man's capacity for self-deception. The question is not whether Americans caused the rioting (no one would be zany enough to suggest that they did) but why the Japanese Communist minority found' such fertile ground among students, professors The question is why the Communists had a strategic success in Japan, and why the Ameri- canleaders were so badly informed and ad- vised that it caught them by surprise. One would guess that the majority of Japa- nese still value their freedom and their Ameri- can alliance. The question is why the Japanese climate of opinion has changed as it has, and what blunders and miscalculations are re- sponsible. ANOTHER RECENT example of complacency in the fact of danger may be found in Vice- President Nixon's crack about the compari- sons of economic growth in the United States and Russia as "a parlor game we might call growthmanship." Whether the Vice-President likes it or not I can assure him that in both Asia and Europe the young intellectuals persist in studying the comparisons, and they don't regard it as a parlor game. No, the struggle for internal economic growth and strength is anything but a game. The struggle to win the marginal and uncom- mitted nations to the democratic cause will not be achieved by a cheerfulness undiluted and unqualified by the facts of life. The real game that the Administration leaders are play- ing is that of chinupmanship-a dangerous game which could also be called bland men's bluff. IF ANYTHING FURTHER were needed, after the summit collapse and the Tokyo fiasco, to underscore the grimness of humanity's plight, the Russian walkout from the Geneva disarmament talks has furnished it. My guess is that this rounds out Khrushchev's retreat from his pre-Paris moderation policy and is the payoff he is giving his generals and his op- ponents in the world Communist bloc for letting him stay in power. But I must add that while 11- . ...I,. t -A- - - f r r..