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July 11, 1962 - Image 4

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Michigan Daily, 1962-07-11

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Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED By STUDENTS OF TE DUNVERSrrY OF MICHIGAN
_ UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN~ CONTROL OF STUDENT PU1BLICATIONS
Vhere Opinions ree STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG.* ANN ARBOR, MICH. r Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
itorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

THE NEW CONSTITUTION:

Revamp

Education Article

NESDAY, JULY 11, 1962

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN

Counterforce Policy
Leads toDestru ction

MERICAN defense policy took our country
and the world to the brink of disaster in
he late 1950's. Under President John F. Ken-
edy, Secretary of State Dean Rusk, and Sec-
etary of Defense Robert McNamara, we have
epped away from the brink, but we are still
anding on a shaky cliff.
The threat of "massive retaliation" to deter
ommunist expansion was offered the Soviets
Y President Dwight Eisenhower and Secretary
State John Foster Dulles in the late '50s.
Vith Kennedy, Rusk and especially McNamara,
counterforce" has replaced "massive retalia-
on." It is an improvement, but not much of
ne.
McNamara did not use the word "counter-
>rce" in his speech at the University's com-
encement last month, but the policy is im-
licit in the ideas he presented. He said that
ie government has come to the conclusion
iat basic military strategy should be ap-
roached in much the same way that more
)fventional military ;operations have been
agarded in the past.
THIS IS TO say," he went on, "principal
military objectives, in the event of' nu-
ear war stemming from a major attack on
ie Atlantic Alliance, should be the destruction
the enemy's military forces, not of his civil-
n population.
"The very strength and nature of the alliance
>rces make it possible for us to retain, even in
ie face of a massive surprise attack, suffi-
ent reserve striking power to destroy an ene-
.y society if driven to it. In other words, we
re giving a possible opponent the strongest
naginable incentive to refrain from striking
ar own cities."
The idea of avoiding unnecessary killing in
Ze event of a war is A good one, and this is
ie best attribute of counterforce. But counter-
rce means far more than this.',
It means that both sides have to have strong
;omic forces. In a counterforce war, the two
des would try to destroy each other's military
ases and forces as quickly as possible. The
ronger military force (or the quicker, or
th) would be the one surviving after the
issiles fly. If one side exhausted its military
sources, or if the other side succeeded in
)mpletely destroying them, the other side
uld then demand unconditional surrender
id could assume control. If the nonmilitary
sources of the country or bloc were left
tact, there would be something worthwhile
assume control of. This is one of the appeals
counterforce strategy.
EALIZING THIS, realizing the necessity of
having a military force large enough to sur-
ve an atomic war and strong enough to an-
hilate the enemy's military force, both sides'
all see how essential it is to be ahead. This
President Kennedy's rationale for the nu-
ear tests our country is now conducting, and
is will be Premier Nikita Khrushchev's ra-
:nale when the Soviet Union resumes nuclear
sting. To be successful, counterforce strategy
emands of both sides that they try to get
id stay ahead in military forces. Hence, the
ms race escalates. The dangers increase,
id the possible consequences become even
ore severe.
This is less true of a policy of deterrence and
en of a policy of massive retaliation. Coun-
rforce, perhaps more than any other defense

policy, makes the arms race an increasing
danger.
Counterforce fails in other ways also. Euro-
peans have pointed out that in Western Europe
it would be difficult to separate population
centers from military targets. And they have
told Rusk during his tour of Europe that this
is the case with the United States too: many
vital military bases exist near cities. An ex-
ample is Tucson, where Titan missile bases
have been built close to the city.
AS ARTHUR WASKOW has pointed out in
The Liberal Papers, there can be little doubt
that Nike bases presently established close to
American cities would have to be major tar-
gets for atomic destruction. Thus it seems
likely that atomic attack would have to be cen-
tered on targets close to our major cities, re-
sulting in casualties far beyond what counter-
force advocates estimate as thirty million
deaths. A similar pattern can develop in Russia,
thus lessening the likelihood that the Soviets
could accept nuclear attacks on military targets
and make rational and controlled responses.
If even a few cities were destroyed on either
side, this would panic both sides to go all
the way in their attacks. In this way, counter-
force strategy would fail at the moment that
it is most needed.
Anoher attribute of counterforce strategy is
the need of building fallout shelters and evac-
uation centers. Nuclear attack even merely on
'those places of our land where military forces
are located would result in the poisoning of
the atmosphere throughout most of our coun-
try for at least a week. Completely equipped
shelters would be needed to minimize deaths.
THE KENNEDY administration was in favor
of shelter building last fall when the Berlin
crisis was at its peak, cooled to the idea after
the crisis subsided, but is now warming up to
it again. In this way also the Kennedy admin-
istration is proceeding along counterforce lines.
The trouble with shelters is not only that
they are so fantastically expensive but also
that they make an enemy think we are pre-
paring for war (as indeed we do seem to be
doing). The Russians are by nature and his-
torically suspicious, and their suspicions in-
crease as we build shelters. Shelter building
by either side would increase tensions for the
other side, and we cannot afford to make the
Communists more jittery. Pre-emptive war -
an attack by one side because of fear of at-
tack by, the other side - becomes more likely
as shelters as well as weapons proliferate.
Another problem of counterforce is its feasi-
bility. How can either side ever be sure that
it knows the location of all the military bases
of the other side? Furthermore, it is relatively
easy for the Soviets to learn, the location of
our military centers, but difficult for us to learn
the location of theirs. We put ourselves at a bad
disadvantage by assuming a counterforce
strategy.
THERE ARE a number of ways to partially
alleviate the problems of counterforce. One
way is for both sides - or either side - to
publicize the location of all military centers.
It would be greatly to our advantage if we,
in pursuing counterforce and wishing to make
it effectual, informed all our enemies of the
locations of all our military centers. It would be
greatly to the Communists' advantage, if they
likewise accept counterforce, to make public
the locations of 'all their military centers. In
doing so, each side would reduce the peril to
its civilian population.
Perhaps, in addition, both sides could set up
monitors at each other's military centers to
make sure of this safeguard.
A second way to partially alleviate the prob-
lems of counterforce would be to build military
centers as far away from communities as pos-
sible. In this respect, the ideal place for mili-
tary centers would be the middle of empty
deserts.
A THIRD WAY would be for each side to
develop weapons that, while being able to
knock out each other's military installations,
would not produce much or 'any radiation. If
the radiation danger can be lessened, neither
side would need to build fallout shelters, and
one source of tension-increase would be non-
existent.
A fourth way would be to seek means to
prevent pre-emptive war, or lessen the possi-
bility of its occurrence. Perhaps this could be

done by making our -DEW line two-way by
inviting the Communists to sit in with us in
monitoring the skies for enemy, attack. This
presents a danger - that of a coup d'etat -
but it is feasible from the point of view that
if we really mean what we say when we say
that we will never strike first, we could do it.
And indeed, making the DEW line two-way
might tend to build up a little confidence and
trust between the two sides and in this way
would lessen the tensions between them.
A FIF"'TH way would be to institute an exact
balance, a precise equality, of military
strength between the two sides. If this were
so, neither side would want to fight the other
in a counterforce war because both sides would
know that neither would be the victor mili-

(EDITOR'S NOTE. This is the
sixth of a nine-part series on the
new state constitution.)
By MARK BLUCHER
Daily Staff Writer
" E L I G I 0 N, morality and
knowledge bring necessary to
good government and the happi-
ness of mankind, schools and the
mean's of education shall forever
be encouraged." So begins the pre-
amble to the education article of
the 1962 Michigan Constitution.
Of all the new provisions in the
new document this article has re-
ceived one of the most complete
revampings.
The state's educators are likely
to laud the new proposals of the
education article and strongly
support it.
* *
MRS. CORNELIA A. Robinson
a Democratic member of the state
board of education was pleased
with the new provisions and felt
that "in the long run this appears
to be the way to get the integra-
tion and coordination needed."
Dr. E. Dale Kennedy, executive
secretary of the Michigan Edu-
cation Association says that the
MEA will probably endorse the
new article.
President Harlan Hatcher felt
that the new provisions "preserve
safeguards (and go) a long way
toward the views I set forth in my
testimony before the education
committee "
* * *
MEMBERS of the committee
that drew up the new article in-
cluded John A. Hannah (R-East
Lansing), president of Michigan
State University; Roscoe 0. Boni-
steel (R-Ann Arbor), former Uni-
versity regent; and state guberna-
torial candidate George Romney

(R-Bloomfield Hills), who once
headed a study group that won
approval of over 100 changes in
the Detroit school system.
The new education article di-
rects the Legislature to "maintain
and support a system of free pub-
lic elementary and secondary
schools . . . Every school district
shall provide for the education of
its pupils without discrimination
as to religion, creed, race, color or
national origin."
The education committee insert-
ed the latter phrase "in order that
the new constitution would leave
no room for doubt" on the ques-
tion of segregation.
THE STATE board of education
is expanded from four to eight
members who are elected on par-
tisan ballots from the state at-
large, for an eight year term.
These members shall then appoint
the superintendent of public in-
struction, changing this from its
present elected position.
The Board "shall serve as the
general planning and coordinating
body for all public education, in-
cluding higher education, and
shall advise the Legislature as to
the financial requirements in con-
nection therewith."
The governor would also be an
ex-officio member of the new
Board.
IT IS ALSO charged with "lead-
ership and general supervision
over all public education, includ-
ing adult education and instruc-
tional programs in state institu-
tions, except as to institutions of
higher education granting bacca-
laureate degrees."
Thus, the boards which would
control the various colleges and

universities are left to "supervise
their respective institutions and
direct the expenditure of the in-
stitution's funds." They would,
however, have to go through the
board in order to have their ap-
propriations presented to the Leg-
islature. Furthermore, they would
be required to accept the coordin-
ation and planning policies set by
the board.
For the first time all of Michi-
gan's ten institutions of higher
learning are given constitutional
status under the terms of the new
document. Thistoccurs in the sec-
tion relating to legislative ap-
-propriations for these universities.
THE governing boards of the
other two major universities have
had their terms extended from six
to eight years as have the boards
that govern the other seven insti-
tutions of higher learning in
Michigan.

The only difference between the
two classes is that the boards of
the latter are appointed by the
governor with the advice and con-
sent of the Senate.
The new constitution also di-
rects the governing boards of the
colleges and universities to "open
to the public . . . formal sessions
of governing boards of such insti-
tutions . . ."
THE Legislature is also directed
to "provide for the establishment
and financial support of public
community and junior colleges
which shall be supervised and con-
trolled by locally elected boards."
The State Board of Education
would have the duty of appoint-
ing these boards.
The Legislature is also com-
manded to receive "an annual ac-
counting of all income and expen-
ditures" by all of the colleges and
universities..

Democratic delegates objected to
only three of the nine sections of
the education article.
"THE proposed document de-
motes the superintendent of pub-
lic instruction to a mere appointee
of an eight-member board. The
strong and independent superin-
tendent of public instruction here-
tofore responsible directly to the
people would become, in effect, an
executive secretary with no effec-
tive power to represent and fight
for the educational system.
"The proposed document further
provides that the governing bodies
of universities other than Wayne,
Michigan, and Michigan State
shall be appointed by the Gover-
nor . . . This could, and very like-
ly would, inject an irresponsible
form of direct partisan considera-
tion into the selection of the
boards of these universities. The
result is a weakened system of
public higher education.s"

4.

"Oh, We're Not Against ALL Government Spending"

TODAY AND TOMORROW:
European Community
Represents an* Illusion

Teista r

By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE VISION of a Gaullist Eur-
ope-the Western continent
led by France with the English-
speaking nations on the outside-
would be wholly unrealizeable
without the permanent support
of West Germany. So far as the
vision is credible at all it is be-
cause of the relationship between
Gen. de Gaulle and Dr. Adenauer
and the success of the Common
Market.
For myself, I think that a
Franco - German Europe under
French leadership is an optical
illusion which will pass away with
the two venerable figures who have
created it. For a closed, continen-
tal Franco-German community is
contrary to the vital national, po-
litical, military, and economic in-
terests of the German Federal
Republic. The vital interests of the
German nation as a whole are
bound up with the wider associa-
tion of which the Atlantic na-
tions are the core.
I DO NOT THINK that the fun-
damental issue will be determined
by or be much affected by, the
personalities and the frictions of
diplomatic intercourse. Gen. de
Gaulle is a towering figure who
plays the game of international
politics as'it was taught by Machi-
avelli and played in other days by
men like Richelieu and Talleyrand.
He knows that we are not at
odds with him over a trivial mis-
understanding due to tactlessness
and bad manners. We are at odds
with him because in fact his am-
bition to take the leadership of
Europe is irreconcilable with our
vital need to retain the ultimate
power in nuclear affairs. We must
have that power because we have
the ultimate responsibility.
Gen. de Gaulle is playing for
very grand stakes and he will re-
spect us most if we play it that
way too. He will not be moved
by blandishments, bribes, or
threats, but only by moves which
affect the balance of forces in the
game he has chosen to play.
* * *
THOSE MOVES will come from
Germany. If the Germans turn
inwardly to a Gaullist Europe, they
may conceivably-just barely con-
ceivably-be able at great cost
and at great risk to make it a
going concern. In doing this they
will be delivering a fearful blow,
at the Atlantic community and at
NATO which is their defense. If,
on the other hand, the Germans
turn outwardly, which would mean
to insist on viable terms for Brit-
ain and the Commonwealth, Gaul-
list Europe will be nothing more
than an idle dream.
This momentous German de-
cision does not depend on the per-
sonal feelings of Dr. Adenauer,
and on how assiduously he is
adulated from Washington. So far
as we are concerned, our appeal
to the Germans must not be to
their vanity or to their pride but
to their common sense.
Substitultes

There is no reason to think that
the Adenauer-de Gaulle axis
against the Anglo-Saxons will be
the center of the policy of Dr.
Adenauer's successors. Already Dr.
Schroeder, the Foreign Minister,
has announced that Germany
would press for the admission of
Britain.
A FRANCO-GERMAN axis is,
contrary to German interests. In
the first place, it jeopardizes dan-
gerously the United States mili-
tary commitment on the con-
tinent of Europe. After Dr. Ade-
nauer realized what his first angry
interview in Berlin had done, and
when he had read Gen. de Gaulle's
recent press conference, he said in
another interview, "We must under
no circumstances release the
United States from the defense
community. Without the United-
States we are lost."
In the second place, the Ger-
mans w~ill realize that a Gaullist
Europe assumes the continuing
partition of Germany. A Gaullist
Europe will oppose any opening to
the East which in the course of
time might bring about the xe-
unification of Germany. The hard
line that France takes about Berlin
and the Soviet Union is founded,
we must be sure to understand,
on a basic French national de-
termination not to have to live
with a large reunited Germany.
At bottom the hard policy is
directed not against the Russians
but against 'those Germans who
want to make an opening to the
East. Its purpose is to make any
departure from the present posi-
tion seem un-German and un-
patriotic.
S * * *
GERMANY'S real interests can-
not include Gaullist grandeur.,
Germany's real interests run with
the Atlantic community and with
a wider European society, open
enough to be an attraction to the
European peoples on the other side
of the iron curtain.
To promote this wider commun-
ity is the way to save Berlin, it
is the way to reunite Germany, it
is the way to unite Europe, it is
the way to confront peaceably
and successfully the Soviet Union.
(C) 1962, New York Herald Tribune, Inc.{

KENNEDY PRESS CONFERENCE:
Mutual Respect Prevails

'HE WORLD became a bit smaller yesterday.
For the first time man transmitted his own
age from outer space by means of a satel-
e system and television viewers in the United
ates, Britain and France saw it simultane-
sly..
This feat of science is of great importance
mankind. When the Telstar satellite system
perfected a television network from Los
igeles to Moscow can be created. A series
such instruments can link up the world.
Such a network could forge a strong bond
link the peoples of the world. International
ogramming by presenting live coverage of im-
rtant events can make them much clearer
many more people. Cultural programs can
omote international understanding on a
ich grander stages than at present..
The greatest impact of the Telstar system
11 be in the Atlantic community where cross
lantic television can link Western Europe
d America much the way Europe itself is
iked now. It will create a cultural climate
at will smooth the road towards political and
onomic unity.
Such are the potentialities of Telstar, per-
ps the most significant step toward world
ace.
-PHILIP SUTIN
Editorial Staff
ED RUSSELL KRAMER..................Co-Editor
TER STEINBERGER.................Co-Editor

(EDITOR'S NOTE: Miss Berry, a
Daily staff member, attended the
President's last press conference.)
By MALINDA BERRY
Daily Correspondent
WASHINGTON - It is a feel-
ing of mutual respect that
permeates and underlies a Ken-
nedy press conference. It would
throw fear into the critics of the
democratic way 'of life, if they
could be present for a press con-
ference, which shows that a gov-
ernment can be exposed and criti-
cized without being destroyed. But
to do this it is necessary to be in
the room, not just a television ob-
server, to get the full savor of its
meaning.
The auditorium in the new
State Department building, where
Kennedy holds all his press con-
ferences is conducive to sustaining
the metaphor so often and accur-
ately propounded comparing the
power of the press to the cleaning

blade of the scalpel. The auditor-
ium is fairly barren and there is
no doubt that the presidential seal'
on the podium is the focal point.
The cameramen are noticeable,
but only as backdrops.
For approximately an hour pre-
ceding the conference, the seats
behind the first four rows are
slowly filled by visitors with
passes. All of whom have concen-
tratedly blase expressions on their
faces. They are so determined to
look unconcerned they practically
trip down the carpeted stairs.
THE FIRST four rows contain
the men who really have the right
to look unexcited - the veterans
of multitudes of press conferences
- the representatives of the
Washington bureaus of wire serv-
ices, newspapers, and the broad-
casting corporations. However,
these men don't seem to have for-
feited their appreciation of the
importance of their task - that of
keeping the government alert and
exposing its operations and poli-
cies to the people.
Instinctively, a few minutes be-
fore Kennedy is due to enter the
auditorium, the chatter subsides
and those who know uncross their
legs so they can rise gracefully and
unobtrusively. Kennedy receives
no audible applause, but backs
were straight and heads held rath-
er high; even by the doubtless
many Republicans in the audience.
Until Kennedy brings the con-
ference into the realm of partisan
politics, the first reactions are
those of citizens to their leader.
Kennedy's manner is probably in
large part responsible for the re-
spect accorded him. He is obvious-
ly aware that the newsmen are
doing a favor for the country and
for him by exercising their pro-
fession. If he were not exposed to
their uncensored probing (the sur-

foreign aid bill and his Medicare
Plan. As soon as Kennedy puts
down his page of notes the heart
of the merciless examination of
government begins - the indi-
vidual spontaneous questions. The
reporters yield very seldom to the
temptations of vanity and keep
their questions to simple inquiries
and away from the realm of the
five minute spouting of facts end-
ing with "and would you care to
comment on that, Mr. President."
The reasons reporters don't usual-
ly stray into this field is that the
President usually doesn't care to
comment. This isn't the reporter's
show, even though they are on
television. They have to work so
hard to get presidential recogni-
tion, they can't afford to waste the
time in displaying their knowledge:
What they want is Kennedy's.
* * *
HUMOR is permitted and even
encouraged by Kennedy when it
is really funny. A reporter asked
him to comment on a $1,000-a-
plate b r u n c h (at the word
"brunch" Kennedy's eyebrows rose
perceptibly) that the Michigan
Democrats were having (according
to secret sources revealed to the
reporter alone, as Kennedy dis-
claimed any knowledge of such a
fete) to "dispel the party's anti-
business image."
The criteria for humor seemed
to be whether or not it is aimed at
one particular person or at an un-
definable grouping such as "Michi-
gan Democrats."
The quality of Kennedy's mem-
ory for particulars, which so as-
tounded the viewers of the cam-
paign television debates has im-
proved. He couldn't have brushed
up on all the pertinent figures to
be demanded of him the night
before. He simply has a huge res-
ervoir of information at his beck
and call. It is with real respect

1'

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