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June 26, 1964 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1964-06-26

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I

W~s %auDWI
Seventy-Third Year
EDIrD AND MANAGED B STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTOrTY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLIcATIoNS
r iinsare e, STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MIcH., PHoE No 2-3241
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in aU reprints.
FRIDAY, JUNE 26, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JEFFREY GOODMAN

.Should U' Expand
Calendar or Faiies

IT'S THE LAST summer session. The
last regular semester died a year ago.
Now as the University commences tri-
mester operations, much else of value will
die in the process.
On the surface, the University's new
year-round operations schedule comes
with the best of recommendations and
justifications. Bigness in universities-
in campus area and student population-
is an absolute evil. Yet the University has
an obligation to provide educational op-
portunities for a mushrooming array of
high school graduates, both in- and out-
state. The logical solution seems to be to
push physical expansion to second choice
And expand to three semesters.
In the process, Christmas and spring
vacations get left out. Next year the
former will be 10 days between semesters
while the latter will be but a weekend.
NOT TOO HIGH a price to pay, some
contend. Those, that is, to whom the
concept of education is limited to strap-
ping the student to a desk for 15 straight
weeks and ordering him to cram that
textbook knowledge into his head.
Chances are good that the student will
survive, physically, anyway. But when it
comes to learning something beyond how
to discipline himself, it's another matter.
And if the student ends up with only
discipline, to what end? Is it to enable
him to plough through any other grueling
experience-without time to think, pur-
posely refusing to give outlet to his de-
sites be they spontaneous or deepseated,
or to expand his energies and his mind in-
to new areas in search of some guiding
principles and purposes by which to live?
WITH TRIMESTER, it too often gets to
the point where the student must
make a choice between ploughing and ex-
pressing, between the grind and the
search, between himself as he thinks his
class requirements demand him to be and
as he thinks he wants to be. Often it is
only by purposely neglecting the class-
room learning process that the student
can learn at all, in the broader sense of
the word; either classroom learning dies
or the "total" student does.
Learning in this broader sense includes
developing-and finding-interests, and
exploring ideas, vocations, activities.
Mainly, it is finding an orientation in
life, a broad set of outlooks and under-
standings that is very difficult to attain
while chained to a number of separate,
perhaps unrelated courses with little time
to think.
And the crucial factor-after desire,
energy and initiative, of course-is leisure
time to contemplate course material, to do

outside reading, to discuss issues and per-
sonal concerns, to benefit from extra-cur-
ricular activities, to attend interesting
lectures.
BY NOW there are no longer vacations
in which to do that sitting back, that
exploring. Nor are there many free mo-
ments-or free days, for isolated moments
are not enough-during the semester,
for the cropping of vacations has con-
solidated courses into one uninterrupted
and often unmanageable bundle.
Isn't there some other, better way that
the basic problem which trimester at-
tempts to solve-an expanding student
population-can be approached? Can va-
cation periods be reinstated without caus-
ing the University to wind up a super-
mammoth or to neglect obligations of its
own?
ONLY LACK OF IMAGINATION leads
to a negative answer. The University
can grow physically without smothering
the individual.
The residential college is a most en-
couraging possibility; if the University
were gradually converted into a whole
series of residential colleges within fair
distance of each other, it could answer
the growth problem. Even if the adminis-
tration doesn't want to break the Uni-
versity up that way, there is still a
great deal of property surrounding the
central campus which it could buy up-
it doesn't have to go as far away as north
campus.
In any event, there is no reason why
expansion of physical facilities cannot al-
low as large an enrollment as trimester
operations might allow.
FURTHERMORE, all the arguments
against a big university sound much
more convincing than they actually are.
So what if there are 50-60,000 students
instead of 28,000? Assuming that the
number of professors and library books
available to each student doesn't de-
crease, just what is lost? Classes could
still consist of recitation as well as lec-
ture sessions; student-faculty contact
would still be practicable; students
wouldn't necessarily be limited in their
acquaintances with instructors or other
students-simply because there would be
more of them around.
In dollars, trimester won't cost much
less in the long run than a higher rate
of expansion would. But to measure the
cost of any educational policy only in
dollars is a gross injustice to the count-
less other factors which are influenced.
Among those factors, the University
should include its students.
-JEFFREY GOODMAN

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NOMINATIONS
Convention Strategy
Could Upset Barry

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STORY GETS LOST
Tricks, Sub plots Spoil Zulu'

At the State Theatre
"ZULU" is a good story turned
into a bad narrative and a
worse film by all the standard
tricks.
In January, 1879, a force of
five-thousand or so Zulus mas-
sacred 1200 British soldiers. Then,
by dint of hard work, courage,
luck, and discipline, 100 British
soldiers, under the command of a
Royal Engineer with no combat

experience, held the same force
of Zulus to enough of a standstill
that they withdrew without con-
cluding the engagement. Some-
place in this there is a story, if
it is told correctly.
But there's no sex. So the
screen writer adds 200 Zulu
maidens and a missionary's
daughter. The Zulu's are bare-
breasted (somehow this is per-
missible in films only if the girls

TODAY AND TOMORROW
Court Must Act When
Other Branches Do Not

are native Africans). And the mis-
sionary's daughter gets her blouse
half torn off by a Tommy. Enough
sex.
* * *
AND EVERY good spectacular
needs subplots. For instance:
The malingerer reforms. This
goldbrick hates his sergeant and
is indifferent to everyone else, see,
but battle reforms him and he
almostndies saving the lives of the
sick and wounded (including, of
course, his sergeant).
The lieutenants become friends.
There are a Royal Engineer and
an aristocrat, neither one with any
combat experience, see, and there's
some question about who should
command. Resentment and in-
subordination arise when the En-
gineer turns out to have seniority,
but battle fixes it all up as they
both learn what a good fellow the
other is.
The missionary gets drunk.
Etc.
THE DIRECTION and photog-
raphy are spectacular, too. Shots
from under the hooves of semi-
stampeding cattle. Shots from 500
feet above the embattled troops.
Shots from everywhere. And lots
of twenty-or-thirty foot high
faces.
Don't waste the money-buy a
good book.
-Robert L. Farrell

EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the third
in a series of articles on the Re-
pubiean Party.
By MICHAEL HARRAH
TO HEAR the newspapers tell
it, Sen. Barry Goldwater of
Arizona has the Republican Presi-
dential nomination locked up so
tight that his opposition couldn't
get at it with a blowtorch, but in
surveying the delegate line up, one
fails to see just how this is true.
To be certain, the Arizonan has
a terrific headstart on the rest of
the pack, but convention politics
being what they are, a candidate
must learn not to count on any
votes except those legally bound
to him. And the legally committed
votes in San Francisco aren't
nearly enough to put Goldwater
over the top.
Two states, Indiana and Cali-
fornia, give Goldwater a hard
core of 118 votes as a result of
their statewide primary elections.
Some 257 additional votes have
been pledged to the senator by
virtue of instruction of state con-
ventions or district caucuses. While
these are not, in most cases, ab-
solutely unchangeable, it is un-
likely that any delegation will ig-
nore a convention's instructions.
Still another thirty-five are bound
to Goldwater by a personal pledge
of support. This gives him a total
of 410 delegate votes which he
can count on without fear of fly-
ing money or other influences dis-
rupting the situation.
HOWEVER, 410 votes is some-
what short of the required total.
The AP lists another 257 votes a.s
favorable to Goldwater, for a total
of 694, some 39 more than neces-
sary for nomination (Goldwater
himself counts a conservative
total of 670). But these 257 are
bound only by their own con-
science, and it is strange how con-
sciences can be swayed in the
electric atmosphere of a nominat-
ing convention.
It is altogether possible that the
current challenger to Goldwater,
Gov. William Scranton of Penn-
sylvania, successor to former Am-
bassador to Viet Nam Henry Cabot
Lodge, who himself took over from
Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New
York (and at that rate there's
no telling who it might be next
week), will be able to dissuade
some of the Goldwater strength.
In fact, some good strong per-
suading, such as that which went
on in 1952 when the Eastern Re-
publicans wrested the nomination
away from Sen. Robert A. Taft of
Ohio, could really put the Gold-
water forces in great disarray.
CHALLENGER SCRANTON has
one strong advantage over Gold-
water: Many self-styled king-
makers in the GOP have either
announced they will support
Scranton or that they are cer-
tainly not about to go for Gold-
water. Such dignitaries as former
GOP chairman Leonard Hall of
New York, Time-LiferPublisher
Henry R. Luce, Look Publisher
Gardiner Cowles, New York
Herald-Tribune Publisher John
Hay Whitney and others, probably
can be counted on to pit their
knowledge of many conventions
against the earnest but amateur
Goldwater forces. If they choose
to do so, these Easterners could
possibly stampede a huge chunk
of his support, just as they did
in the case of Sen. Taft in 1952.
* * *
PERHAPS for the second time
in party history, one major can-
didacy represents a major schism
in GOP philosophy.
In 1912, when Theodore Roose-
velt attempted to wrest the nomi-
nation away from President Wil-
liam Howard Taft of Ohio, Taft
had the support of the Eastern
Republicans-just as Scranton

does now-while Roosevelt had
the popular support, a sheaf of
primary victories, and perhaps a
slight convention plurality (there
were many contested delegations).
By virtue of knowing their way

around conventions, the Eastern
Republicans supporting Taft seiz-.
ed control of the convention ma-
chinery from the Roosevelt ama-
teurs and managed to squeeze
their man through. (Sen. Taft's
candidacy in 1952 did not repre-
sent a major split, due to the ul-
timate spirit of rapport between
Taft and Eisenhower.)
In 1964, the GOP finds itself in
the same straits, only this time the
midwest and western factions
which supported Roosevelt are
now behind Goldwater and they
seem to have the upper hand. But
there is danger of underestimating
the opposition-as in 1912.
Mathematically, perhaps, Gold-
water is in. but mathematics has
a way of going out the window in
the flurry of convention politics.
Actually, Goldwater is far from
safely nominated, and, considering
the nature of the opposition, he
may well be in danger of being
soundly trounced.
Goldwater himself undoubtedly
realizes this, as he said recently,
"I do not have this thing sewed
up-not by a long shot." And he
ought to know.
NEXT: The Spoilers and
the Wreckers
LETTERS
New Center
For Science
To the Editor:
THE ESTABLISHMENT of the
Center for Research on the
Utilization of Scientific Knowledge
raises mixed feelings. It seems a
useful and exciting step forward
in translating basic social science
reearch into meaningful applica-
tions that can be of great benefit.
Yet there are some disturbing im-
plications about the center.
Prof. Floyd Mann of the psy-
chology department who heads the
new center sees it as management
consultant helping companies turn
social science research into bene-
ficial-to them-personnel poli-
cies. While the center helps the
companies who may largely fi-
nance its operations, it learns
about how this knowledge is being
applied. It can then establish some
principles about converting basic
data into applications-much like
those existing in engineering.
However, this management con-
sultant role seems to be a breach
in the University's basic research-
only policy. University research
officials have long stressed that
the University is not merely a re-
search tool of industry, but an
academic institution concerned
with basic research. The Univer-
sity's public relations propagada
seems to blur this policy. The cen-
ter's program seems to blur the
policy further.
* * *
THE SECOND concern is more
philosophical. Prof. Mann has in-
dicated that his center's work is
comparable to engineering's rela-
tionship to the physical sciences.
Engineering is nonethical, as it
pretty much should be, for it
rarely dealsdirectly with people
or social problems. But the ap-
plications about individuality, free
will, freedom of expression and
action, democracy and social and
economic equality raise ethical
considerations. Hopefully, t h e
center's staff, when completed, will
include a social philosopher. For
these questions should not be ig-
nored as the center helps manage-
ment better use-or manipulate--
its personnel.
The center holds great promise.

If it squarely meets these philo-
sophical concerns as well as the
application problems, then it will
perform a truely useful service.
-Philip Sutin, Grad

Can Barry Pull It Off ?

IT LOOKS LIKE the Republicans are
going to have quite a problem writing
a platform for their candidate, whether
or not they nominate Barry Goldwater.
The 1964 platform committee will contain
a solid minority of Goldwater men; and
the three men who will put the plat-
form into words are, respectively, a Rock-
efeller man, a Scranton man, and a rock-
ribbed Goldwater supporter.
But suppose the Republicans were to
nominate Goldwater and agree to let him
stand on a platform of his own choosing
-one that represented his consistent
philosophy as articulated over the years.
What would it sound like? Our only guide
is what he has said in the past.
On June 2, Goldwater noted that "this
victory in California is a victory for the
mainstream of Republican thought!" But
last week he voted against the civil
rights bill because "I believe it will lead to
a police state." (Note: 27 of 33 Republican
senators disagreed.)
Recently, Barry said, "I believe we
should help the Vietnamese people re-
tain their serenity and freedom." But
two weeks ago he added, "perhaps the best
means would be defoliation of the forests
by means of atomic bombs." (Note: ex-
perts say it wouldn't work.)
He once termed foreign aid "a boon-
.Arcrlc 0 .,111f" ac+ mnnth h + P irnnt

from the Soviet Union." But four short
years ago, he said, "Why recognize the
Soviet Union? I don't see why we should
have anything to do with an outfit that's
out to bury us."
Only last summer, Barry declared, "I
think the test ban might eventually prove
a threat to world peace. I will vote against
it." Contrast this with his comment on
space exploration: "Shoot a rocket to
the moon? I'd rather lob one into the
men's room of the Kremlin and make sure
it hits it."
With this plethora of varied and color-
ful stands, it would seem that the GOP
could throw just about any old platform
up there and still find enough Goldwater
statements to back it up. But alas, real
life is not that simple. If Barry gets in,
the 1964 platform must.fit into its frame-
work his present views, not the varied
opinions of last year, last month, or
Thursday. And his views must stay the
same from platform-writing to the elec-
tion.
Thus by convention time Barry must
decide for good whether the United
States should work for the admiration of
the Vietnamese people or their complete
alienation through a devastating all-out
offensive; whether he would act at all as
President in favor of Negroes or other
minority groups; whether he values or
rnr-, o+n minfnin tir worldwide net of

By WALTER LIPPMANN
IN THE SIX CASES dealing with
apportionment for the state
legislatures in Alabama, New York,
Maryland, Virginia, Delaware and
Colorado, there was one judge who
dissented in all of them, Mr.
Justice Harlan. Mr. Justice Clark
dissented in two cases and Mr.
Justice Stewart in three. There
were six justices who agreed in all
of them.
The thesis of the affirmative
opinions of the court is that the
apportionment for election to the
state legislatures must make every
qualified vote approximately equal
to every other. In many of the
states, certainly in all six with
which these cases deal, a voter in
a farm county has more power to
elect than has a voter in a big
city.
The Supreme Court has now de-
cided that this violates the equal
protection clause of the 14th
Amendment of the federal Con-
stitution.
THE CRUCIAL QUESTION is
not whether the existing laws are
unjust and should be reformed. It
is whether the Supreme Court of
the United States should intervene.
Here Mr. Justice Harlan, standing
alone, takes the position which
Mr. Justice Frankfurter and he
took in the Tennessee case in 1962,
which dealt with the apportion-
ment for congressional districts.
The Frankfurter-Harlan doctrine
is that the Supreme Court has no
authority under the Constitution
to deal with the subject of appor-
tionment. Apportionment belongs
to each state, and the court is
adding "something that was de-
liberately excluded from" the Con-
stitution.
The crux of the issue posed by
the Frankfurter-Harlan dissent-
ing opinions is right here. When,
as they admit, here may be a
"major ill," when, as they concede,
"other branches of government
fail to act," where in the Ameri-
can system of government are we
to look for a remedy?
THIS IS the question that has
to be answered before the charge
against the majority of the court

'MICKEY'
Guild PresentsSilents
For Summer Relief
At Cinema Guild
THIS SUMMER the Cinema Guild is presenting a series of silent
films that range from refined Chaplin comedies to early vintage
Edison dabblings in the new medium. The selection is not very repre-
sentative, even of silent comedies, but it will provide hearty relief
from the tight summer session schedule.
First off, it should be pointed out that one great deficiency
exists. These silent films are absolutely silent (except for the grind
and roar of the projector) and the need for aural relief seems to
grow as the reels unwind. It is highly unfortunate that a pianist is
unavailable to accompany the hectic action on the screen. In the
past, the Guild did provide accompaniment. Perhaps you can plug
a transistor radio into your ear while you fiddle with the dial to
tune in the appropriate music.
Last week, the silent version of the unforgettable "Gold Rush"
was shown along with an amusing Harry Langdon short and a very
forgettable Pearl White episode from "The Pearls of Pauline."
Fortunately Chaplin will be back, unfortunately along with several
inept and seldom funny shorts.
TONIGHT AND tomorrow night, "Mickey" with "the great come-
dienne" (according to the Guild) Mabel Normand, is being shown.
I certainly have to agree that she is great. Her vitality and photo-
geneity should cause many old boys to fall out of love with their
current screen flame and in love with her.
"Mickey" was made in 1917, soon after the epic "Birth of a
Nation" made the idea of a long (in this case, 81 minutes) movie
popular and profitable and wrought with many artistic possibilities.
"Mickey" became a hit and it was popular because of fine acting,
even by current standards (if you can forget that the many
stereotypes in the movie were not yet real cinematic stereotypes in
1917), a fine all-around production and a script in the popular

MR. JUSTICE HARLAN is not
altogether judicial when he speaks
irritably about those who are sup-
posed to think that the Constitu-
tion is "a panacea for every blot
upon the public welfare." I cer-
tainly do not think so. Indeed, in
my view, the intervention of the
court can be justified only when
it is indispensable, only, that is
to say, when there is a major ill
for which there is no other rem-
edy.
(c),1964, The Washington Post Co.

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