14B
Friday, December 14, 1984
THE DETROIT JEWISH NEWS
WINTER VACATIONERS
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Contact Becky Ronne', •
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PASSOVER 1985
9 FULL DAYS / 8 NIGHTS '
1
5
DAYS / 4 NIGHTS
, • Lovely accommodations featuring color
T.V., stereo & refrigerator • Wide, sandy
beach • Night club with live entertainment •
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2 fully conducted Seder services by well-
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SANS SOUCI
31 St. at Collins Ave.
HOTE L MIAMI BEACH
• Services in our own Synagogue •
AIL
Sans Souci, 31 St. at Collins Ave„ Miami Beach,
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Florida (305) 531-4213 • New York (212) 302-0674
41111166
RESERVATIONS TOLL FREE 1 1300-325.1697
TERRY ROTENBERG
And The Staff at
vo GEMINI TRAVEL
Wish All\Of
, Their Friends
A Happy Hanukah
* ****************************************
*
*
*
TRAVEL CONSULTANTS
*
\ :
...
•
...
,:.
*
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* MARCIE ADERY
ANN R. SAK
: LEE ALPERN
JANE MAXWELL
: KAREN GILBERT
HEIDI RUSHFORD
: MARGOT HALPERIN HANITA ZUCKERMAN
FRAN GOLDBERG
TERRY ROTENBERG, Owner-Manager
*
*****************************************
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WE BOOK ALL ADVERTISED PACKAGES & TOURS
A stacked Palestine National
Council, meeting in Amman, con-
firmed Yasir Arafat as chairman
of the Palestine Liberation
Organization and thus renewed
that agile politician's claim to be
the spokesman for the Palestinian
Arab people.
King Hussein of Jordan, host to
the so-called "Palestinian Parli-
ament," made an impassioned
plea to the session for a joint
Jordanian-PLO peace initiative
to reclaim the West Bank and all
other areas, including Jerusalem,
held by Israel to which the Arabs
lay claim. He did it with complete
awareness that Arafat could not
accept but, by doing it, he staked
out his own claim once again to
the role of protector and champion
Of the Palestinian Arabs.
As Hussein must have antici-
pated, the PLO nearly stumbled
over itself in its haste to make it
clear that it was not allying itself
with Hussein in a plan to trade
peace for territory. The king must
have counted on the slippery ter-
rorist leader's almost panicky re-
luctance to be pinned down to any
solution short of the extermina-
tion of Israel.
The outcome permitted a re-
lieved Jordanian monarch to fly
off to Cairo where, before a cheer-
ing Egyptian Parliament, he de-
nounced the Camp David accords
which are the foundation of the
peace agreement between Egypt
and Israel. President Hosni
Mubarak, significantly, did not
defend the accords in his reply,
nor the peace treaty with Israel,
but was satisfied merely to extol
the principle of Arab unity.
There was a tremendous flurry
of activity by three leading actors
in the Middle East comedy of er-
rors which added up to nothing
but another round of musical
chairs. There was not, in all their
display of fervor, a single forward
step in the direction of peace in
the Middle East nor any evidence
of any sincere desire to seek it.
Each actor in turn — Arafat,
Hussein and Mubarak — gave his
own version of a punchdrunk
fighter furiously shadow-boxing
in an otherwise empty ring, mut-
tering threats and imprecations
against an invisible opponent.
Yet, the performances had some
significance and some inner
- meaning.
Start with Arafat. At this stage
in his career and under existing
conditions, he is content to be the
chief of a rump PLO which is rec-
ognized as the official PLO and to
enjoy the rare diplomatic status
and perquisites that position has
given him. His foes within the
PLO have been isolated and left in
Syria where they must dance to
President Assad's tune. Arafat
has escaped that; in the profusion
of masters he serves from Moscow
to Riyadh is his freedom from di-
rect subjugation.
As head of the PLO, Arafat is a
world figure. He meets the heads
of state and statesmen on a plane
of equality. He is a romantic fig-
ure to the world press. Why
should he ready to give up the
prestige and luxury that goes
with his present position to be-
come the head of a poverty-ridden,
fractious little state struggling to
survive between two very suspici-
ous neighbors?
Deep down, Arafat privately is
probably as strongly opposed to
the emergence of a small Palesti-
nian Arab state on the West Bank
and Gaza as is King Hussein. He
can be happy as head of a well-
financed "government-in-exile."
Now take King Hussein of Jor-
dan. He has many worries, not
least of which is that President
Assad of Syria will some day soon
send his Soviet-equipped legions
to overrun Hussein's desert king-
dom. Israel has saved him from
such threats on more than one oc-
casion in the past and Iraq, his
ally in the past, is too deeply in-
volved in a struggle with Iran to
be of any aid.
Three main
characters — Arafat,
Hussein and
Mubarak -- need to
maintain the status
quo.
The king, despite Washington's
hopes, dares not engage in talks
with the Israelis in violation of
the Arabs' Khartoum decision,
but, on the other hand, he wants
to reveal himself to Washington
as a "moderate," a seeker for
peace who is prepared to inter-
vene and negotiate on behalf of
the Palestinian Arabs. And this
despite the fact that his night-
mares are not so much of invasion
as of a decision by his Palestinian
subjects, now more than a major-
ity east of the Jordan, that they
really do not need a Bedouin
Hashemite dynasty.
It is important to Hussein to
have Arafat's ragtag forces
(which once nearly overthrew
him) under his control in Jordan.
It is essential that he mend fences
with states like Egypt so that he
does not stand alone. But the last
thing he wants at this moment is
to negotiate with Israel; the pros-
pect of a Palestinian Arab entity
— state or confederation — on his
western border is a deeply unset-
tling one. Outright annexation of
the Palestine lands to Jordan
would be another story but there
are hardly any conditions today
under which that could be
presaged.
For King Hussein of Jordan, re-
gardless of what he says, the
status quo is best for the time;
don't disturb it.
The dour-visaged Mubarak is
slowly and painfully leading
Egypt out of the ostracism which
the Arab world prescribed when
Anwar al-Sadat signed a peace
treaty with Israel. That treaty is
at one and the same time an al-
batross around his neck and his
life preserver. Its existence ma,g-
nifies his difficulties hi leading
Egypt out of its isolation in the
Arab world and it fuels the fires of
his numerous domestic enemies.
Yet, without the treaty and the
resulting relationship it created
between Cairo and Washington, it