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That hotel is the luxurious SANS SOUCI 31 St. at Collins Ave. HOTE L MIAMI BEACH • Services in our own Synagogue • AIL Sans Souci, 31 St. at Collins Ave„ Miami Beach, KOSHER C) GLATT AIM Florida (305) 531-4213 • New York (212) 302-0674 41111166 RESERVATIONS TOLL FREE 1 1300-325.1697 TERRY ROTENBERG And The Staff at vo GEMINI TRAVEL Wish All\Of , Their Friends A Happy Hanukah * **************************************** * * * TRAVEL CONSULTANTS * \ : ... • ... ,:. * * * MARCIE ADERY ANN R. SAK : LEE ALPERN JANE MAXWELL : KAREN GILBERT HEIDI RUSHFORD : MARGOT HALPERIN HANITA ZUCKERMAN FRAN GOLDBERG TERRY ROTENBERG, Owner-Manager * ***************************************** ::. :: A Full Service Travel Agency 8393 Orchard Lake Road At Maple, le The Orchard Mall :.: West Bloomfield, Mich. 48033 (313) 855-3800 Monday thru Friday, 8:30-5 p.m. Saturday by appointment • • WE BOOK ALL ADVERTISED PACKAGES & TOURS A stacked Palestine National Council, meeting in Amman, con- firmed Yasir Arafat as chairman of the Palestine Liberation Organization and thus renewed that agile politician's claim to be the spokesman for the Palestinian Arab people. King Hussein of Jordan, host to the so-called "Palestinian Parli- ament," made an impassioned plea to the session for a joint Jordanian-PLO peace initiative to reclaim the West Bank and all other areas, including Jerusalem, held by Israel to which the Arabs lay claim. He did it with complete awareness that Arafat could not accept but, by doing it, he staked out his own claim once again to the role of protector and champion Of the Palestinian Arabs. As Hussein must have antici- pated, the PLO nearly stumbled over itself in its haste to make it clear that it was not allying itself with Hussein in a plan to trade peace for territory. The king must have counted on the slippery ter- rorist leader's almost panicky re- luctance to be pinned down to any solution short of the extermina- tion of Israel. The outcome permitted a re- lieved Jordanian monarch to fly off to Cairo where, before a cheer- ing Egyptian Parliament, he de- nounced the Camp David accords which are the foundation of the peace agreement between Egypt and Israel. President Hosni Mubarak, significantly, did not defend the accords in his reply, nor the peace treaty with Israel, but was satisfied merely to extol the principle of Arab unity. There was a tremendous flurry of activity by three leading actors in the Middle East comedy of er- rors which added up to nothing but another round of musical chairs. There was not, in all their display of fervor, a single forward step in the direction of peace in the Middle East nor any evidence of any sincere desire to seek it. Each actor in turn — Arafat, Hussein and Mubarak — gave his own version of a punchdrunk fighter furiously shadow-boxing in an otherwise empty ring, mut- tering threats and imprecations against an invisible opponent. Yet, the performances had some significance and some inner - meaning. Start with Arafat. At this stage in his career and under existing conditions, he is content to be the chief of a rump PLO which is rec- ognized as the official PLO and to enjoy the rare diplomatic status and perquisites that position has given him. His foes within the PLO have been isolated and left in Syria where they must dance to President Assad's tune. Arafat has escaped that; in the profusion of masters he serves from Moscow to Riyadh is his freedom from di- rect subjugation. As head of the PLO, Arafat is a world figure. He meets the heads of state and statesmen on a plane of equality. He is a romantic fig- ure to the world press. Why should he ready to give up the prestige and luxury that goes with his present position to be- come the head of a poverty-ridden, fractious little state struggling to survive between two very suspici- ous neighbors? Deep down, Arafat privately is probably as strongly opposed to the emergence of a small Palesti- nian Arab state on the West Bank and Gaza as is King Hussein. He can be happy as head of a well- financed "government-in-exile." Now take King Hussein of Jor- dan. He has many worries, not least of which is that President Assad of Syria will some day soon send his Soviet-equipped legions to overrun Hussein's desert king- dom. Israel has saved him from such threats on more than one oc- casion in the past and Iraq, his ally in the past, is too deeply in- volved in a struggle with Iran to be of any aid. Three main characters — Arafat, Hussein and Mubarak -- need to maintain the status quo. The king, despite Washington's hopes, dares not engage in talks with the Israelis in violation of the Arabs' Khartoum decision, but, on the other hand, he wants to reveal himself to Washington as a "moderate," a seeker for peace who is prepared to inter- vene and negotiate on behalf of the Palestinian Arabs. And this despite the fact that his night- mares are not so much of invasion as of a decision by his Palestinian subjects, now more than a major- ity east of the Jordan, that they really do not need a Bedouin Hashemite dynasty. It is important to Hussein to have Arafat's ragtag forces (which once nearly overthrew him) under his control in Jordan. It is essential that he mend fences with states like Egypt so that he does not stand alone. But the last thing he wants at this moment is to negotiate with Israel; the pros- pect of a Palestinian Arab entity — state or confederation — on his western border is a deeply unset- tling one. Outright annexation of the Palestine lands to Jordan would be another story but there are hardly any conditions today under which that could be presaged. For King Hussein of Jordan, re- gardless of what he says, the status quo is best for the time; don't disturb it. The dour-visaged Mubarak is slowly and painfully leading Egypt out of the ostracism which the Arab world prescribed when Anwar al-Sadat signed a peace treaty with Israel. That treaty is at one and the same time an al- batross around his neck and his life preserver. Its existence ma,g- nifies his difficulties hi leading Egypt out of its isolation in the Arab world and it fuels the fires of his numerous domestic enemies. Yet, without the treaty and the resulting relationship it created between Cairo and Washington, it