"How Do We Put Down This Uprising ?"
Sixty-Seventh Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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Today
and
Tomorrow
By WALTER LIPPMANN
"hnopinion an&I.Pm
Truth ww PUwaa
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or
the editors. This mnust be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JULY 4, 1957 NIGHT EDITOR: RENE GNAM
Uited States Should
Take Stand on Algeria
SENATOR John F. Kennedy, the Massachu- Nations. Such a position makes it hard for
setts Democrat, has made several startling other nations to continue to look up to the
but important observations concerning Al- United States as the world leader it strives to
geria's position in the world today. be.
In a Senate resolution, Kennedy called for France, at the same time, is failing to com-
the United States to take a strong position prehend the actual position of Algeria, and is
backing Algerian independence against the letting herself be weakened by the incessant
French. Algeria, the senator pointed out, is battle she is waging there. In trying to main-
no longer France's problem alone. tam something of an empire and yet in rec-
ognizing areas in which independence is. im-
Indeed, the "Algerian question" has reached minent, her decisions are being made hastily
far greater proportions than France can handle and being held to with some tenacity.
herself. The mixture of nationality groups in 'The United States, by taking a more active
the African nation is too great and too aroused part in the Algerian problem through the
to maintain dependency. Yet the number of United Nations, would, in the long run, be bol-
Europeans in the country is not sufficient, stering International relations and eliminating
either, to uphold French domination.strnineaiolrltosadeimaig
minor world conflicts so that the major ones
However, the French have thrown them- may be given greater attention..
selves into the fight with strong determina- -VERNON NAHRGANG
tion - only to keep, at best, a shifty status Editor
quo. The affect on France, as Senator Ken-
nedy pointed out, has been immense: More
than 400,000 Frenchmen have occupied them- Driving, S eeding,
selves in Algerian warfare, severely limiting
the NATO forces in Western Europe and ham- And The Fourth
pering economic organizations.
HE NEVER CAME home. He was a University
THIS PROBLEM concerns the United States . student who was receiving good grades. He
as we are a member of the United Nations. had a girl. He had a bright future, or so every-
In this capacity, our nation has opposed con- one thought. Then he didn't come home.
sideration of the Algerian situation in the His father didn't sayna word about it - just
General Assembly. roamed listlessly, stunned, struck by the po-
To continue to maintain such a position liceman's words. His mother fainted, then was
would be unfortunate for all the Western na- revived and sobbed quietly on the living room
tions. Thq United Nations, after all, exists just sofa, her body shaking, her mind confused.
for handling such international problems. A She, too, couldn't grasp and then was hit
nation overtaxed with a situation like the Al- by the policeman's words: "He was speeding."
gerian one should be eager to submit it to Last week the National Safety Council re-
the United Nations for help - and the other ported "Too much speed is involved in seven
mnember nations should be willing, indeed, eag- out of ten fatal traffic accidents on holidays."
er, to aid their sister country. One cannot be overly cautioned against ex-
The United States in this respect has been cessive speeds, especially on this long, July
neglecting its duty and actually contributing to 4 weekend. Do drive carefully.
a weakening of France, NATO and the United --RENE GNAM
INTERPRETING THE NEWS:
Khrushchev Position Stronger
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
Associated Press Foreign News AnaIrt
SOVIET COMMUNIST boss Nikita S. Khrush-
chev may finally have succeeded in bury-
ing Stalin. If he has, it is a good omen for
peace in our time.
The removal of Georgi Malenkov, Lazar
Kagonovich, V. M. Molotov and others from
the ruling party Presidium, and the makeup
of the new membership, indicate a mighty
Khrushchev victory.
They suggest the party itself has had a belly-
ful of Stalinism.
Those formerly humiliated by the Stalinists
now will run the show. Those responsible for
such dark deeds as assisting Stalin in his
latter-day oriental plotting have been pushed
out.
The shakeup has these overtones:
FIRST, it appears to be a show-down be-
tween the Stalinists and the anti-Stalinists
in the Kremlin.
Second, it suggests there has been a bitter
quarrel over Khrushchev's program to reor-
ganize the Soviet economy. Khrushchev seems
to have won.
Third, the elevation of Marshal Georgi
Zhukov to full membership in the Presidium
suggests confirmation of the steadily increas-
ing - and steadying - influence of the Soviet
army in Kremlin politics.
Along with him, however, there will be oth-
ers in the Presidium representing a more mod-
ern Soviet Union and a more moderate out-
look.
All this is a conservative influence which
turns away rash risks.
THUSFAR this purge is not a bloody one,
like Stalin's or those of the post-Stalin era
in which police boss Beria and his alleged ac-
complices were dispatched.
The violence of Pravda's language in de-
nouncing the oppositionists, however, . hints
the victors in this struggle have an ominous
threat to hold over the heads of any dissenters.
Malenkov, Molotov, Kaganovich and the oth-
ers who are humiliated may be roughly handled
from the point of view of their humiliation,
but it seems doubtful this shakeup will go so
far as to spill the blood of men who have held
high posts in the so-called "collective leader-
ship."
However, the indications in the Soviet press
are that this purge is likely to go deep.
Editorial Staff
VERNON NAHRGANG, Editor
JOHN HILLYER......................Sports Editor
Having rooted out Stalinists at the top,
Khrushchev and his followers must also root
them out in the party ranks.
Then Khrushchev will be in an entrenched
position to go ahead with his vast plan for re-
organizing the Soviet economy, decentralizing
industry and doing a number of rational things
which could not be done under Stalin nor with
the resistance of Stalinists.
THIS CAN mean peace for some time to come,
because in such an enormous program the
Soviet Union must have peace - perhaps, as
Mao Tze-tung has suggested, for at least 15
years.
By that time the face of Soviet society will
have changed tremendously. The new order of
younger technocrats, businessmen, managers
and the like will have taken over.
The revolutionaries, the old Bolsheviks, those
with the memory of violent days which re-
quired violent measures, will have passed away.
The U.S.S.R. will be moving toward a more
stable social structure in which there will be
a large stake in long-term peace.
One of the major considerations behind the
shakeup must have been Khrushchev's econ-
omic program.
There had been much evidence of resistance
to this project from those in the Kremlin who
would have considered it a long-range threat
to the central power of the Communist party.
THE ACCUSATION against Molotov, of hav-
ing hindered the policy of "peace among
peoples," carries a strong hint of things to
come in Soviet foreign policy - perhaps al-
ready developing in the apparent willingness
of the Soviet Union to make some concessions
in international conferences.
This does not mean an end to the world
political battle.
It can mean, however, that when the worlda
political battle over ideas becomes too hot and
too dangerous, the Soviet Union will pull back.
In Communist countries the shakeup has
big meaning. From across borders the Krem-
lin has heard rumblings of discontent with the
old Stalinist line and there was a suggestion
in this that those who hated and feared Stal-
inisn wanted some insurance that it would
not return.
The revolution in Hungary and the rebel-
lious resistance in Poland among Communists
who sought more autonomy were danger sig-
nals for the Kremlin.
In China it was clear that Mao Tze-tung
and his party were aligning themselves on the
side of anti-Stalinism.
Khrushchev gave plenty of indication te
was willing to bend with the political hurr -
canes of the post-Stalin era, and that he was
ready to concede there were various "roads
to socialism."
He might even be able to convince Yugosla-
via's Tito of this now. He never could have
done it while the old Stalinists remained in
THERE IS a remarkable resem-
blance between Gen. Eisen-
hower's handling of the disarma-
ment negotiations and his hand-
ling of the budget. In both cases,
that is to say, he has launched a
proposal and embarked on a
course, not having made up his
mind about just where he wished
to go.
The deliberation, the weighing
of alternatives, the hard work of
making a firm decision, would in
an orderly and rational conduct
of government have preceded the
presentation of the budget and
the sending of Mr. Stassen to
London to negotiate with Mr. Zor-
in.
But in the case of the budget,
it took nearly two months before
it was reasonably clear whether
the Chief Executive was for or
against the executive budget. Only
after much confusion and contro-
versy did the President begin to
make clear where he stood.
In the case of disarmament, it
has now transpired that he
started the diplomatic exchanges
with no real agreement within his
own official family, with no ade-
quate understanding with our al-
lies, and with his own mind still
fluid.
During the past few weeks, with
Mr. Stassen abroad in London to
speak for him, the President has
#cted the part, not of a states-
man who has a policy but of a
puzzled man who is thinking out
loud.
NO DOUBT the problems of
daisarmament are extraordinarily
complicated. They are fraught
with uncertainty and with risk,
and there is an awful responsibil-
ity on one who, like the President,
must make the final decisions.
But there is no reason why he
had to enter into the negotia-
tions; why he had to send Mr.
Stassen to face Mr. Zorin, until
he knew for certain whether he
was in favor of reaching the kind
of agreement that might conceiv-
ably be possible. He should have
waited until he was ready.
There was no use talking with
the Russians if the President him-
self had not yet thought through
his policy, no use if high officials
in Washington were convinced
that they must nullify what Mr.
Stassen was supposed to do.
* * *
IN THE field of diplomacy, this
has been like committing unpre-
pared troops to a great battle,
while the generals have not yet
arranged for their supplies or
ceased to argue with one anoth-
er about the objectives of the
battle.
This is the way to demoralize
an army, and during the, past
week there has been a very con-
siderable demoralization in Wash-
ington. The greatest doubt has
been raised as to whether the
President wants in agreement, or
whether he could now persuade
the Senate to ratify an agreement.
Mr. Gromyko is wrong in say-
ing, as he did last week, that the
United States is using the disar-
mament talks as a "screen con-
cealing its striving to continue
tnd intensify the arms race."
The truth is that the United
States is not really using the dis-
armament talks at all because the
President and his administration
have a policy to which some are
opposed, and about which the rest
are not convinced.
Unless the President can find
some way to clarify and then to
make firm the American position,
we shall find ourselves either with
a treaty that the President does
not really wan,t or with one that
the .Senate will reject.
In either event, we shall bring
down upon ourselves the onus of
blocking the path to a limitation
of armaments.
* * *
I HAVE heard it said that this
will not happen because if and
then Mr. Stassen really starts to
negotiate about the details with
Mr. Zorin, he will find the Soviet
Union is quite unwilling to reach
a good agreement.
But if we remain in our pres-
ent position, where the probabili-
ties are against the ratification of
a disarmament agreement, the
Soviet Union can go very far in
its offers without running the risk
of having to make good on them.
We had better assume that the
Russians do want an agreement,
and that they are prepared to pay
a considerable, though not an
enormous, price for it.
We had better assume, too, that
we shall have ourselves to clear
up the confusion in our own posi-
tion, and that we must not count
upon the unreasonaoleness of the
Russians to save us from the con-
sequences of our uncertainty and
indecision.
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RYAN:
America's
Leadershi
Challenged
By WILLIAM L. RYAN
Associated Press Foreign News Analyst
7fHIS FOURTH of July finds
American world leadership
faced with a grave challenge.
Such portents as the outbreak
of anti-American rioting in For-
mosa and the steady undercurrent
of anti-Americanism in under-
developed areas point upthe de-
velopment of a new phase in a
fateful battle of ideas.
At stake is a vast well of good
will and influence built up over
nearly two centuriesoftAmerican
democracy and enhanced by the
enormous impact of the United
States abroad since World War II.
World communism recently
threw out new challenges to the
spread of the American idea.
Principles embodied in the De-
claration of Independence, to
which the signers pledged their
lives, their fortunes and their
sacred honor, are being brushed
aside by the Communists as mean-
ingless.
COMMUNISM'S chief spokes-
man, Nikita Khrushchev, has told
the world Americans a generation
or two hence will cast aside the
belief that all men are entitled
equally to life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness, and will vol-
untarily adopt a Soviet-like sys-
tem.
The Soviet military machine has
crushed a Hungarian revolution
sparked by a notion that govern-
ments instituted among men de-
rive their Just powers from the
consent of the governed.
The United States remains a
beacon for the yearnings of people
in less lucky lands. But in the
maze of cold war politics-bitter-
ness has provided ammunition
for a stepped-up attack on the
American idea.
* * *
THAT IDEA took shape 181
years ago. in a square, high-
ceilinged room in Philadelphia's
old State House on Chestnut
Street. There a group of patriots
signed a document which set a
world revolution in motion. The
revolution is still going on.
The world was then divided
among imperial powers. Britain,
Spain and Portugal ruled much of
it. Ottoman Turkey held all the
Middle East. Russia had Alaska,
The American rebellion had imn-
mediate impact in France. From
the two revolutions, along with
the example of British parliamen-
tary government, the world revo-
lution began its ceaseless progress,
To Spanish Americans, the ex-
ample of their northern neighbor
was electrifying. As country after
country hacked away colonial
shackles,ptheir constitutions fre-
quently copied that of the United
States in form.
.1
AT THE CAMPUS:.
'One Summer of Happiness'
IN THIS era of ulcerated press
agents and over-worked super-
latives, it sometimes seems that
the simple, unadorned adjective
has no place in movie criticism
at all. A film must be either tre-
mendous and colossal or else com-
pletely unimportant.
Words like good, fresh and fra-
gile appear to be outmoded; in
Hollywood they have no place. It
is only importations like "La Stra-
da" and t e movie presently at
the Campus, "One Summer of
Happiness" that one can apply
such terms with any measure of
safety or conviction.
"One Summer of Happiness" is
a Scandinavian film first pro-
duced in 1952. Its original open-
ing in the United States was
marked by a mild flurry of excite-
ment among American censors,
but the picture went on to win
the Grand Prix International at
the Cannes Film Festival.
The movie is a story of adoles-
cent love, but undercurrents of
nmore serious themes run through
the picture frequently enough to
prevent sentimentality from
drowning sensibility.
The plot is well constructed and
effective; the acting naturalistic
and believable. Its refreshing fi-
nal impression is one of una-
shamed delicacy and beauty,
* * *
THE YOUNG lovers, of the
movie, Kirstin and Goran, seem
to personify the inevitable confu-
sion and disaster that result in a
romantic film when two back-
grounds, two societies, attempt to
meet.
Goran, a rich and handsome
student, comes to the country to
spend some time relaxing at his
uncle's farm. Almost immediately,
he falls in love with Kirstin, the
daughter of a neighboring farmer,
and the remainder of the movie
is concerned with the gradual de-
velopment of their relationship.
A strong subsidiary theme of
"One Summer of Happiness" is
that of religious bigotry. The old-
er citizens of the rural commu-
nity, led by a stern and over-
zealous pastor, oppose the ro-
mance as they seem to oppose all
things concerning the young.
Kirstin herself is caught with-
in the struggle between her rea-
son, her emotions, and the laws
of the church.
The resolution of the struggle
and its effectiveness is left to the,
audience to accept or reject, but
the conflict is, in the long run, the
thing which limits the lovers' hap-
piness to a single summer.
The pastor takes the will of
God into his own hands, and
Kirstin dies in an accident.
* * * ,
THE PRESENCE of a "village
idiot" throughout the film is a.
rather frightening enigma. Con-
vinced that he too is an agent of
Divine Will, he burns down a barn
which the young people have ap-
propriated for their own amuse-
ment.
He is berated as a familiar of
the pastor, but one cannot help
but associate him with Lennie in"
Steinbeck's "Of Mice and Men".
Hollywood would undoubtedly
have turned him into a sex ma-
niac.
Despite the recent revival of
black and white, back-to-reality
films, the element of simplicity
found within "One Summer of
can-made movies.
Happiness" is lacking In Ameri-
It is a pity that all the resources
and techniques available to our
producers cannot be used to create
a domestic film as graceful as this
one.
-Jean Willoughby
#'
4
AT THE MICHIGAN:
A frican Conflict
+
1.
DAILY
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of the University
of Michigan for which the Michi-
gan Daily assumes no editorial re-
sponsibility. Notices should be sent
in TYPEWRITTEN form to Room
3519 Administration Building, be-
fore 2 p.m. the day preceding
publication, Notices for Sunday
Daily due at 2:00 p.m. Friday.
THURSDAY, JULY 4, 1957
VOL. LXVIII, NO. 8
General Notices
The following student sponsored so-
cial events are approved for the fol-
lowing weekend:
Thurs., July 4
Kappa Alpha Psi, Bar-B-Que, 1702 Hill.
Sat., July 6
Michigan Christian Fellowships Picnic,
Silver Lake.
Phi Chi, Record dance, 1541 Washtenaw
Phi Rho Sigma, Record dance, 220 N.
Ingalls.
Women's Pool - will be closed July 4.
Plays
Charley's Aunt, first play on the De-
partment of Speech Summer Playbill,
will be presented at 8 p.m. today and
July 5 in the Lydia Mendelssohn The-
atre.
Concerts
Student Recital: Peter Van Dyck, or-
ganist, in partial fulfillment of the re-
quirements for the degree of Bachelor
of Music, at 4:15 p.m. Sun., July 7, in
Hill Auditorium. He is a pupil of Rob-
ert Noehren. Open to the public.
Academic Notices
The Language Exam for Masters Can-
didates in History will be given July
12, 4;00 p.m. 439 Mason Hail.
Placement Notices
The following vacancies are listed
with the Bureau of Appointments for
the 1957-58 school year. They will not
be here to interview at this time.
Bound Brook, New Jersey -- High
School French.
Cleveland 14, Ohio -. (Cuyahoga
County Schools) - Several vacancies
through Kdg. and all Elementary
grades.
Groton, Connecticut - Elementary
(1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 6th); Jr. High Sci-
ence; Jr. High Mathematics; Jr. High
Special Education (Mentally Retarded
Educable Class); Sr. High Mathemat-
ics; Sr. High Arts;Crafts; School Psy-
chologist.
Marinette, Wisconsin -EEnglish/
Speech; English/Spanish; Elementary
(2nd or 3rd); 5th).
Newberry, Michigan - Vocal Music;
Elementary (1st, 2nd, or 5th).
Quincy,yMichigan - Kdg; 1st grade;
4th grade.
San Bernardino, California - Home-
making; English; Girls' Physical/Eng-
lish: Spanish/academic subject; Latin/
academic subject; Metal Shop/academ-
ic subject; General Math; General Sci-
ence; Special Education (Some Mental-
ly Retarded and Some Normal).
Shelby, Michigan - Sr. High Eng-
lish/Speech or Jr. High English/Speech
or Social Studies.
AFTER extensive revision, Rob-
ert Ruark's novel "Something
of Value" has emerged much im-
proved, almost a first class film.
The subject is the recent Mau
Mau uprising in the British Af-
rican colony of Kenya. Reduced
to its essentials, this conflict
stems from ideological differences
between British settlers, who have
come to look upon the land as
their own, and native nationalists,
who want it back.
The arrival of British-type law
and order was something of a ma-
jor shock for the natives who lost,
almost at once, their leaders, their
religion, and much of their free-
dom. What they gained was a
quasi-symbiotic relationship with
the British who gave them medi-
cal care, pants, shoes, and radios
in return for work, work, work.
Or so the story goes.
Most of the British had come to
treat the natives fairly well, like
the simple but honest folk they
are. But a hard core of reaction-
aries would always use force to
settle disputes. This provoked the
extremists who now had an excuse
to fight for their "freedom" with
disastrous results.
"Something of Value" has over-
simplified the situation some-
charming if simple wife, Dana
Wynter, cannot understand his
basic love for the region. She only
wants to get out with a whole
skin.
Sidner Poirtier plays a native
who grew up with Hudson, but
eventually finds that the equality
which once prevailed is no long-
er existant as they grow older.
Rebelling at this treatment, and
angered at the imprisonment of
his father, a tribal leader, for
some minor infraction of British
law, murder, Poitier turns Mau
Mau, and leads the army, after
a time.
Hudson eventually brings peace
of a sort, but not before much
bloodshed, and many reappraisals
of the old regime.
THE ACTING is generally ade-
quate, with Poitier and most of
the supporting actors quite ex-
cellent. With a minimum of shock
treatment, "Something of Value"
makes its point in a well man-
nered way. No one but a person
isolated from present day prob-
lems could fail to appreciate this.
Hudson suffers from his usual
defect: he looks too clean, and
too old for a twenty-year-old, in
the early part of the film, not a
significant drawback.
f
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1
IN THE Eastern Hemisphere,
the real United States impact was
not felt until the 20th century. It
reached huge proportions after
World War II. The good will to-
ward the United States was so
pronounced in Asia and Africa
just after the war that any hint
of American support for a colonial
power would bring a wave of bitter
disilltision.
If admiration is reflected by
emulation, there is much evidence
of it around the world, even in
Communist countries.
It was after Japan was stunned
by the defeat of World War II
that the American impact was felt
in full.
The occupation set in motion
processes which still are changing
the thinking of Japanese people.
As one Japanese put it, "The real
fruits of the American occupation
are still to appear, when a new
generation translates the new
thinking into action."
The vast power of the American
economy saved Europe from naz-
ism in World War II and from
communism after the war. The
same power spreads American in-
fluence around the globe.
* * -
WITH POWER and influence
came responsibilities and prob-
lems. Deep dilemmas plague
American policy.
Throughout the world the
United States stands for liberty
and independence, for self-deter-
mination and freedom. But the
United States has allies in the
cold war. Some of these allies have
colonies.
North African upheavals pointed
up the dilemma. There and in
other areas after World War II,
the United States was accused by
leaders of newly spawned inde-
pendence movements of dragging
its feet with regard to self-de-
termination.
The cold war had brought cold
realities. To build defenses against
steady Communist encroachments
on free nations, it would be neces-
sary to have the wholehearted
suupport of allies.
At the same time, to ward off
Red encroachments on former'
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