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June 25, 1935 - Image 2

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Michigan Daily, 1935-06-25

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of the Summer Session




Publi.ed every morning except Monday during the
University year and Summer Session by the Board in
Control of Student Publications.
;Memberof the Western Conference Editorial Association
and the Big Ten News Service.
ossotiated t oUeate $ress
- 1934 &&gige gg 193-
S wsct4s"
The Associated Press is exclusively entitled to the use
for republication of all news dispatches credited to It or
not otb.erwise credited in this paper and the local news
palshed herein. All rights of republication of special
ispatches are reserved.
ntered at the Post Office at Ann Arbor, Michigan, as
second class matter. Special rate of postage grantee( by
Third Assistant Postmaster-General.
Subscription during summer by carrier, $1.00; by mail,
$1.50. During regular school year by carrier, $4.00; by mail,
Offices: St ent Publications Building, Maynard Street,
Ann Arbor, Michigan. Phone: 2-1214.
Representatives: National Advertising Service, Inc. 11
West 42nd Street, New York, N.Y. - 400 N. Michigan Ave.,
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Telephone 4925
*ANAGING EDITOR ................JOHN C. H ALEY
ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Thomas E. Groehn, Thomas H.
Kleene, William Reed, Guy M. Whipple, Jr.
ASSISTANT EDITORS: Eric W. Hall, Joseph Mttes, Elsie
ierce, Charlotte Rueger.
Telephone 2-1214
Circulation Manager ....................Clinton B. Conger
re Political
know to what extent President
Rosevelts tax program was influenced by polit-
ical considerations. That the President failed en-
tirely to view the effects of his proposals upon the
1936 set-up can hardly be claimed, for he is far
too astute a politician not to have visioned the
suppbrt of some of the "Share-the-Wealth" con-
But if the proposals were designed primarily
for their political effet, the President may be
sdmewhat embarrassed by the stimulus for their
immiediate enactment which has been given by
a body in the Senate which appears to be bring-
ing together such diverging forces as those of
Senators Borah, Long, and Robinson. On the
other hand, if the President had paid no attention
to the political consequences he must feel highly
gratified at the effects which have been evidenced
to date.
There is some reason to believe that the pro-
posals were not intended forfimmediate enactment,
a fact which leads to the possible conclusion that
they were designed mainly for consumption during
the 1936 campaign. At no time has the President
attempted to force the issue of the new taxes while
Chairman Doughton has placed them on the
"ought" rather than the "must" list of current
legislation. It would be something of a backfire
to have them immediately enacted if t is true that
they were planned for use next year.
At the moment however, the President is being
given perhaps the strongest support of the current
session in the unified backing of the Senate group,
a fact which must certainly increase his political
as well as personal prestige.
It is this fact which leads to the conclusion that
no matter what the original considerations of the
proposal were, the immediate political effects are
wholly favorable to Mr. Roosevelt, and will be in
his favor next year, however premature they might
be termed by him at this date.
Another Popular
HE IMPETUOUS enthusiasm with
which Americans, but lately en-
grossed in selling bonds and rearing skyscrapers,
have taken to enjoying, albeit not understanding
good music offers another lucrative field for that
body of men which is not above capitalizing on
public ignorance.
Among the more contemporary instances of pub-
lic exploitation may be listed this wholesale traffic
in singers, this high-pressure salesmanship of-
prima donnas destined to last a day but heralded
with all the acclaim due only a Calve or a 'Galli-

While music was still a cultural interest reserved.
for only the rich, the demand for artists was more
limited than now and, at the same time, more
critical, since the financially select numbered
among their ranks patrons of music who truly
understood and appreciated it. Consequently sing-
ers trained long and rigorously, perfecting and
maturing their technique. Such training pro-
duced artists like Martinelli and Schumann-Heink,
Nwho are still singing superbly after several decades
on the concert stage.
The advent of the radio, however, popularizing
good music, has produced a demand for singers
which threatens to undermine the former merited
esteem of that profession. Nowadays, potential
prima donnas, after a hasty apprenticeship and
possessed possibly of a voice containing only three
or four good notes in its range, are foisted by com-
mercial interests, intent upon cashing in on this
bit of near-talent, upon a public with little musical
background and indiscriminately receptive in its
consciousness of cultural backwardness.
Certainly the public can not turn to its news-
paper music critics for enlightenment; these ap-

Distinction In
Another Field...
recent invention of a device which
is capable of reviving vital organs is another dem-
onstration of that distinguished gentleman's ver-
satility. It will perhaps put an end to the dis-
paraging activities of a number of self-styled icono-
clasts who have attributed the Colonel's succes to
so-called "luck."
This is not the first instance in which Col. Lind-
bergh has won recognition in scientific fields. In
1931 he perfected an apparatus for the separation
of blood corpuscles which represented a distinct
achievement. Both this and the new Carrell-
Lindbergh pump present the noted flyer as a
successful authority in a phase quite unfamiliar
to the general public. It would be difficult indeed
to pass lightly over this work for the latest device
is one which scientists have been striving to de-
velop for more than 125 years. To the learned
as well as to those of lesser scholarship, Col.
Lindbergh rates as a real popular hero. Whereas,
his flight in 1927, now considered as "epoch mak-
ing," may become little more than an obscu-rity in
the annals of documented history, it is not improb-
able that he will be remembered as a top-ranking
scientist for many a decade.
By Emile Gauvreau; (Macaulay).
EMILE GAUVREAU'S "What So Proudly We
failed" would not be so shocking had We not
read William Henry Chamberlain's balanced and
impartial history of the Russian revolution two
days ago. The Gauvreau book is at the opposite
end of the scale: sensational where the one is
calm; reportorial in style, where the Chamberlain
work is literary.
Mr. Gauvreau is editorial chief of the New York
Mirror, one of the tabloids. He went to Russia
on a conducted tour and stayed something like
two months. He went, by his own account, very
few places where his party was not taken on a
schedule, and these places were not out of the
well trodden path. He took with him a mind
amply trained in the technique of the less staid
newspaper man, a supply of adjectives, and a
trusting heart.
He therefore came home with a set of impres-
sions which has been brought back in different
verbiage by a number of gentlemen in the past.
He found Russia working, incredulous of certain
facets of American "civilization," eager to progress
(whatever that may be), wearing cotton stockings
and sometimes no shoes, loaded with radio sets,
earnestly desirous of receiving from America the
goods which Russian machines cannot yet pro-
He went thence to France, where in order to find
the temper of France he went to Deauville, Paris
and Cannes, describing dowager and gigolo en
route. He returned on a luxury ship, and went
to his desk. There he began retelling some of the
things he found the Russians viewing with horror,
even incredulity; the murders the sex crimes, the
gangster activities, and so forth.
The inference is that Russia is heaven bent,
America hell -bent. Yet horrors exist in every land,
curiously enough, and there will be those who
feel that Mr. Gauvreau's astigmatism was bad
when he found none in Russia, and so many in
the United States. "A critter's a critter, wherever
he be."

worth the risks of imitation. In Anierica the
failure of the NRA was not a question of a court
decision by "nine men." The failure was inherent
in the scheme itself, and an Englishman's natural
craving for "safeguards" would prevent his sur-
lender of freedom without fairly demonstrable as-
surance that Mr. Lloyd George's New Deal would
not go the way of Mr. Roosevelt's.
The act is, of course, that many of the New
Deal's pet ideas are being tried in Great Britain
now, including milk control, easy money and a
vast housing project. But the gigantic spending
theory has not been adopted despite the cmbined
efforts of Mr. Lloyd George and Mr. Keynes. Nor,
in view of the characteristic British regard for
the budget and Britain's already high ta~xes, is it
likely to become so popular as in this country,
where posterity's capacity to pay is more highly
-Baltimore Evening Sun.
A Signi ficaint Decision
ENDEAVORING to prevent abuses of the injunc-
tion in labor disputes, 13 states (including
three this year) have enacted laws based on the
Norris-La Guardia "yellow-dog" Federal act of
1932. It has been contended by such legislation's
opponents that the provisions for jury trials in
contempt cases were unconstitutional. Judicial
power would be destroyed, and the courts would
lose dignity if juries passed on the question of con-
tempt, it was asserted. A decision of great import-
ance, in clarifying this moot point and in respect to
the rights of workers, has recently been handed
down by the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania,
which unanimously upheld the law giving alleged
violators of injunctions the right to trial by jury.
The procedure of Judges granting an injunction,
issuing processes against those accused of violating
it and then determining their guilt - a chief point
of attack by those who advocated the legislation -
was effectively characterized by Justice George W.
Maxey in his concurring opinion when he said:
"No human being is ever benign enough to be in-
trusted with absolute power. Unless we have a
jury trial in these contempt cases, one individual
acts as lawyer, Judge and jury." He went on to
state that such procedure brought court processes
into disrepute, impaired the security of citizens
and gave to one man law-making and law-enforc-
ing power similar to that seized by dictators in a
similar role of "saviors of the people."
Finding ample authority in the state constitution
for the act's regulation of the powers of courts,
Justice Maxey's opinion passed on to uphold the
people's right 'of trial by jury, as asserted in the
Federal Constitution, and to quote the United
States Supreme Court in ex parte Milligan: "The
illustrious men who framed the Constitution were
full of wisdom, and knew that a trial by an es-
tablished court, assisted by an impartial jury, was
the only sure way of protecting the citizen against
oppression and wrong."
The decision is a landmark, in keeping with
American traditions. It clarifies the rules for in-
dustrial disputes and it 'assures to both sides the
right to justice as meted out by tribunals drawn
from the people. It should encourage other states
to enact similar laws in this troubled time.
-St. Louis Post Dispath.
A Washington
W ASHINGTON, June 24. - An overnight reset-
ting of the 1936 political stage came with
President Roosevelt's special taxation message to
Congress. Its blunt wealth redistribution philos-
ophy aimed at breaking up great aggregations of
capital whether as individual fortunes or corporate
surpluses obviously presents the issue on which
Mr. Roosevelt stands ready to fight it out next
year at the polls.
Beside it, such matters as the NRA upset in
the Supreme Court or what may happen there
to other "new deal" unprecedented creations
like AAA, the social security bill, the labor disputes
measure or any other, could sink to minor signifi-
cance politically in the coming campaign. Even
the question of changing the constitution to es-
tablish national authority over national, social or

economic problems could become a mere detail.
MR. ROOSEVELT proposes an immediate exer-
cise of Federal tax powers to accomplish social
and economic objectives reaching far beyond those
of any "new deal" project heretofore presented. To
informed "new deal" insiders, his tax message rep-
resents the "new deal" as he visualized it when he
uttered the phrase. The details of tax suggestions
may be new. But the conception of an orderly
process of disintegration of "over-concentrated"
capital as baneful to public welfare, now flatly
stated, they hold to have been implicit in the Roose-
velt program from the start of his march toward
the White House.
There are credible intimations that Mr. Roose-
velt, left to his own judgment, would have struck
out for this same objective in his campaign
speeches; that party councillors won him from that
only by great and concerted effort. Whether that
is the fact or not, the President in the eyes of
most Washington press gallery onlookers has met
the challenge of recently revived Republican party
activity head on, preempting the . issue-making
function himself.
He has broken new ground and taken the offen-
sive, as they see it; and incidentally moved again
to weld into support for his program the whole
range of so-called leftism, from Republican mod-
erate liberals to Democratic extremists like Huey
Long, and including the Townsend-planners, Sin-
clairities, Northwestern farmer-laborites, Wiscon-
sin progressives and all the rest. To substantiate
that view they cite Long's prompt and chuckling
"Amen" when the message was read in the Senate.
ERTAINLY this seems true:
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tl ais the Dullettu 1o oonstructive notice to all member atip
fty oyreceived at the office of the Asistant to the Pr e somw
u 1 am. Saturday.

By Erskine Caldwell; (Viking).

IT MAY RELIEVE the late spring drought to have
Erskine Caldwell's "Kneel to the Rising Sun" on
the stands. It is not that this collection of short
pieces is Mr. Caldwell at his best, but that Mr.
Caldwell something less than his best is still more
important that most late spring fiction.
There are those who discern in this youngish
Southerner some kind of a world corrective. And
many treat him with the respect that a man in
rocky country might treat rattlesnake antitoxin (or
whatever the stuff is). They realize he has his uses,
but they don't want to take him bnless necessary.
Excepting, of course, "Tobacco Road," which play
has shocked people into buying tickets for quite
some time.
As usual, Mr. Caldwell uses the "Story magazine
formula." His stories have almost no plot at all,
and sometimes they do not even bother to draw a
single character full length. They are shreds
of narrative, grated off the flank of life. "Candy-
man Beechum" is, for example, merely the account
of a very tall negro walking through a town to see
his girl, who lives a couple of miles on the other
The negro stops at a catfish house to buy a
bowl of fried cat for his supper. The night police-
man first offers to lock Candy-man up until Mon-
day for safe-keeping. When Candy-man backs
away, the policeman draws his gun, and pulls the
trigger. Candy-man falls, there is some more by-
play and the piece ends.
s-As Others Sep e
NEW DEALS are not what they used to be, or Mr.
Stanley Baldwin might have been more worried
about the New Deal, complete with brain trust,
which Mr. Lloyd George proposed for England.
Instead of indicating agitation or alarm, Mr. Bald-
win discusses the Lloyd George New Deal as in-
ferior to the plans which the government already
* , -..e.... . ~ . ~ fn n n nr n t~a a n _

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