PAGE FOUR
THE MICHIGAN DAILY
FRIDAY, MARCH 13, 1943,
PAGE FOUR FRIDAY, MARCH 13, 1953
Cditev' fl.te 1
By CRAWFORD YOUNG said bull-headed) in its demands to be
Daily Managing Editor recognized and heard.
'T WILL BE INTERESTING to observe the The Board of Governors has not pub-
reaction of the Inter-House Council to lished the reasons why it found that a rate
being by-passed on the latest round of dor- hike was necessary, so it is difficult to gain-
mitory fee increases, say the need for the raise. But it is only
logical that the students who are going to
For the first time, the new and ambi- pay the stepped-up fees should seriously
tious quad governmental group has felt question the need for it-and be given the
itself circumvented by the administra- facts before the Board of Regents makes it
tion rather than merely another student an irrevocable fait accompli.
group. The campus will be watching to But whether or not the increase is justi-
see if the IHC is as determined (some have fied, the IHC has no recourse but to pro-
test in its most vigorous fashion the method
used. Quad leaders who commented that
iT i r1 "the administration only cooperates with
D .C. R acial B ias us on small issues" have hit a basic Uni-
versity shortcoming. There is a strong ten-
dency to mistrust student advice on the
0NE OF THE most encouraging events in more crucial problem areas in the Admin-
Washington in recent weeks was At- istration Bldg. Until the voice of the stu-
torney General Herbert Brownell's appeal to dent is given the weight it deserves, no stu-
the Suireme Court for aid in ending racial dent government can do a thoroughly ef-
segregation in the restaurants of the na- fective job.
tion's capital. And although one can sympathize with
The Administration's move is in line the forlorn expression of a West Quad
with President Eisenhower's State of the leader that "no matter how we feel, the
Union promise to use all his presidential administration makes the decisions and
authority "to end segregation in the dis- there's nothing much we can do about it,'
trict, including the federal government." the C cannot afford to permit this sort
This- of pessimism to paralyze its action
Tman Administration, which pleaded long In many ways, the mettle of IHC will be
man Adiitain hc lae og tested in th's dispte.Mn hav speted
and loud for civil rights legislation but test thisinyutee usptd
which did not seriously turn its hand to that the occasionally obstreporous attitudes
clean up its own backyard, of the group towards other student organi-
zations in the past arose mainly out of per-
Whatever the Supreme Court does with sonal antipathies of the leadership. How-
the case, the American public should now ever, if the IHC can demonstrate the same
realize that the Eisenhower administration vigorous representation of its views to the
is serious in its attempts to end segregation administration in protesting the method of
in the capital. It is to be commended for its the raise and pressing the issue of its need,
efforts to end a disgrace which has long then the IHC will have progressed a long
plagued the nation both here and abroad. way towards proving itself in the eyes of
-Eric Vetter the campus.
BOOK REVIEW:
The New Science of Politics
THE LIU CASE:
Darkness At Noon
Bureaucratic
4
THE NEW SCIENCE OF POLITICS, by
Eric Voegelin, Chicago University Press.
HE ATTEMPT by social scientists in
general, and political scientists in par-
ticular, to make their respective studies
"objective" is roundly criticized by Eric
Voegelin in his book The New Science of
Politics. There are two reasons for criticiz-
ing the effort to discover casual factors in
social organization that are free from "sub-
jective value-judgments." First, the events
between which such relationships are recog-
nized are often selected by reference to ar-
bitrary criteria established by political pre-
ference or personal idiosyncrasies.
This tendency, particularly in American
political science, is not as capricious (nor
as dangerous) as it might otherwise be,
since there is a strong civilizational tradI-
tion, despite vehement denials of its va-
lidity, that ordinarily holds within its
general frame of, values the multiplicity
of uncritical opinion. Even when the se-
lection of events is based upon the pro-
per criteria, the second criticism arises
from the general failure to apply the re-
sults of such studies to the basic theor-
etical problems of politics. These ten-
dencies result from one of three assump-
tions. Some tacitly admit the importance
of metaphysics but assume that since such
questions do not admit of answers through
the methods of science they therefore
should not be asked. Others admit the
existence of the realm of metaphysics but
deny its relevance. Those of the extreme
view assume that the realm does not
exist.
This situation in political science, which
is a reflection of modern Western Civiliza-
tion in general, results from the successive
waves of gnostic speculation found in such
men as Voltaire, Condorcet, Comte, Hegel,
Marx, Nietzsche, Hitler and, in a lesser de-
gree,,William James. This is not to imply
that gnosticism originated in the thinking
of these men and others like them. On the
contrary, it was present in the historical
origin of Christianity in the form of the
Jewish expectation of the Parusia and was
later expressed in the Revelation of St. John.
However, the Augustinian interpretation of
history was, until the high Middle Ages, an
historically effective tour de force by which
Christian society was articulated into the
two orders; and in the interpretation, the
temporal order-man's cyclical "profane"
history-as distinguished from the spiritual
order, accepted the nature of man without
any chiliastic speculation.
The reappearance of , an eschatology of
the temporal realm and speculation on the
meaning of history found its-first clear ex-
pression in Joachim of Flora. Into the
Platonic and Aristotelian cyclical articu-
lation and de-articulation of the eidos (the
Idea, the essence) of the "polis" and the
Augustinian conception was introduced the
idea of an end in history. It was not, how-
ever, until Western Society had experienced
its expansion beginning in the high Mid-
dle Ages that there emerged an almost uni-
versal desire for a meaning of history.
eimli7.rn-r. n.m.. mrn-n anfl.,n.'n- n# of a
any of its many variations, is a theor-
etical fallacy since, "The course of his-
tory is no object of experience; history
has no eidos, because the course of his-
tory extends into the unknown future.
The meaning of history, thus, is an illu-
sion; and this illusionary eidos is created
by treating a symbol of faith as if it were
a proposition concerning an object of
immanent experience."
To Voegelin, any true theory of the exis-
tence of man and society must be within
the experiences of classic and Christian
ethics and politics; within the tradition
that has embodied historically differentiated
truths of the soul. Speculative divergence
from this tradition exceed the bounds of the
critical and empirical truths of human na-
ture established by the historically discov-
ered essence of man as embodied in the
evolutionary definition of his soul. This is
not to say that the dogma of any one
Christian church is the absolute truth or
even that Christianity in the broadest sense
embodies the essence of man. Rather it is
that the Christian recognition of the finite
nature of man, coupled with an acknow-
ledgement of his essential grandeur, has
been historically demonstrated to be near
the truth.
* * * - .
MAN MUST BE allowed to live in accord-
ance with these truths if he is to
avoid slavery. Plato's observation that "the
polis is man written large" holds true. Any
system of government that seeks to es-
tablish and represent a "truth" which is
not in the nature of man thus far discov-
ered can be but tyranny. Man must not be
forced into a mold that is determined by a
speculative construction of his essence-
by an eidos of history. Nor must he be
forced out of the mold of his nature in the
name of "efficiency" or "value-free" social
theories. "Truth" imposed or truth sub-
verted inevitably leads to totalitarianism.
Not only may the consequences of such
thinking be catastrophic in domestic poli-
tics; there may occur equally disasterous
results in the foreign relations of a na-
tion. What but gnostic speculation could
have supported the notion that all that
was needed to avoid a second World War
was to negotiate a few "anti-war" treaties
during the twenties? What supports the
seemingly everlasting expectation that a
dictatorship will fall because "the people"
are not of such a nature as to tolerate it;
that all that is needed for peace is for
the "real" representatives of a people to
come to power? Again, how does one de-
cide upon "unconditional surrender;"
upon the deliberate creation of a power
vacuum but upon the basic assumption
that we can live with the Soviet Union
in peace when there is not one shred of
evidence to support the conclusion.
These and similar examples, based, again,
upon a speculative construction of the es-
sence of man, are shown by Voegelin to have
seriously corrupted our ability to preceive
political reality. The result is a thoroughly
provocative book; one well worth reading
by anyone interested in the current con-
Bungling
THE CASE OF Dr. Vera Hsi-Yen Wang
Liu vs. the U.S. Immigration Service
represents another incident of bureaucratic
folly and bungling in the Immigration Ser-
vice.
Although the Detroit immigration board
assured the University pediatrician that
her affidavits and requirements for per-
manent residence were "favorable," it
denied the Chinese doctor's appeal on the
ambiguous grounds that the case was
not "meritorious."
The unfairness of an arbitrary decision
forcing an individual to leave a country
which has been her home for 12 years is
evident.
If the decision is carried out, Dr. Lu
may have to leave her husband, parents
and sister, who are all living in this coun-
try. The native of Shanghai has no other
country to turn to, since China is over-
run by the Communists.
Dr. Liu is certainly not unworthy of cit-
izenship. She is doing valuable work in the
field of }pediatrics-whenthe need for such
work is great. By insisting on the original
decision that Dr. Liu leave the country by
April 4, the government would be depriving
the United States of a useful citizen.
Now that Rep. George Meader has in-
troduced a private bill in the doctor's be-
half to the House, the immigration board
still has time to reverse its decision. Fil-
ing of such a bill automatically stays ac-
tion on the deportation proceedings.
While the Immigration Service mulls over
its decision, it should keep in mind that
this is the kind of arbitrary action that
keeps the Soviet propaganda mills grinding.
-Helene Simon
CONCERT1
IT IS LAMENTABLE that in recent years
a Rubinstein recital has been a visual as
well as an aural experience for the audience.
Fortunately, though, the total effect of last
evening's performance was exciting enough
by far to dwarf the visual distractions. The
program itself at first glance groaned with
the weight of the Romantics, with a sprinkl-
ing of the Impressionistic and the Contem-
porary. Zeus for the evening was the single
note, the single sound. The hierarchy of
Gods was the grouping of tones, the sensi-
tive phrasings, and the powerful climaxes.
To Franck's "Prelude, Chorale and Fugue,"
which began the program, Rubinstein gave
the sustained musical interest it deserves.
The piece itself is one of the few of Franck's
many compositions which has secured his
place in music literature. The fugue sub-
ject, a short Bach-like figure, is hinted at
near the beginning of the Prelude. With
the progression of the Prelude and on into
the Chorale the impending statement of
this fugue subject is increasingly foreshad-
owed. And with its final emergence is the
feeling that we have come from darkness
gradually into full light and relief. This
whole effect of tension and consummation
Rubinstein projected beautifully.
The recital continued with the Chopin
B minor Sonata, Op. 58. Written some
five years after the better-known B3-fat
minor Sonata, this sonata is in comparison
a little lax in design, possibly overwrought
in style. Consequently one might suspect
that no matter how well done the end
result would be mainly one of uncomfort-
able chaos. But Rubinstein had a surprise
- perfection of refinement and grace,
and of the flexible rhythms, and there
achieved a unity and beauty.
After intermission the program continued
with a group of three familiar Debussy
pieces and Ravel's "Ondine." In both the
Debussy and Ravel Rubinstein's discriminat-
ing use of dynamics was a high point. How-
ever in the Debussy a literal reading seemed
to impede an impressionistic reception. The
small unit, the separate harmonies, seemed
to be emphasized disproportionately to the
large unit.
large unit. The Villa-Lobos "Prole do Bebe,"
was originally composed for Rubinstein.
Villa-Lobos, a Brazilian composer, has been
interested in the use of native folk music as
the basis of many of his compositions. The
result is often the strange mixture of so-
phisticated technical means and native col-
ors and rhythms. Rubinstein was well
equipped to capture the rich colors and na-
tive atmosphere of this piece.
Two Liszt numbers concluded the pro-
gram, the "Valse Oubliee" and the Hungar-
ian Rhapsody No. 12." To these Rubinstein
gave his best in delicacy of phrasing, diver-
sity of shadings, and dramatic powerful ef-
fects.
--Anne Young
Books at the Library
Bloch, Bertram-MRS. HULETT. Gar-
den City, New York, Doubleday & Com-
pany, 1953.
Cousteau, J. Y., Capt.-THE SILENT
WORLD. New York, Harper & Bros., 1953.
Howley, Brig. Gen. Frank L.-YOUR
tetter4 TO THE EDITOR
The Daily welcomes communications from its readers on matters of
general interest, and will publish all letters which are signed by the writer
and in good taste. Letters exceeding 300 words in length, defamatory or
libelous letters, and letters which for any reason are not in good taste will
be condensed, edited or withheld from publication, at the discretion of the
editors.
J
f
J
A
f
ON THE
WASHINGTON
MEHRY-GO-ROUND
WITH DREW PEARSON
U"'
_ _ ___......__._ .. .. y .,._ .q
nTr it
WASHINGTON-In a private talk between President Eisenhower
and Secretary of State Dulles, the President flatly rejected any
idea of making a deal with Russia to settle the cold war at the sacri-
fice of American principles.
The matter came up when Dulles and the President were
drawing up the resolution on the subjugation of free peoples.
The Secretary of State pointed out the possibility that the reso-
lution might turn out to be the main stumbling block in the
way of an armistice in the cold war.
If the Soviet leaders should offer to settle the cold war by divid-
ing the world into the present spheres of influence, Dulles warned,
then the President's resolution might make it awkward to talk terms.
Eisenhower bluntly replied that he would never enter negotia-
tions with the Soviet leaders to compromise any of the principles of
his resolution.
* * * *
PROPAGANDA PROBLEMS
EISENHOWER'S ALERT NEW psychological warfare expert, C. D.
Jackson of Fortune Magazine, has been working late at night and
most of Sunday trying to figure out moves to take advantage of
Stalin's death.
Inside fact is that his efforts are frowned upon by the State
Department, which opposes any propaganda boat-rocking at this
time. The diplomats fear any move by the U.S.A. may drive the
new leaders of Russia together rather than apart. Winston Chur-
chill vigorously supports them in this view.
Real fact is that Stalin's death caught our foreign-policy plan-
ners completely unprepared. For several years George Kennan, ex-
ambassador to Moscow and author of the Russian-containment pol-
icy, had talked about the momentous possibilities following Stalin's
death. So had "Chip" Bohlen, the new ambassador to Moscow. But
no concrete, comprehensive plan was ready.
This highlights the difficulties which the public doesn't under-
stand and which Senator McCarthy apparently doesn't want to un-
derstand, regarding U.S. propaganda. Here are some of them:
DIFFICULTY NO. 1-The State Department is a policy organi-
ization, not an executive organization. Its men are supposed to be
thinkers and planners, not doers. Operating radio stations, magazines,
etc., is not in their line.
DIFFICULTY NO. 2-Yet the State Department must have the
final power to censor official U.S. propaganda. Otherwise, the Voice
of America and other propaganda agencies might be galloping off in
various directions completely counter to official U.S. policy.
DIFFICULTY NO. 3-To get around this fact and the fur-
ther fact that official U.S. propaganda must be far more cautious
than unofficial propaganda, Radio Free Europe and Radio Free
Asia were set up. However, it's now pretty well known in Europe,
including Russia, that these two organizations are actually sub-
sidized by the United States.
That's why Radio Free Europe has lost part of its effectiveness.
And if Congressional investigators ever started probing Radio
Free Asia they would find about $6,000,000 spent with little accom-
plished.
Radio Free Europe was a live-wire influential organization
when C. D. Jackson, able chief of Ike's Psychological Warfare
Board, was in charge. But it's gone downhill since. For instance,
here is a recent sample of Radio Free Europe's program beamed
to Hungary on Feb. 15:
Explanation of Valentine's Day . .. . U.S.A. spending $250,000,000
on Valentine's gifts . . . . Bing Crosby records . . .. story of a young
ape escaped on roof of 6th Ave. house and rescued by New York fire-
men. Ape is a "publicity man" for local merchant and has wives in
near-by pet shop . . . . America and the superstition of Friday, Feb.
13 .... story of crippled Boy Scouts . . .. From Berlin, a German
doctor gave advice against sports for men and women over 40 and
recommended weight-reducing exercises.
* * * *
PARADOXICAL BEETLE SMITH
GENERAL "BEETLE" SMITH, the astute Undersecretary of State
- who is now ruling on the Voice of America, happens to be in a
paradoxical position regarding propaganda. As former head of Cen-
tral Intelligence Smith poured several millions into Radio Free Eur-
ope, which was partly competing with the Voice of America. Many
State Department officials deeply resented that competition and
the publicity buildup given it in the United States.
Today, as Undersecretary of State, General Smith is on the oth-
er side of the propaganda fence, is a top boss of the Voice, whose
competitor he once subsidized.
All this points to the need of a complete overhauling of
American propaganda; not merely a congressional witch-hunt to
discover what Voice executives wrote when they were students in
college. It also points to the need of a bona fide private commit-
tee of prominent American citizens, representing not merely
business but labor, farmers, the service organizations, to push
home to the Russian people the all-important fact that the Am-
erican people do want peace.
There are times when individual groups of Americans can act
with more effectiveness than their Government. And insomuch as
justifiable suspicion exists between Washington and the Kremlin,
this may be a crucial moment when individual Americans could or-
Academic Freedom ...I
To the Editor:
READER Arthur Cornfeld seems
to be concerned about the Un-
American Activities Committee's
intrusions into the field of educa-
tion in search of Communist in-
fluence. He speaks of the import-t
ance of maintaining academic1
freedom as an integral part of our1
democratic way of life, and I ful-;
ly agree with him. We do not want
to suppress freedom of thought in
America.
But I think he is being rather
rash when he says, "Professors3
and teachers should not be made,
to testify publicly before a Congres-
sional Committee. And when they
refuse to answer questions put to
them by these committees, they;
are clearly within their constitu-,
tional rights." I have only the
greatest respect for most of the
educators in this nation. The com-
pensation most of them receive
is small by comparison with the
service they render to America's
youth, and to the nation as a
whole. They have mightily ad-
vanced the cause of free thought,
and free democratic government
in America. And precisely because
they believe in democracy and
equality, I feel that responsible
educators themselves would not
wish to be accorded the very.
special privilege which Reader
Corn eld calls '"their constitution-
al right."
As Americans we are all en-
gaged in this struggle for world
peace. Each of us must shoulder
his responsibilities as well as the
next man. When a committee of
Congress asks our cooperation in
measures designed for the com-
mon good, it ill behooves any seg-
ment of our society to withhold
from that committee the assist-
ance it 14 reasonably called upon to
give. For it is well to remember
that a citizen in a democracy, who
is worthy of the name, values his
obligations as much, if not more
than, his rights.
It is but little toask a man to
answer a few questions before a
committee, whenuothers are giv-
ing their lives in defense of our
country.
--William G. Halby, '55
. * *
World Investments ...
To the Editor:
IT IS OBVIOUS from Mr. Sea-
voy's comments on Mrs. Jack-
son's proposals for investment in
"underdeveloped areas" that he
is either deliberately misconstru-
ing her ideas, or is an illogical,
uninformed isolationist, with lit-
tle knowledge of elementary eco-
nomics.
In the first place, Mr. Seavoy is
misrepresenting Mrs. Jackson's
statements. She specifically named
the investing countries as: the
United States, Canada, and the
nations of Western Europe. Pre-
sumably this would include Great
Britain.
More important, though, than
his ignorance of what Mrs. Jack-
son said, is his faulty economic
analysis. The real impact of the
expenditure would fall on the eco-
nomically weaker nations, as Great
Britain, with much greater force
than on the United States. Be-
cause of an almost confiscatory
tax rate, the British have a much
smaller spendable income, relative
to national income, than Ameri-
cans. So expenditure would amount
to a greater proportional loss of
spendable income for the British
consumers than the American.
A second flaw in Mr. Seavoy's
analysis results from a confusion
between national income and per-
sonal spendable income. When we
deduct two percent from national
income we leave two percent less
product available to the consum-
er. It is the total product available
for consumption which is the real
measure of economic .prosperity.
The individual's relative power to
buy goods will remain unchanged.
In considering all the factors
bearing on the investment in un-
derdeveloped areas, Mrs. Jackson
particularly stressed the difficul-
ty of obtaining private investment
in politically unstable areas; indi-
cating that certain political con-
trop would be essential to insure
the safety of the investments from
arbitrary or capricious action by
the local government.
Contrary to Mr. Seavoy's sug-
gestion, Mrs. Jackson's proposals
are not intended merely as an ar-
gument for American development
of foreign markets for British
trade. In the forseeable future,
business is going to need some new
areas for investment to compen-
sate for the reduction in arms ex-
penditures. The governments of
the stronger capitalistic nations 4
can pave the way for the private
businessman to invest in those
areas with the asurance of realiz-
ing an adaquate return.
The only question is whether we
will take the initial step and reap
the final rewards for our farsight-
edness-or let someone else do it.
-Paul K. Dygert
TEACHER be careful, professor
beware-
Danger lurks in the classroom air,
For what you teach and what you
tell
May one day ring your teaching
knell .,.
Teacher be careful, professor be-
ware-
Dangerruffles the ivied air,
For what you fear to teach and
tell
Will, by default, ring freedom's
knell.
--The Reporter
I
IF
I
i
Sixty-Third Year
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LITTLE MAN ON CAMPUS by Dick B'tibe
o* c con fcaay jO Nor
PITHCANTHROPUS CILIA TWffAu
6Y MERHIOLATE E. CRAMP -T *9
(2084 AWEA) //l
fiOM T415 000". ,
I,
--
1