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October 29, 1942 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1942-10-29

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Fifty-Third Year
Edited and managed by students of the University of
Michigan under the authority of the Board in Control
of Student Publications.
Published every morning except Monday during the
regular University year, and every morning except Mon-
day and Tuesday during the summer session.
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use for republication of all news dispatches credited to
It or otherwise credited in this newspaper. AUlrights
of republication of all other matters herein also reserved.
Entered at the Post Office at Ann Arbor, Michigan, as
second-class mail matter.
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$4.25, by mail $5.25.
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Editorial Staff

E ,.T
NICHIGAN ]DAILY.

7RSIDA- . (>rT. 29,,-1942

THE MICHIGAN DAILY T~RSD'A~, %X~T. 29. ~1942

THFE UNCONQUERED FRENCH WORKERS.

THE ROLL CALL
IllustriousDunderheads

"a
'ii
ht.
Y. z+' _

l3omer Swander
Morton Mintz .
Will Sapp
George W.:Sallad6
Charles Thatcher
.ernard Mendel
Barbara deFries
Myron Dann .

. . Managing Editor
S . Editorial Irector
. . . . City Editor
Associate Editor
* . .Associate Editor
. . . Sports Editor
. . . Women's Editor
. Associate Sports Editor

Business Staff
Edward J. Perlberg . . . Business Manager
Fred M. Ginsberg . . Associate Business Manager
Mary Lou Curran. . Women's Business Manager
Jane Lindberg . Women's Advertising Manager
James Daniels . Publications Sales Analyst

(Editor's Note: W. K. Kelsey, "The
Commentator" in The Detroit News,
wrote this review of "The Illustrious
Dunderheads," We believe it's one of
the best to be found anywhere.)
A book has been published which
may make voters do some thinking
before Nov. 3, the day on which the
people elect one-third of the Sen-
ate and the entire House for the
two years to come.,
Its title is "The Illustrious Dun-
derheads;" its publisher, Alfred A.
Knopf. It was written for the most
part by the Dunderheads them-
selves, through their votes and
speeches in Congress. Therefore
Rex Stout claims to be merely its
editor, although he probably wrote
the opening essay, on the aims and
nature of Nazi propaganda i the
United States, and drawing com-
parisons between Hitler's desires
and the acts of the Dunderheads.
There is also a brilliant introduc-
tion by Frank Sullivan.
The book contains the voting
record of 145 members of the House
and 28 Senators on the important
bills for the defense of the United
States since February, 1939. That
was the month in which the House,
by a vote of 205 to 168, struck out
an appropriation of $5,000,000 for
converting the island of Guam from
a naval station into a naval base.
The request for the money was
made by President Roosevelt; op-
ponents argued that the, works
would offend Japan. In June, how-
ever, the Naval Public Works Act
included money to improve the
naval station. That inadequate
work was undertaken; it proved
insufficient, and inDecember, 1941,
Guam fell to the Japs.
Among the 145 "Dunderheads"
listed in this book are no less than
13 of Michigan's delegation of 17.
They are Reps. Blackney, Bradley,
Crawford, Dondero, Engel, Hoff-
man, Jonkman, Michener, Rabaut,
Shafer, Tenerowicz, Wolcott, and
Woodruff. That leaves Reps. Ding-
ell, Hook, Lesinski, and O'Brien;
and how Rep. O'Brien escaped is a
mystery to the Commentator, un-
less Mr. Stout never heard of him.
The Test Measures
Mr. Stout lists 12 bills as the test
of Dunderheadism. On the Guam
appropriation bill, the following are
listed as opposed: Blackney, Brad-
ley, . Crawford, Dondero, Engel,
Hoffman, Michener, Shafer, Wol-
cott, Woodruff. Let's leave Rep.
Tenerowicz out; he .voted for the
Guam naval base, but his defeat in
the primary makes. his subsequent

record as a "Dunderhead" unim-
portant.
In November, 1939, the :embargo
on the shipment of arms to belliger-
ent nations was repealed, on the
ground that it deprived them of
their rights under international
law. In favor of maintaining the
embargo, and thus in effect favor-
ing Germany, the book lists Black-
ney, Bradley, Crawford, Dondero,
Engel, Hoffman, Michener, Rabaut,
Shafer, Wolcott, Woodruff.
In the same month, the House
voted further modifications of the
neutrality law, requested by the
President. The Michigan vote was
the same as it was on the embargo-
lifting bill.
June 22, 1939, an attempt was
mane to cut 1,283 planes and $37,-
000,000 out of the Army Appropria-
tion Bill. Here Rep. Jonkman added
himself to the above list, and Rep.
Rabaut took himself off it.
Sept., 1940, the House voted for
conscription, nearly three months
after the fall of France. The entire
Michigan delegation voted against
that bill .
Feb. 6, 1941, the Lend-Lease Bill
was voted. Rep. O'Brien had been
elected, and voted against it. So did
Rep. Rabaut. So did all the Repub-
licans. On the ensuing measure to
provide for an appropriation for
lend,-lease purposes, Blackney,
Michener and Rabaut switched to
the "yes" column; the other "Dn-
derheads" voted no.
A istoric Vote
On Aug. 12, 1941, occurred the
203-202 vote to extend the service
period of draftees-a vote so close
that it shocked the country. All the
Michigan "Dunderheads" voted
against the bill. So did O'Brien, and
so did Hodk. Only Dingell and Les-
inski, of the Michigan delegation,
voted for the measure; and this
was almost two months after Ger-
many's attack on Russia!
Exactly the same line-up oc-
curred Oct. 17, on the measure for
arming American merchant ships
for defense. Two for, 15 against!
Nov. 13, only 32 weeks before
Pearl Harbor, the House voted pow-
er to the President to modify the
belligerent zone restrictions, to fa-
cilitate deliveries under the Lease-
Lend Act. Michigan's "Dunder-
heads" voted solidly against it.
Previously, in May, the House
voted power to take over ships in
our ports belonging to countries
which had been occupied by Ger-
many. Blackney, Bradley, Dondero

Telephone 23.24-1 )
NIGHT EDITOR: EUGENE MANDEBERG
Editorials published in The Michigan Daily~
are written by members of The Daily stdff
and represent the views of the writers only. ,

PEOPLE'S CHOICE?
Wendell Willkie Looms
As Presidential Thredt
IYTENDELL WILLKIE is putting himself
in an extremely strong position for
the 1944 campaign by establishing himself as
leader of the pro-action sentiment in this coun-
try.
His pleas for the immediate establishment of
a Western Front and decisive, aggressive use of
the "considerable force in India" to take back
Burma have caught the imagination of the peo-
ple. Despite the efforts of the President and all
the editorial advocates of military caution, his
views have evoked the sympathy and approval of
large sections of the population who regard the
masterful retreats of the Allies with much appre-
ciation but little enthusiasm.
THE SEEMING RELUCTANCE of the President
and other Allied leaders to assume responsibil-
ity for the enormous losses which would un-
doubtly result from vigorous action now is mak-
ing them all look extremely bad in the face of
overwhelming Russian and Chinese sacrifices
and demands for active aid. Willkie as the Ameri-
can proponent of action seems to be embarrassing
the Administration considerably and, by making
the President appear a military conservative,
might very well attempt to supersede him in
1944.
By all this we do not mean to imply that Mr.
Willkie has any such cynical attitude as would
accompany a deliberate, dangerous attempt to
discredit Roosevelt. On the contrary we think he
is entirely sincere. He has done a remarkable job
as a goodwill embassador and collector of infor-
mation. Certainly the embattled Russians and
Chinese agree with him. We think the Adminis-
tration, in this country and Allied leaders in
others would do well to agree also with him and
stop listening to General "It-can't-be-done."
- Dick Collins
HOME FRONT:
Civil Liberties Denied
U.S. Minority Groups
OT SO LONG AGO a column by Sam-
uel Grafton appeared in The Daily
in which Mr. Grafton pointed out that despite all
the talk of how we were going to lose our civil
liberties by entering the war, we have not lost
appreciably any of those freedoms. He went
through the Bill of Rights, and aside from the
restrictions imposed by military censorship, he
did show that dictatorship has not taken over the
United States.
Now we have no quarrel with Mr. Grafton on
that score. The vast majority of our civil rights
have been untouched insofar as they do not run
counter to military necessity. And that, the most
vociferous proponents of civil liberties expected,
for fighting a war puts military needs above civil-
ian needs and liberties.
BUT while there has been no great restricting of
civil liberties, neither has there been any ex-
pansion in fields where there is a crying need for
that expansion. There are certain civil liberties
which war has not touched, and will not touch.
And these liberties are still denied portions of
our population, They are the same liberties that
we are fighting for. They are the moral grounds
for our opposition to Nazi German and the phi-
losophy of Naziism. But in this great citadel of
freedom, minority groups are still being denied

MERRY-GO-ROUND
By DREW PEARSON
WASHINGTON-Something will have to be
done soon regarding the strained relations be-
tween the Russians and the British, or the en-
tire war effort may be impaired.
This is one of the chief pieces of advice which
Willkie and his party brought back to Washing-
ton from Moscow. How bitterly Josef Stalin
feels toward theBritish over failure to estab-
lish a second front was revealed very clearly at
a banquet in Moscow in the presence of the
British Ambassador.
With the Ambassador seated at the same
table, Stalin remarked that although the
United States had tried to send Russia some
excellent equipment, it was stopped in Scot-
land, and inferior equipment sent on instead.
Stalin expressed the blunt hope that the
United States would not send war goods via
Scotland or England anymore. Stalin ap-
parently did not care very much that the
British Ambassador heard his remarks -
probably because he already had told the
British Ambassador a thing or two in no
uncertain terms.
The Russians also appeared to resent the fact
that the United States had sent no one of major
political or diplomatic stature as Ambassador
to Russia or on an official mission.
W. Averell Harriman, who accompanied Chur-
chill as the representative of the United States
last summer, apparently was not considered of
major stature. The Russians did not give him
too much attention. Also they did not seem
particularly impressed with Harry Hopkins when
he flew to Moscow.
They knew, of course, that Hopkins was. close
to the President. But they did not regard him
as of the same stature as Foreign Minister Mo-
lotov, who visited Washington on an official
mission last summer, or as Ex-Foreign Minister
Litvinov, now permanently established in Wash-
ington as Ambassador and one of the most dis-
tinguished figures in the history of the Soviet.
Men comparable to Litvinov and Molotov
would be Cordell Hull and Secretary of War
Stimson, and in their absence the Russians
have felt slighted at having Harriman and
Hopkins sent to them.
(Copyright, 1942, United Features Syndicate)
Klux Klan stop burning fiery crosses and beating
and murdering Negroes? In Germany a man can
be shot for going against the will of the state. In
the United States, a Negro can be shot for exer-
cising his constitutional rights.
PATRIOTIC meetings are fine. But let a group
of men get together to discuss their problems
in the tenant farm areas of the country and depu-
tized gunmen will be called out to break up the
meeting, and later bury the bodies.
Men have been shot in Germany for union
activities, but men have also been shot or
beaten for those same activities in the United
States where that right is "guaranteed" and
where every man is free to decide whether he
wants a union or not.
There is time enough even during a war to di-
rect a part of our interests towards our own civil
liberties, and our own welfare. But there is no
time, during war or peace, to bow to the will of
minority pressure groups, backed up with sec-

jlh AXE to fqrind
By TORQUEMADA
T HIS is just a little thought presented for what
it is worth to Social Studies 93, and to the
Post-War Council, both of which organizations
are studying the causes of war, and the principles
of a just and durable peace.
After the course of study, the students will be
sufficiently prepared in the subject to formu-
late adequate hypotheses concerning the pro-
per course of action. Then what are they going
to do?
I should like to know just exactly how the just
principles learned are going to be effectuated. I
should like to know whether these people think
they are going to make the peace. And at the risk
of being called names, I should like to suggest a
concurrent course of study for them.
THINK perhaps there should be a course
called Anti-Social Studies 94, a course to
study the works of Machiavelli, and Darwin,
and Disraeli, and to check on the Hitler pro-
gram, and in general to learn all the ways to
dupe and deceive and win people.
Because the peace will be made by the people
who make it, not by the people who know how to
make it just. And the liberals will still be pub-
lishing the "New Republic," and having forums,'
while the Junior Chamber of Commerce and the
Senior Chamber of Commerce sit down and de-
cide that the Germans have been such filthy peo-
ple that we ought to crush them completely, and
then take care of, the Japs, and even the Finns, if
the war debt memory wears off. And then the
peace will be made by the Chambers of Commerce
who will reinstitute tariffs, and all the things
that people in Social Studies 93 know are terrible
and war-breeding. All this of course will happen
when the people react against the Democrats
and vote in the Republicans again, and the Re-
publicans will still be Republicans, not as bad
as they were before, but worse, because after
this war stupidity will be criminal.
S® I THINK maybe the people in Social Stu-
dies 93 should learn how to prevent the
country from going Republican, and should
learn how to get on Chambers of Commerce,
and run these people so that we will get a just
and equitable peace.

and Michener voted for it, leaving
eight "Dunderheads" opposed.
The second Lend-Lease Bill was
passed in October, with only 61
votes against it, and nine of these
came from Michigan; the excep-
tions on Mr. Stout's "Dunderhead"
list being Blackney, Michener and
Rabaut.
What Is A Representative?
Well, there's the record.
The "Dunderheads" defense takes
several forms.
"I voted the way the people of my
district wanted me to vote." That's
the rubber-stamp theory-the the-
ory that a representative is sent to
Congress not to have a mind of his
own, but to register the will of the
majority of his constituents.
Now the only constituents whose
will he takes seriously are his per-
sonal partisan friends, and the edi-
tors of his party newspapers; and
they are all quite as likely to take
their cues from him as he to take
his from them.
A newspaper editor may try to
guide public opinion, but he does
not represent it--unless he 'is a
shifty, truckling man with .a wet
finger always in the air to discover
how the wind is blowing. Under our
t-eory of government, a Congress-
man is supposed to be a highly in-
telligent man who votes for the
best interests of the people ss he
figures them to be, not as they,with
far less knowledpe of .the quejstion
at issue, and without responsibility,
may casually think.
"I voted the way my people want-
ed me to vote" is the explanation of
a nit-wit and a place-seeker, of a
man without convictions and there-
fore without courage.
Keeping Out Of War
"I voted as I did because I want-
ed to keep the country out of war."
So to keep the country out of war
they voted not to strengthen Guam,
not to strengthen the Army air
arm, not to raise a vast army by
conscription, not to, aid the coun-
tries that, by fighting Hitler, were
keeping the war distant from our
shores. A singular ,argument, that
the best way to avoid war was not
to make the country strong, but to
keep it weak!
A peculiar argument that w en a
conflagration is raging next door,
the worst thing to do is to take out
fire insurance! But that was the
argument and excuse of the "Ihun-
derheads," and it was not because
of anything they did, BUJT IN
SPITE OF THEIR OPPOSITON,
that when the blow came at Pearl
Harber we had a huge Army in the
making, and that our arms and
mitLions industry was wellad-
vanced because we were manufac-
turing under the lend-lease ar-
rangement.
After Pearl Harbor, the "Duder-
heads" pleaded that bygones were
bygones, and that they would be
good thenceforward. But when it
came to the parity amendment de-
manded by the farm bloc boys, an
inflationary measure, there were
Crawford, Dondero, Engel, Hoff-
man, Jonkman, Michener, chafer
and Woodruff in their usual col-
umn, against the Administration;
Blackney and Bradley not recorded;
and only O'Brien, Rabaut and Wol-
cott voting for the national intrest
with DingeplHook and. sin ki.
It might be a pertinent question
to ask the "Dunderheads"-"Whom
do you hate most? Hitler or Roose-
velt?"
*
(Chicago gaily News.)
THE ILLUSTRIOUS DUNDER-
HEADS:
Here they are without their red,
wliite and blue wrappings-as hnd-
some a gang of subversive citizens
as ever graced a gallows or the front
pages of the Hearst-McCormick-Pat-
terson newspapers.

This rogues' gallery of "wrong
guessers" are actually running for re-
election. they voted wrong on prac-
tically every bill designed to defend
the country. They hated Roosevelt
worse than Hitler. They said Amer-
ica would never be touched by aggres-
sion. They predicted Russia would
fall in 30 days. They screamed in-
sults at our British allies. And not
a few of them used their congres-
sional franks to send out Nazi propa-
ganda.
A vote for a dunderhead is a vote
for Hitler.
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
(Continued from Page 2)
Tower and in the office of the school
of Music.
Exhibitions
Exhibition, College of Architecture
and Design: Prize-winning and other
drawings by professional architects

e

SAMUEL GRAFTON'S
Pd Rather Be Right

NEW YORK,- Almost everybody.
agrees with Wendell Willkie. If you
read the better newspapers, you
will find they are solidly for him.
Newspapers which have been for
freeing India agree with Willkie.
Newspapers which have been
against freeing India agree-with
Willkie. Newspapers which have
talked second front think Willkie
made a fine speech, and newspa-
pers which have deprecated second
front talk also think he was rather
wonderful.
And behind this apparent agree-
ment there is almost no agreement
at all.4
The most important thing Mr.
Willkie said was "Now!" It is the
now-ishness of his speech which
gives it its quality. If you take the
"Now!" out of it, it is not a good
speech; it becomes the usual bun-
die of bumble, about how we must
sometime take the offensive and of
course distribute freedom.
They Take The 'Now!' Out
Many who have praised the
speech have, slyly or innocently,
consciously or unconsciously, taken
the "Now!" out.
They have praised Mr. Willkie's
fundamental ideas, and have
dropped out of their discussion the
point that he wants them put into
effect right away. But Mr. Willkie's
speech was not only a speech about
India and the second front and the
end of colonialism and aid to allies.
It was a speech about the calendar.
It- was a speech, about time.
If we have learned anything in
Senate, publicly has denounced gas
rationing and the 35 m.p.h. speed
limit as "some sort of trick". So Mr.
Smith stepped into his car last week
and drove lickety-split from Detroit
to Kalamazoo. "I drove 70 m.p.h.
sometimes," Smith beamed, "and I
didn't see a cop!" -
Senator Prentkss M. Brown, Dem-
ocratic candidate for re-election,
has upheld the 35 m.p.h. speed lim-
it "as the bridge between our pres-
ent tires and the production of syn-
thetics." Yesterday the Senator
was arrested for speeding in Pon-
tiac.

this war, we have learned that the
promise to act tomorrow is a refusal
to act today. The slogan: "Cake
Next Week" is a sentence of hunger
for this -week, perfumed with a
whiff of vanilla. It is the profound-
est kind of refusal, because it seeks
to stop the argument without per-
mitting action..It is the word "No!"
plus a certificate of good intentions.
We have been freeing India next
century for two centuries;hwe have
'been promising to make the world
glad after a war for two wars. We
are all against colonies a hundred
years from now.
Yes, But ... Means No
But the man who is merely
against colonialism tomorrow is
actually for colonialism today. The
man who is for a second front next
year is against a second front this
year. There is no way out of it. The
man who desires freedom for India
in 1945, no matter how ardently,
how passionately, will be equally
guilty with the worst imperialist on
earth if a sudden Japanese attack
on India succeeds because of Indian
impatience with us and apathy to-
ward us. The road to Tokyo cannot
be paved with good intentions.
The history of the last ten years
can be told in the words "not now."
Stop Hitler in the Rhineland? Not
now. In Czechoslovakia? Not now.
Help China? Not now. Embargo
Japan? Not now. You can sum-
marize Willkie's speech in the
words: "Well, when the hell?"
And if you read the history of
the past ten years closely, you will
see that a long series of democratic
agreements in principle has actu-
ally been a long series of refusals in
fact. We did not stop Hitler and we
did not help China and we did not
halt Japan, although most of us
agreed profoundly on the impor-
tance of doing something about all
these things sorkie time.
Not While Sitting Down
Mr. Willkie's speech is the crux of
a process of self-questioning that
has been going on for ten years and
has finally reached its peak. Hard
words about good taste, unity, and
the decency of silence among part-
ners in mistakes cannot rebuke it,
and the soft words of yesterday
nntnv~..ar with it The Lrrv of

s

The
(4'iN ted
eeOt

, ql. 1. 19, LI

PERHAPS the Betas have found the best solu-
tion to this Minnesota game mess. Accord-
ing to a custom nearly as old as the Minnesota-
Michigan rivalry itself, the two fraternity chap-
ters wagered a large woolen blanket on the out-
come of the game.
So right now the Michigan chapter is
having the score sewn into the blanket which
will then be sent to Minneapolis. It's going
to read like this:
Michigan 14, Minnesota 13, Referee 3.
ti

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