_= PTE H LAM~ILLT-T
iffe r iirlygan Daily
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THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1971
NIGHT EDITOR: TAMMY JACOBS
Seeret research: Accepting
the communit y' s mandate
AS THE controversy over classified
research at the University ap-
proaches a climax, opposition by a mi-
nority of faculty members is threaten-
ing the community's efforts to restrict
secret research on this campus.
Last month, after eight months of
careful debate and consideration,
Senate Assembly, the faculty represen-
tative body, overwhelmingly called on
the Regents to generally prohibit Uni-
versity research "the results of which
cannot be freely and openly pub-
lished."
The proposal would allow some
classified research projects if it could
be shown that the work would be such
a "significant contribution to knowl-
edge so as to justify infringement of
the freedom to publish."
The plan would also allow research
that is classified "for access only"-in
which classified documents or mater-
ials are used in preparing the project
but the final results can be openly
published.
FOR MANY OF US, this policy does
not go far enough. The assembly
considered a plan that would elimi-
nate all classified research without ex-
ception. But the compromise position,
adopted by the assembly after hearing
a score of witnesses and dozens of
hours of debate, is a major step for-
ward.
There is a general consensus that
classified research be restricted - a
consensus not only of faculty members,
but also of students. A referendum on
the question in last soring's camous-
wide elections showed that the large
majority of students is onosed to
elassified and mitary research at the
University.
But desnite the clear sentiment for
a maior tightening of the nrecent loose
Univericty nolicies on er1qmifed re-
search, a c-nlb hut annarently influ-
Pntial minority of the faculty is at-
temntino to either block adontion of
thie Senate Assembly policy, or to water
it down.
Thpv have put Pressure on President
Robben Fleming and the Regents, who
t4ll must give assent to any nolicy
changes. to turn down the asembl's
plan. And they have Put the matter be-
fore the .largely-ceremonial University
Senate - composed of the entire fac-
ulty-for "review and consideration."
IN THESE ATTEMPTS to subvert the
action of their own elected renre-
sentative body, snnorters of elassified
research argue that faculty members
should have the right to do any re-
search thev wish and that the new
policy denies them freedom of choice.
They forget that in return for the
benefits of living and working in an
academic community, we all pay a
certain Price. The essence of such a
community is to communicate and de-
velon new knowledge. Both students
and faculty members have an obliga-
tion to particinate in this effort. But
the secrecy inherent in classified re-
search hampers open communication
of results to both students and col-
leagues and denies the general public
the benefits of the research.
This secrecy has a more invidious
effect, however. As the Pentagon Pa-
pers have shown so clearly, secrecy
allows the possessor of the secrets-
the government-to engage in ques-
tionable activities without the knowl-
edge or consent of the people.
Just within the last couple of years,
information has been made public
about the "electronic battlefield" now
being used in Vietnam. Yet research
on its major components has gone on
this campus for years without the Uni-
versity community being aware of the
research or its intended uses.
REALIZING THAT IT IS inconsistent
for an educational institution to
engage in research whose results are
often locked up in a safe and onen
to only those with security clearances,
most of the country's maior univer-
sities have taken a stand against clas-
sified research.
Harvard, Yale, Brown, the University
proposed policy would not prevent
anyone from getting security clear-
ances and consulting classified docu-
ments for ideas or projects.
The only requirement would be that
the results of their research be open,
and even this could be waived. for pro-
jects of exceptional benefit, according
to the proposal. Furthermore, the De-
fense Department has shown a will-
ingness to declassify a number of pro-
jects at universities, such as Stanford,
which have adopted a strong stand on
the issue.
SUPPORTERS of classified research
have also argued that the policy
change could hurt the University by
causing some faculty members to re-
sign, and by a loss of funds.
Yet in the first instance, there are
only 19 professors engaged in classified
research, out of a faculty of over 2,700
at the University. Twelve of these work
in laboratories of the engineering col-
lege, and the rest at Willow Run La-
boratories, where most of the Univer-
sity's classified research is done.
Only seven per cent of the engi-
neering college's research is classified,
and even of that, one-third is classi-
fied "for access only" and therefore
would remain unaffected by the .new
policy. In addition, some of the other
classified contracts are likely to, be de-
classified by the Defense Department,
or exempted from the new policy.
For these reasons, the major imact
of Senate Assembly's pronosed policy
would fall not on the engineering col-
lege. but on Willow Run and the seven
professors there.
Yet even is the present policies on
classified research are continued, it is
likely that the University will soon be
losing the Willow Run staff and any
money it receives for the Willow Run
oneration. The laboratories there are
slow1v dying: their research volume
has dropped from $13 million to $6 mil-
lion in the last five years and they will
soon become a financial drain on the
University, if they are not already.
Thus, there are plans afoot, accord-
ing to Willow Run officials, to separate
the laboratories from the University
within a year or two, and set up a non-
profit research corporation. This would
occur whether the University adopts
Senate Assembly's proposed policy or
not.
Adoption of the policy, then, would
not result in financial or personnel
difficulties that are not inevitable
anyway, and would allow the excel-
lence of the University's research ef-
fort' to continue.
THE MAJORITY of students and fac-
ulty members on camnus have
realized that an end to most classified
re'earch is an idea whose time has
come.
Therefore, we should not allow a
minority of faculty members to over-
rinle the wishes of the rest of the aca-
demic community.
To prevent any tampering with the
mandate of the maiority of people who
comnrise this University, we urge stu-
dents and faculty members to express
their views on the issue at the open
forum on research scheduled by the
University for Nov.18.
We ask members of the academic
community to communicate their sup-
port for the Senate Assembly resolu-
tion to President Fleming and the Re-
gents, in whose hands the final de-
ciiion lies.
We specifically invite faculty mem-
hers to attend the University Senate
meeting on Nov. 22 where the assem-
blv's nolicv will be un for "review and
.oncideration." Under the Senate's
rules, sunporters of classified research
(,an overturn the assembly's pronosal
by a two-thirds majority vote of those
present.
It is, imperative that sunnorters of
lassified research be prevented from
nacking the Senate meeting and there-
by overturning the wishes of the elect-
ed representatives of the entire fac-
ultv.
THE RESOLUTION of the issue thus
Yugos la v
LOS ANGELES.
THE ELEVATOR went down to
something called the Califor-
nia Level 'of the Century P 1 a z a
Hotel, then Kirk Douglas walk-
ed off, followed by six reporters, r
a couple of cops, some visiting
salesmen and the elevator oper-
ator. He walked to a vat room, t
loud with lights and whiskey, where
Marshal Tito stood in a reception |
line next to Sam Yorty. And I }
you don't think the world is
changing, you had to take a hard
glom at Yorty's eyes. He s t o o d
there next to the old Communist., |
shaking hands, and every few
seconds stealing a glance at the
class in the room. It was standing
right next to him, of course, and
Tito couldn't have cared less about
about Sam.
Instead, Tito had planted h i s
feet firmly, his shoulders squared
back, a bit more paunchy than he
was 10 years ago when he came to
New York for a UN session on a
crisis that no one can now re-
member. Then he still looked like
the man who had fought the Nazis
in the mountains, who had stood Springs
up to Joe Stalin, who had put to- like az
gether a country out of a gaggle of th
warring states. He was sharp and Left. He
polished that year, stepping off a hills is
ship in New York, while some of ing ac
our patriots sailed around in a no one
rowboat protesting his visit. no one
He
LAST NIGHT he looked like one muncre
of those old men who knows that clear tc
he will die without surrendering did not
any of the beliefs of his youth. The derous
face is hard, the eyes squint more, deroSta
but looking at Tito, and looking erst
at the clownish Yorty beside him.
you knew why Tito had had the AND
guts to stand up to the armed ing in
might of the Soviet Union and
Sam Yorty coudn't risk a trip to outside
Watts. It has something to do with Americ
character. during
Some of the more purist ele- here w
ments of the American left have her
written off Yugoslavia these days; meo n
they feel it is in the process of sayi
selling its soul to capitalism, or Titoww
to technology. Businessmen have
visited Yugoslavia; Tito stayed at someth
the Firestone home in Palm Edward
beaches were open. They talked
about America without envy and
without sycophancy. They liked
us. It was tough not to like them.
And suddenly in that loud bright
room, it became possible to see
what kind of world we might be
in the process of forming at last.
Not one world, not some idealistic
utopia. Just a place where people
could respect each other, where it
would not matter a damn what
sort of economic system a country
chooses for itself, where nobody
would have to kill anyone else over
an abstraction.
I wished somehow that all those
kids who had died in Indochina
in the name of communism could
meet all the kids who had died
there in the name of capitalism. I
wished they could have talked to
each other about the beauty of
their countries, about the women
they loved, about the children they
had never seen learn to read. I
wished that the dead Americans
could show the dead Vietnamese
a World Series, and that the dead
Vietnamese could have shown the
dead Americans the strawberry
fields near Dalat. I wished none
of them had died, and that whey
could have lived out their lives.
The Yugoslavs were among us
here last night, and they were
all right. They weren't great, they
weren't evil. They were all right. .
Most people are, if you give them
a half a chance.
G 1971 New York Post
Tito in the land of movie stars
of
Tito Yorty
s. But Tito does not look
man who would easily suf-
e purists of the American
e knew that fighting in the
not the same as govern-
country, that rhetoric feeds
, that glib Marxism is as
minded as glib capitalism.
gated a fresh form of corn-
a in his country, and made
o the world that communism
t have to become the mur-
instrument is became un-
alin and his fellow murder-
SO there he was, stand-
the basement of a hotel,
of which the Los Angeles
ercilessly beat middle-class
an peace demonstrators
the Johnson regime, and
as Yorty, and the business-
rnd the movie stars lining up
hello. The stars knew what
as as soon as they saw him;
,s a star, and there w as
ing oddly touching about
d G. Robinson, that other
thick-set solid-looking man, plant-
ing his feet to shake Tito's hand,
All of them - Charlton Heston.
Robinson, Douglas, Karl Malden-
seemed only embarrassed about
Yorty.
Over on the side, Kiro Gligorov,
a high ranking official in the
party traveling with Tito was talk-
ing throughan interpreter about
the way things have changed. He
thought that Tito was more than
just a leader, he was a father fig-
ure for Yugoslavia. He thought
that it was possible for a country
like Yugoslavia to choose the best
of the western system.
As Gligorov chatted, Tito was
forced behind a wall of secret
servicemen, plainclothesmen, and
local cops to pose for photographs
in a corner. The freeloaders were
demolishing the shrimp cocktail,
the molded eggs and those sau-
sages wrapped in raw bacon that
are served at every reception in
America. Tito seemed to be en-
joying himself, but the entourage
was having an even better time.
WE TALKED WITH a few of
them, and with some of the Yugo-
slav newspapermen, and they were.
friendly and open and nothing
like the communists of the car-
toons and the FBI TV shows. They
all asked that we come to Yugo-
slavia, to see their country, es-
pecially in the summer when the
tI
Letters to The Daily
Victims all
To The Daily: ;
I HAVE BEEN following the
Daily's recent controversy over
Women's Lib with interest and
find myself in sympathy with most
of the points of view presented in-
cluding Mr. Perloff's. However. I
take strong issue with Ms. Van-
Gelder when she insists that men
"are the beneficiaries of the pre-
sent oppression of women."
Men benefit from women's op-
pression the way a junkie benefits
from his dope. Or as the old say-
ing goes, "None of us is free un-
less all of us are free." Certainly
gay men don't benefit from Vic-
torian or Hollywood (same thing,
different . clothes) standards of
male and female behavior. And
certainly many heterosexual men
would like to be freer to express
more feminine qualities.
Both men and women seek to
express a completeness of individ-
uality the achievement of which is
PAY
BOARD
COMMON.S.6&*-ha
inhibited so long as they are forc-
ed into stereotyped roles. How free
is a man whose identity depends
on his domination over his wife
or the number of lays he gets per
week. He's like the rich man who
lies awake at night fearing he'll b
robbed; he has always to be prov-
ing himself, protecting his titles
A man dependent on this kind
of ego-dope is hardly expressing
much in the way of completeness.
The economic benefits men r e-
ceive at our expense are very real
when seen in a rather limited and
self-centered framework, b u t
wouldn't all of us benefit if the
people most capable and qualified
for a position filled that position
instead of the talent pool being
limited, as is so often now the
case, to white males?
To the argument that if all
women work, there won't be
enough jobs to go around I would
reply: why don't we all work less
and enjoy it more? I'm sure I'm
not the only student who finds
housework and cooking a welcome
relief to studying, and men who
presently slave away at forty-hour
per week tension producing jobs
would probably find the same if
they weren't so vilely educated.
I don't mean to present an out-
line of my utopian dreams but
merely to point out that there is
no reason to believe.. that men
benefit from the oppression of
women. Rather they are the vic-
tims of their own limited outlook.
Women's Lib must recognize its
potential for Human Lib if it is
to progress quickly or be of last-
ing benefit.
-Kathe B. Geist, Grad,
Nov. 3
SGC member Taylor -
def ends his actions
By BRAD TAYLOR
THE ENTIRE recall drive against me has carefully ignored certain
events and circumstances, which when fully considered, render
their justifications for a recall indefensible.
My appearance before the House Internal Security Committee
(HISC) was under force of subpoena and my testimony consisted only
of facts which were already a matter of public record. These facts
were gathered at the People's Peace Treaty Conference in anticipa-
tion of contributing to a news story on the event, which was being
prepared by a legitimate campus news service. As a result of this 1
article, I was subpoenaed by a Congressional Committee. The Recall
Drive has refused to consider this chain of events which victimized me.
At the time I contributed to the news story, in February of 1971,
I was not a member of SGC, nor was I considering running. When
I obeyed the law of the subpoena and appeared, I was not acting in
my official capacity as a SGC member, but rather, as an individual.
Should the students, who elected me, and for whom I speak be ,
denied representation on Council because of my misfortunes? At the
present time, I am the only person on SGC who doesn't favor handing
out student tuition money to every political group that wanders through
Ann Arbor. This is the reason I was elected to Council, to represent
their views. If I am recalled it will be the elimination of my right
to speak out and their right to a voice on SGC. There is a definite
group of students I, only, represent. If I am recalled it will mean the
end of a "minority" voice on Council and will give free rein to those
on SGC who in their own words, desire "more money and more
power."
The provisions for recalls in the
Constitution are really quite vague.
In fact never has anyone been re-
called from SGC. It would seem
that for the future, justifications
For recalls should be more clearly h ,a
set forth, for this recall is being
conducted not on the grounds that
I broke campaign pledges but ra
ther that I acted in accord with
the beliefs of the people who
elected me. >...st>.:
70 per cent of my electors also
voted against endorsing the Peo-= ;.
ple's Peace Treaty. How can this > Y"' :
vote be ignored? I have acted on>": -,
SGC in perfect harmony with the
beliefs of the people who elected
me. A recall will not only deprive
me of my right to speak out but of their right to representation.
IF I AM recalled it will mean that the seat of every elected repre-
sentative of the students will be in jeopardy, if he or she doesn't sub-
mit to the Council majority of that time. It will negate the votes of
2081 students who voted for me and will make voting for what appears
to be a minority position appear hopeless. Should the dangerous#
precedent be set of eliminating divergent opinions from Council? I
think not. Vote no on the Recall Referenda and preserve diversity on
Student Government Council.
Brad Taylor, a member of Student Government Council, is the subject of
a recall drive.
rJ'V
1.
I
I
quixotic quest
Responses to a speech,
rick hje rlof f,
I
HE STARTED peacefully enough.
"The actualization of the op-
posite, that is the opposite qua the
opposite, consists in the process in
which the negation unfolds into
a distinction at variance with it-
self."
"That statement is really rac-
ist. I'd like to object," said a man
in the audience. "Blacks and whites
are opposite but what we need
is black people working for black
people. Black people have got to
make their own culture because
black folks know what is best for
them. You see? You're talking to
black people about black people's
problems, but you're a white man."
air. He called on a woman sitting
midway in the room.
"You don't understand w h a t
the movement's about. It's g o t
nothing to do with the negation of
feminine. It's got nothing to do
with masculinity. Masculinity .and
femininity are bad ways of defin-
ing a person. Women want t h e
right to determine their own lives.
That means they want to be treat-
ed as human beings."
Another woman spoke up.
"You know what you're telling
me? You're telling me you're a
male chauvinist. You're telling me
that because men are categorically
opposite to women they can af-
firm what women are like. That's
ritf true Men have hen taught hv
the negation, if and only if it
contradicts the intention of t h e
object."
ANOTHER HAND. He called.
"The struggle's all wrong. You're
telling me that the struggle is
against the object. But the strug-
gle has got to be with the workers
because that's where the power is.
And until people learn that, they
are going to be reinforcing t h e
stupidities of the bourgeoisie."
"What I'm speaking of is the
origin of the object," he said.
"What concerns me about your
statement is that it directly im-
pugns me. You're saying that we're
not too apathetic about the war.
But that's not true, as von say.