_= PTE H LAM~ILLT-T iffe r iirlygan Daily Eighty-one years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students at the University of Michigan 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-05521 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 11, 1971 NIGHT EDITOR: TAMMY JACOBS Seeret research: Accepting the communit y' s mandate AS THE controversy over classified research at the University ap- proaches a climax, opposition by a mi- nority of faculty members is threaten- ing the community's efforts to restrict secret research on this campus. Last month, after eight months of careful debate and consideration, Senate Assembly, the faculty represen- tative body, overwhelmingly called on the Regents to generally prohibit Uni- versity research "the results of which cannot be freely and openly pub- lished." The proposal would allow some classified research projects if it could be shown that the work would be such a "significant contribution to knowl- edge so as to justify infringement of the freedom to publish." The plan would also allow research that is classified "for access only"-in which classified documents or mater- ials are used in preparing the project but the final results can be openly published. FOR MANY OF US, this policy does not go far enough. The assembly considered a plan that would elimi- nate all classified research without ex- ception. But the compromise position, adopted by the assembly after hearing a score of witnesses and dozens of hours of debate, is a major step for- ward. There is a general consensus that classified research be restricted - a consensus not only of faculty members, but also of students. A referendum on the question in last soring's camous- wide elections showed that the large majority of students is onosed to elassified and mitary research at the University. But desnite the clear sentiment for a maior tightening of the nrecent loose Univericty nolicies on er1qmifed re- search, a c-nlb hut annarently influ- Pntial minority of the faculty is at- temntino to either block adontion of thie Senate Assembly policy, or to water it down. Thpv have put Pressure on President Robben Fleming and the Regents, who t4ll must give assent to any nolicy changes. to turn down the asembl's plan. And they have Put the matter be- fore the .largely-ceremonial University Senate - composed of the entire fac- ulty-for "review and consideration." IN THESE ATTEMPTS to subvert the action of their own elected renre- sentative body, snnorters of elassified research argue that faculty members should have the right to do any re- search thev wish and that the new policy denies them freedom of choice. They forget that in return for the benefits of living and working in an academic community, we all pay a certain Price. The essence of such a community is to communicate and de- velon new knowledge. Both students and faculty members have an obliga- tion to particinate in this effort. But the secrecy inherent in classified re- search hampers open communication of results to both students and col- leagues and denies the general public the benefits of the research. This secrecy has a more invidious effect, however. As the Pentagon Pa- pers have shown so clearly, secrecy allows the possessor of the secrets- the government-to engage in ques- tionable activities without the knowl- edge or consent of the people. Just within the last couple of years, information has been made public about the "electronic battlefield" now being used in Vietnam. Yet research on its major components has gone on this campus for years without the Uni- versity community being aware of the research or its intended uses. REALIZING THAT IT IS inconsistent for an educational institution to engage in research whose results are often locked up in a safe and onen to only those with security clearances, most of the country's maior univer- sities have taken a stand against clas- sified research. Harvard, Yale, Brown, the University proposed policy would not prevent anyone from getting security clear- ances and consulting classified docu- ments for ideas or projects. The only requirement would be that the results of their research be open, and even this could be waived. for pro- jects of exceptional benefit, according to the proposal. Furthermore, the De- fense Department has shown a will- ingness to declassify a number of pro- jects at universities, such as Stanford, which have adopted a strong stand on the issue. SUPPORTERS of classified research have also argued that the policy change could hurt the University by causing some faculty members to re- sign, and by a loss of funds. Yet in the first instance, there are only 19 professors engaged in classified research, out of a faculty of over 2,700 at the University. Twelve of these work in laboratories of the engineering col- lege, and the rest at Willow Run La- boratories, where most of the Univer- sity's classified research is done. Only seven per cent of the engi- neering college's research is classified, and even of that, one-third is classi- fied "for access only" and therefore would remain unaffected by the .new policy. In addition, some of the other classified contracts are likely to, be de- classified by the Defense Department, or exempted from the new policy. For these reasons, the major imact of Senate Assembly's pronosed policy would fall not on the engineering col- lege. but on Willow Run and the seven professors there. Yet even is the present policies on classified research are continued, it is likely that the University will soon be losing the Willow Run staff and any money it receives for the Willow Run oneration. The laboratories there are slow1v dying: their research volume has dropped from $13 million to $6 mil- lion in the last five years and they will soon become a financial drain on the University, if they are not already. Thus, there are plans afoot, accord- ing to Willow Run officials, to separate the laboratories from the University within a year or two, and set up a non- profit research corporation. This would occur whether the University adopts Senate Assembly's proposed policy or not. Adoption of the policy, then, would not result in financial or personnel difficulties that are not inevitable anyway, and would allow the excel- lence of the University's research ef- fort' to continue. THE MAJORITY of students and fac- ulty members on camnus have realized that an end to most classified re'earch is an idea whose time has come. Therefore, we should not allow a minority of faculty members to over- rinle the wishes of the rest of the aca- demic community. To prevent any tampering with the mandate of the maiority of people who comnrise this University, we urge stu- dents and faculty members to express their views on the issue at the open forum on research scheduled by the University for Nov.18. We ask members of the academic community to communicate their sup- port for the Senate Assembly resolu- tion to President Fleming and the Re- gents, in whose hands the final de- ciiion lies. We specifically invite faculty mem- hers to attend the University Senate meeting on Nov. 22 where the assem- blv's nolicv will be un for "review and .oncideration." Under the Senate's rules, sunporters of classified research (,an overturn the assembly's pronosal by a two-thirds majority vote of those present. It is, imperative that sunnorters of lassified research be prevented from nacking the Senate meeting and there- by overturning the wishes of the elect- ed representatives of the entire fac- ultv. THE RESOLUTION of the issue thus Yugos la v LOS ANGELES. THE ELEVATOR went down to something called the Califor- nia Level 'of the Century P 1 a z a Hotel, then Kirk Douglas walk- ed off, followed by six reporters, r a couple of cops, some visiting salesmen and the elevator oper- ator. He walked to a vat room, t loud with lights and whiskey, where Marshal Tito stood in a reception | line next to Sam Yorty. And I } you don't think the world is changing, you had to take a hard glom at Yorty's eyes. He s t o o d there next to the old Communist., | shaking hands, and every few seconds stealing a glance at the class in the room. It was standing right next to him, of course, and Tito couldn't have cared less about about Sam. Instead, Tito had planted h i s feet firmly, his shoulders squared back, a bit more paunchy than he was 10 years ago when he came to New York for a UN session on a crisis that no one can now re- member. Then he still looked like the man who had fought the Nazis in the mountains, who had stood Springs up to Joe Stalin, who had put to- like az gether a country out of a gaggle of th warring states. He was sharp and Left. He polished that year, stepping off a hills is ship in New York, while some of ing ac our patriots sailed around in a no one rowboat protesting his visit. no one He LAST NIGHT he looked like one muncre of those old men who knows that clear tc he will die without surrendering did not any of the beliefs of his youth. The derous face is hard, the eyes squint more, deroSta but looking at Tito, and looking erst at the clownish Yorty beside him. you knew why Tito had had the AND guts to stand up to the armed ing in might of the Soviet Union and Sam Yorty coudn't risk a trip to outside Watts. It has something to do with Americ character. during Some of the more purist ele- here w ments of the American left have her written off Yugoslavia these days; meo n they feel it is in the process of sayi selling its soul to capitalism, or Titoww to technology. Businessmen have visited Yugoslavia; Tito stayed at someth the Firestone home in Palm Edward beaches were open. They talked about America without envy and without sycophancy. They liked us. It was tough not to like them. And suddenly in that loud bright room, it became possible to see what kind of world we might be in the process of forming at last. Not one world, not some idealistic utopia. Just a place where people could respect each other, where it would not matter a damn what sort of economic system a country chooses for itself, where nobody would have to kill anyone else over an abstraction. I wished somehow that all those kids who had died in Indochina in the name of communism could meet all the kids who had died there in the name of capitalism. I wished they could have talked to each other about the beauty of their countries, about the women they loved, about the children they had never seen learn to read. I wished that the dead Americans could show the dead Vietnamese a World Series, and that the dead Vietnamese could have shown the dead Americans the strawberry fields near Dalat. I wished none of them had died, and that whey could have lived out their lives. The Yugoslavs were among us here last night, and they were all right. They weren't great, they weren't evil. They were all right. . Most people are, if you give them a half a chance. G 1971 New York Post Tito in the land of movie stars of Tito Yorty s. But Tito does not look man who would easily suf- e purists of the American e knew that fighting in the not the same as govern- country, that rhetoric feeds , that glib Marxism is as minded as glib capitalism. gated a fresh form of corn- a in his country, and made o the world that communism t have to become the mur- instrument is became un- alin and his fellow murder- SO there he was, stand- the basement of a hotel, of which the Los Angeles ercilessly beat middle-class an peace demonstrators the Johnson regime, and as Yorty, and the business- rnd the movie stars lining up hello. The stars knew what as as soon as they saw him; ,s a star, and there w as ing oddly touching about d G. Robinson, that other thick-set solid-looking man, plant- ing his feet to shake Tito's hand, All of them - Charlton Heston. Robinson, Douglas, Karl Malden- seemed only embarrassed about Yorty. Over on the side, Kiro Gligorov, a high ranking official in the party traveling with Tito was talk- ing throughan interpreter about the way things have changed. He thought that Tito was more than just a leader, he was a father fig- ure for Yugoslavia. He thought that it was possible for a country like Yugoslavia to choose the best of the western system. As Gligorov chatted, Tito was forced behind a wall of secret servicemen, plainclothesmen, and local cops to pose for photographs in a corner. The freeloaders were demolishing the shrimp cocktail, the molded eggs and those sau- sages wrapped in raw bacon that are served at every reception in America. Tito seemed to be en- joying himself, but the entourage was having an even better time. WE TALKED WITH a few of them, and with some of the Yugo- slav newspapermen, and they were. friendly and open and nothing like the communists of the car- toons and the FBI TV shows. They all asked that we come to Yugo- slavia, to see their country, es- pecially in the summer when the tI Letters to The Daily Victims all To The Daily: ; I HAVE BEEN following the Daily's recent controversy over Women's Lib with interest and find myself in sympathy with most of the points of view presented in- cluding Mr. Perloff's. However. I take strong issue with Ms. Van- Gelder when she insists that men "are the beneficiaries of the pre- sent oppression of women." Men benefit from women's op- pression the way a junkie benefits from his dope. Or as the old say- ing goes, "None of us is free un- less all of us are free." Certainly gay men don't benefit from Vic- torian or Hollywood (same thing, different . clothes) standards of male and female behavior. And certainly many heterosexual men would like to be freer to express more feminine qualities. Both men and women seek to express a completeness of individ- uality the achievement of which is PAY BOARD COMMON.S.6&*-ha inhibited so long as they are forc- ed into stereotyped roles. How free is a man whose identity depends on his domination over his wife or the number of lays he gets per week. He's like the rich man who lies awake at night fearing he'll b robbed; he has always to be prov- ing himself, protecting his titles A man dependent on this kind of ego-dope is hardly expressing much in the way of completeness. The economic benefits men r e- ceive at our expense are very real when seen in a rather limited and self-centered framework, b u t wouldn't all of us benefit if the people most capable and qualified for a position filled that position instead of the talent pool being limited, as is so often now the case, to white males? To the argument that if all women work, there won't be enough jobs to go around I would reply: why don't we all work less and enjoy it more? I'm sure I'm not the only student who finds housework and cooking a welcome relief to studying, and men who presently slave away at forty-hour per week tension producing jobs would probably find the same if they weren't so vilely educated. I don't mean to present an out- line of my utopian dreams but merely to point out that there is no reason to believe.. that men benefit from the oppression of women. Rather they are the vic- tims of their own limited outlook. Women's Lib must recognize its potential for Human Lib if it is to progress quickly or be of last- ing benefit. -Kathe B. Geist, Grad, Nov. 3 SGC member Taylor - def ends his actions By BRAD TAYLOR THE ENTIRE recall drive against me has carefully ignored certain events and circumstances, which when fully considered, render their justifications for a recall indefensible. My appearance before the House Internal Security Committee (HISC) was under force of subpoena and my testimony consisted only of facts which were already a matter of public record. These facts were gathered at the People's Peace Treaty Conference in anticipa- tion of contributing to a news story on the event, which was being prepared by a legitimate campus news service. As a result of this 1 article, I was subpoenaed by a Congressional Committee. The Recall Drive has refused to consider this chain of events which victimized me. At the time I contributed to the news story, in February of 1971, I was not a member of SGC, nor was I considering running. When I obeyed the law of the subpoena and appeared, I was not acting in my official capacity as a SGC member, but rather, as an individual. Should the students, who elected me, and for whom I speak be , denied representation on Council because of my misfortunes? At the present time, I am the only person on SGC who doesn't favor handing out student tuition money to every political group that wanders through Ann Arbor. This is the reason I was elected to Council, to represent their views. If I am recalled it will be the elimination of my right to speak out and their right to a voice on SGC. There is a definite group of students I, only, represent. If I am recalled it will mean the end of a "minority" voice on Council and will give free rein to those on SGC who in their own words, desire "more money and more power." The provisions for recalls in the Constitution are really quite vague. In fact never has anyone been re- called from SGC. It would seem that for the future, justifications For recalls should be more clearly h ,a set forth, for this recall is being conducted not on the grounds that I broke campaign pledges but ra ther that I acted in accord with the beliefs of the people who elected me. >...st>.: 70 per cent of my electors also voted against endorsing the Peo-= ;. ple's Peace Treaty. How can this > Y"' : vote be ignored? I have acted on>": -, SGC in perfect harmony with the beliefs of the people who elected me. A recall will not only deprive me of my right to speak out but of their right to representation. IF I AM recalled it will mean that the seat of every elected repre- sentative of the students will be in jeopardy, if he or she doesn't sub- mit to the Council majority of that time. It will negate the votes of 2081 students who voted for me and will make voting for what appears to be a minority position appear hopeless. Should the dangerous# precedent be set of eliminating divergent opinions from Council? I think not. Vote no on the Recall Referenda and preserve diversity on Student Government Council. Brad Taylor, a member of Student Government Council, is the subject of a recall drive. rJ'V 1. I I quixotic quest Responses to a speech, rick hje rlof f, I HE STARTED peacefully enough. "The actualization of the op- posite, that is the opposite qua the opposite, consists in the process in which the negation unfolds into a distinction at variance with it- self." "That statement is really rac- ist. I'd like to object," said a man in the audience. "Blacks and whites are opposite but what we need is black people working for black people. Black people have got to make their own culture because black folks know what is best for them. You see? You're talking to black people about black people's problems, but you're a white man." air. He called on a woman sitting midway in the room. "You don't understand w h a t the movement's about. It's g o t nothing to do with the negation of feminine. It's got nothing to do with masculinity. Masculinity .and femininity are bad ways of defin- ing a person. Women want t h e right to determine their own lives. That means they want to be treat- ed as human beings." Another woman spoke up. "You know what you're telling me? You're telling me you're a male chauvinist. You're telling me that because men are categorically opposite to women they can af- firm what women are like. That's ritf true Men have hen taught hv the negation, if and only if it contradicts the intention of t h e object." ANOTHER HAND. He called. "The struggle's all wrong. You're telling me that the struggle is against the object. But the strug- gle has got to be with the workers because that's where the power is. And until people learn that, they are going to be reinforcing t h e stupidities of the bourgeoisie." "What I'm speaking of is the origin of the object," he said. "What concerns me about your statement is that it directly im- pugns me. You're saying that we're not too apathetic about the war. But that's not true, as von say.