She Mtigan Baly
Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVESITY OF MICHGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD rN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE No 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in al reprints.
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1963 ACTING NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW ORLIN
U.S. System of the Draft:
Abolition or Renovation?
TODAY'S UNITED STATES draft is a Modifying the draft or substituting
system which is too much selective and another involuntary system for it is out
which discriminates along socio-economic of the question. By its nature, any invol-
lines. As such, it should be abolished. untary conscription system or draft is
However, abolition is not at present poli- highly selective. Only 80,000 are needed
tically possible. each year for the million-man United
What should be done, therefore, is to States Army; the remainder of its mem-
make the armed forces more attractive, bership, as well as the membership of the
thereby raising enlistment and re-enlist- other branches of service, is filled by
ment, and decreasing the need for the career men and other volunteers.
draft. In addition, a presidential commis- In addition, to do the nation, the arm-
sion should be established to investigate ed forces and the potential draftees the
the consequences of abolishing the draft, most good, any such system must dis-
criminate indirectly against the lower so-
ONE CHARGE levelled at the draft is cio-economic strata.
that it is much too selective and there-
fore unfair. Of the over one million men THE ONLY remaining alternative is to
eligible for the draft last year, only one abolish the draft. But here we run into
in 16 was inducted. some problems. First, in order to elimin-
Others have said that the draft is not ate the draft, it would have to be render-
fair in disturbing the burden of our na-
tion's defense over all levels of the citi- ed unnecessary. This would have to be
zenry. They claim that the upper socio- accomplished by placing the armed forces
economic classes receive favored treat- on an entirely voluntary basis. In order
ment. to do this, the armed forces would have
Both of these charges are true. First, to be made more attractive. This prob-
the draft eliminates over half of its po- ably can best be done by pay raises for
tential inductees who are physically or men at all levels, educational programs
mentally unfit. It then eliminates another in the armed forces and post-service edu-
quarter who are either married or seek- cational opportunities for those who join.
ing to continue their education. Less than
half of those remaining are in the end THUS IT BECOMES obvious that abol-
drafted and put into uniform. ishing the draft is for now out of the
Next, the draft is indeed highly favor- sint
able to those of high socio-economic queer, a good short range policy
status. Those who have money-money to would be to reinstate the G.I. Bill, pro-
get married or to continue their education viding educational benefits to those i
-are eliminated from the draft or at least the armed forces. This would not change
given a lengthy deferment. the basic, highly selective and unfair na-
The net result is, that those drafted ture of the draft. But it would make the
often look upon their situation as if they armed forces more attractive, decreasing
had lost a game of chance, which in effect the need for the draft.
is sometimes the case. In addition, many A presidential commission to study the
draftees look upon their induction asa problems raised by the abolishment of
sign that they have been discriminated the draft would be the best course of
against on economic or social grounds, long range action. This commission would
which also, in a large number of cases, is draw public and congressional attention
the situation. to the problem of the draft and would
WHAT, THEN, IS TO BE DONE? If we cover areas rarely if ever considered by
are to do something, we must either such a commission.
modify the draft to remedy these justifi- Once these two courses of action are
able complaints or abolish it. If we abol- taken-one for a temporary remedy, the
ish the draft, we must either replace it other for a long range solution-the ma-
with another system of obtaining involun- jor, necessary steps will have been taken
tary armed forces members, or by some to renovate the recruiting structure of
means make involuntary conscription in- the armed services.
to the armed forces unnecessary. -ROBERT HIPPLER
r~~- -w'r A* 'i'. l w
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
Communism's Zig-Zag Trend
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the sec-
ond of a three-part column in
which Walter Lippmann reviews his
recent six-week European trip.)
By WALTER LIPPMANN
YESTERDAY, speaking of Com-
munism in Eastern Europe, I
said that as the tensions have be-
come relaxed because the fear of
nuclear war is subsiding, the dis-
cipline which holds together the
Eastern alliance has also become
relaxed.
It is necessary, however, to be
cautious about drawing conclu-
sions from this fact. The easiest
mistake to make is to suppose
that a tendency in one direction,
say toward more individual free-
dom, will develop in a straight line
until countrieslikea poland and
Hungary, for example, have as
much and the same kind of free-
dom which exists in this country.
In actual fact, the line of de-
velopment is not straight, but
zigzag, and while, on the whole,
the direction is away from the
absolute totalitarian police state,
this main trend has many for-
ward and backward movements,
rather like the booms and reces-
sions of the business cycle
I BECAME very much aware of
this when I arrived in Poland
after I had been in Hungary.
Quite obviously, these two neigh-
boring Communist countries are
in strikingly different phases of
their development.
Hungary is buoyant with the
exhilaration that comes from the
opening up of a closed society.
The apparatus of the police state
and the apparatus of the Com-
munist party are still there, and it
is not thought to be safe to speak
too frankly, except when walking
in the open air. But the frontiers
have been opened to tourists go-
ing both ways, and there has been,
except in the case of Cardinal
Mindszenty, a political amnesty. A
fair amount of fresh air from the
outside world is making the Hun-
garians feel better.
Coming into Warsaw after
Budapest, one realizes quickly
that, after the opening up, there
is likely to be a pause. Since World
War II, I have been twice before
to Warsaw, most recently in 1958.
Poland was then in the aftermath
of a successful defense of Polish
autonomy against imperial and
centralizing demands from Mos-
cow. At that time the atmosphere
in Warsaw was buoyant as it is
today in Budapest. It is now no
longer so buoyant, and there is
something that might be describ-
ed as a fog of depression.
Poland is not going back to
Stalinism. But, as one Communist
dignitary admitted when I asked
him about what had gone wrong,
there is a pause. The windows are
not being opened wider. Indeed.
they are being closed somewhat.
For, said the Communist dignitary,
the Poles "made such a big jump
ahead in the late 1950s that now
we must wait until the others
catch up."
THE MAN who said that is a
leading theoretician of the Com-
munist party. I do not think that
what he said is the true explana-
tion of the contrast today between
Hungary and Poland.
I think, rather, that we are
confronted here with a problem
which is universal-the problem of
authority and liberty-the prob-
lem of how much freedom a people
can enjoy without destroying the
authority which is needed to gov-
ern them. Or in reverse, the prob-
lem is how they can have gov-
ernments with authority to govern
them well and still enjoy and ex-
pand their personal freedom.
Poland had, I believe, achieved
more freedom of speech and of
ideas than was compatible with
the kind of governing authority
which a Communist planned econ-
omy requires. When you open up
the windows of a closed society,
the drafts bring in not only fresh
air, but also infections of various
kinds.
THE PROBLEM is not confined
to the Communist world. It is, I
venture to think, a central prob-
lem in the movement of renewal
and reform and modernization
which was initiated by Pope John
XXIII.
It is likewise, I imagine, the un-
derlying problem in our own public
controversy about "conservatism"
and "liberalism." In the Com-
munist states which are totali-
tarian in their original essence,
the problem is now acute.
On the one hand, human flesh
will not longer endure absolute
authority and the sacrifices it de-
mands; on the other hand, with
unlimited freedom, the fabric of
authority which is needed to gov-
ern may become unraveled and
be pulled apart.
I have no doubt that, for ex-
ample, Mr. Khrushchev's personal
inclination is toward liberaliza-
tion and the opening of doors and
of peace. But he is haunted by the
continual threat of division and
disunion, by the threat of a break-
down of morale and discipline, if
there is too much liberty too soon
in a country which has known
only authoritarian rule through-
out its history. It takes a very
strong constitution and long habit
to use unlimited liberty.
THERE IS NO USE, therefore,
to expect Khrushchev to move
forward (as we understand the
word) in a straight line. He is
bound to zig and to zag, to back
and to fill, in the effort to con-
serve his authority while he inches
on in the direction he knows he
must go.
The European Communist coun-
tries, including Russia, are no
longer absolute dictatorships
which can impose the kind of
sacrifice that Stalin imposed. Men
like Khrushchev, Kadar and Go-
mulka are not despots; they are
enormously powerful political
bosses.
They too have their Gallup
polls, though they do not publish
them. They know that they have
to allow enough freedom and pro-
vide enough private consumable
wealth to give to their masses and
a sense of improvement and
enough relief from poverty and
regimentation to keep discontent
from boiling over. Yet they have
also to avoid providing so much
freedom that parties can be form-
ed and factions can come into the
open and the central authority
can be destroyed.
(c) 1963, The Washington Post Co.
-Daily-James Keson
'LOWER DEPTHS':
APA Success Balked
By Difficult Play
AN HISTORICAL document with
occasional flashes of brilliance,
of irony and of pathos, "The Low-
er Depths," Gorki's 1902 mani-
festo, alternately entrances and
bores.
As originally produced by the
Moscow Art Theatre, the piece
stunned audiences in Russia and
throughout Europe for its unal-
loyed naturalism and for what
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Hits 'Bourgeois' View of Christmas
To the Editor:
AFTER READING Mr. Wilton's,
"Black Christmas" editorial,
one would conclude that he ought
to have changed the name of his
column from "A Face in the
Crowd" to "Two Faces in the
Crowd," and used the pen-name
of "Janus." In the paternalistic
fashion of the white liberal, Mr.
Wilton poses as a "friend and
ally" of the Negro and puts for-
ward his program as the means to
liberation for the black people.
Fortunately Mr. Wilton allows us
to seehis other face and thus
thoroughly exposes himself as a
petty-bourgeois agent of the white
ruling class.
He indicates himself on several
points. First, he says, "There is
also the philosophy of separate-
ness. And here the Muslims can be
criticized, for they will never be
able to give the Negro a chance to
realize fully his potential as a
human being." If one is really con-
cerned with the Negro realizing
"his potential as a human being,"
then ask yourself, is such possible
in anti-black America? Even the
white liberals would say, no.
The Muslims and other separat-
ists realize that it is not possible
and therefore raise the demand
for self-determination. They de-
mand that black people be allowed
to decide their own future.
* * *
MR. WILTON has ignored the
development of over 400 years of
a very definite social relationship
between white and black; the re-
lationship that exists between
human and sub-human. He dis-
plays his ignorance of this phe-
nomena when he refuses to make
a distinction between the social
position of the whites in South
Africa with the Negro in America,
that is between oppressor and op-
pressed.
"The Negro," he goes on, "is
first of all a human being, and as
such cannot separate himself from
the rest of the human race." Are
you blind, Mr. Wilton, or simply
obsessed with being white? The
Negro in America has been sepa-
rated from the human race ever
since he was brought here as a
slave. He is a sub-human, super-
exploited beast of burden.,
When Ann Arbor City Council
debated whether Negroes could
live in the city where they wanted,
they were arguing whether he
should be viewed as a man or as
an animal. All this has gone to
make up for a definite social re-
lationship between black and
white in America, and white lib-
erals refuse to recognize it.
' .* * *
SECOND, Mr. Wilton declares,
the Negro "should realize that
there are some whites, especially
those of the lower economic class,
who also suffer from dehumaniza-
tion . . . the two groups are
allies."
The black revolution is develop-
ing from the experience and con-
sciousness of black people. We as
whites have very little or nothing
to say about the caste aspects of
the struggle. One must certainly
realize that the struggle between
oppressed and oppressor in Ame-
rica has not yet assumed class
proportions.
We can and should help in the
formation of the class aspect of
the struggle, but its caste aspects
can be developed only by the
Negro. And the conclusion of a
caste analysis, of America is that
racism permeates both social
classes and works to prevent an
alliance between the Negro work-
er and the white worker at this
time. Don't ignore the experiences
that are to be gained from exam-
ining the objective class struggle
in the past. Since Crispus Adducks
through the civil war, first and
second world wars, the labor up-
r
THE LIAiS VN:- *
Following the Leaderw
Marjorie Brahms, Associate Editorial Director
IN THE GREAT GAME of "follow the
leader," American universities are
presently playing the follower. Universi-
ties, large and small, operate as a reac-
tion to society, shaped by the forces
around them: as society calls for more
physicists, the universities crank them
out; more teachers, the education schools
get busy.
American universities in general are
conservative institutions, containers of
culture and propagaters of all that is good
and bad in society.
AS A REACTOR rather than an actor,
the American university responds to
the needs of the military-business-indus-
trial complex and is itself a part of this
complex. Thus, in response to society's
demands, our graduate schools of busi-
ness grow; applied research flourishes;
graduate schools mushroom; universities
expand. The classic instance of Sputnik
clearly points out the tendency of Ameri-
can educational institutions to react.
America's school systems took on a new
character in response to the Sputnik;
their tempo and nature were altered,
making them more scientifically oriented
and faster paced.
THERE ARE THREE possible roles a uni-
versity can play in American society.
One is the present role, that of a follower.
Another is the ivory tower role, the escape
from society itself. As advocated by Paul
Gocdman, an ideal university would be
isolated, a place where a "community of
scholars" could meditate and create,
The third possible role fuses realism
and idealism: the university as a leader
in society, a diffuser of ideas, participat-
ing in the realities of American life and
vet instilling in it the value of education
lead and education would profit from its
contact with reality.
BUT PRESENTLY, we follow. This does
not mean that universities are stag-
nant bodies which respond, amoeba-like
only when directly affected and, for the
rest of the time, lay dormant. Obviously,
this is not the case. A university com-
munity such as Ann Arbor, for example,
actively engages in research, in cultural
activities, in educational innovation. But
basically, universities act in concert with
society or, perhaps, a few steps behind it.
There are a few notable exceptions. At
the University, we have a conflict reso-
lution center. We will soon implement an
exchange program with a Negro univer-
sity, Tuskegee. These are instances of a
university leading, attempting to reshape
societal values to a hopeful better and
more productive end.
YET IN THE MAIN, universities react
rather than act and this role is not
necessarily in their best interests or those
of society. For one, liberal arts education
suffers. As our higher education institu-
tions become more oriented toward pro-
ducing doctors, scientists and teachers
and less oriented toward producing
philosophers, historians and just liberally
educated people without a specific skill,
we lose the value of education for its own
sake.
We educate people so they will be pro-
ductive members of the economy; this is
important, of course, but education should
be far more than this and the educated
man should be, ideally, far more than an
economic unit.
THERE IS NO EASY ANSWER as to how
American universities can be leaders
in the game in which they presently only
surges of the '30's and '40's right
down to today the Negro has al-
ways allied with the progressive
elements of the bourgeoisie and
then the proletariat but he's still
on the bottom of the heap. The
whole experience of white and
black alliance is that the Negro
gets dumped in the end. The caste
experiences of the last 400 years
dictate that the Negro run his own
show this time., If one seeks an
alliance between white and black
workers then the white worker will
really have to demonstrate that
he wants to ally with the Negro
and that he will go all the wy.
Until that day comes don't criti-
cize the Negro for accepting the
conclusions of a correct analysis.
THIRD, Mr. Wilton says if the
United States "is to maintain a
position of leadership and respect
in the world we must divert some
of our brain power from techno-
logical research and devote it to
solving the moral and ideological
problems confronting us as a na-
tion. The Negro has given us a
chance and a warning."
A thorough expose of petty-
bourgeois hypocrisy and treachery,
by his own hand. America's "posi-
tion of leadership," Mr. Wilton
says. Of what i America the
leader? Reaction, couter-revolu-
tion, imperialism, war, racism, ex-
ploitation, decadence.
"The Negro," he goes on, "has
given us a warning and a chance."
As is typical of the agents of the
ruling class, they always try to
cloak their decite by appealing
to the progressive inclinations of
the oppressed class. Thus it is that
Mr. Wilton can propose an alli-
ance between Negroes and white
workers, thus intimating class
war, because the effects of such
an alliance at this time, revolu-
tionary as it may sound, are de-
signed to submerge the only
presently revolutionary elements
of the working class, the Negro.
But Mr. Wilton openly professes
loyalty to the white ruling class.
Its destruction and replacement is
nowhere advocated; rather it is
proposed that it initiate reforms
since failure to do so would set
into motion the radical forces of
society. One would think that Mr.
Wiltonwould have more sense
then to try to dump his social
garbage on the doorsteps of the
black revolution.
-Peter A. Signorelli, '63
Southern Courts ...
To the Editor:
JN THE EDITORIAL of Nov. 6,
entitled "Fifth Circuit Court:
Bulwark of Justice in South," An-
drew Orlin stated that the "South-
ern judicial process has paid al-
most no attention to the United
States Constitution" since "the
end of reconstruction."
Mr. Orlin's examination of the
decisions of Southern courts, par-
ticularly appellate courts, appar-
ently was not very thorough. Al-
though described by Mr. Orlin as
most exceptional, the position tak-
en by the Fifth Circuit Court of
Appeals is typical of that taken
by federal courts in the South
generally-at least prior to Presi-
dent Kennedy's recent judicial
appointments.
AS AN EXAMPLE, I would cite
the decisions of the Fourth Cir-
cuit which has jurisdiction over
federal court cases in the states of
Virginia, South Carolina and
North Carolina.
There are also various state
courts, such as the North Caro-
lina Supreme Court, which have
respectable records in the civil
was assumed to be its passionate
message: "Freedom at any cost!"
Filled with moments of compas-
sion for the hapless "creatures
who once were men," the play re-
lates in frequently tedious, fre-
quently revealing details the pre-
occupations of a huge cast of
derelicts assembled in "a cavelike
basement" in a nameless town
somewhere on the Volga.
The characters are mostly mem-
bers of the criminal fringe, with a
few honest workmen thrown in for
contrast. But the significant dra-
matic interest, at least for pres-
ent-day audiences, does not lie in
this contrast, nor in the many ex-
amples of love and marriage (al-
though this does provide a unify-
ing theme), but in the ironical
juxtapositions of compassion and
hatred, of song and sorrow, of
tenderness and terror.
* * *
GRANTING the difficulty of
"The Lower Depths", The Associa-
tion of Producing Artists deserve
our gratitude for delivering to lo-
cal audiences this opportunity to
view one of the "great" theatrical
pieces.
That the production is not en-
tirely satisfactory can largely be
laid at the door of the 60-year-old
play. Naturalism presents ex-
tremely difficult problems in pro-
duction, for when the producer
attempts an honest rendition
(and, above all, Mr. Baldridge has
made this effort), then the result-
ing production gets caught in the
historical moment out of which
it emerged. Fixed in time it can
rise to universality only in the
most inspired moments; there are
many in this production.
- Provided by the really fine act-
ing of the capable Sydney Walker
as the Christ-like Luka, of the
versatile Richard Woods as the
despicable Kostylyov, and of the
bravura technique of Paul Sparer
as the philosophizing Satin, these
moments are memorable; they
create excellent theatre. These
performers are ably seconded by
Ellis Rabb, Jan Farrand and Lar-
ry Linville. Other characteriza-
tions were not so fortunate: Kate
Geer and Clayton Corzatte, in par-
ticular, are wooden; one is in-
clined to excuse these failures as
miscasting.
* **
THE SET and costumes were
eminently suitable. Of the direc-
tion, one can say that it was oc-
casionally inspired, but lacked a
certain overall control. At times,
the action dragged; at others, it
was unclear. Here, again, natural-
ism prohibits the kind of imagina-
tive invention that helps a director
to convey the author's meaning
and intention.
On the whole, however, the pro-
duction is a tribute to the com-
pany's professionalism, which car-
ries the play to its conclusion with
some quite brilliant touches.
-Marvin Felheim
CAMPUS
'Bed'
Boring
IT IS GENERALLY recognized to
be the duty of the reviewer to
stay through the entire showing
of a movie-but some are so bad
that it is asking a sacrifice above
and beyond the call of duty. "The
Conjugal Bed," now showing at
the Campus Theatre, is a perfect
example.
The movie consists of two hours
of excruciating boredom punctu-
ated by brief moments of bad
taste. Billed as "funny, witty and
wicked," "The Conjugal Bed" is
none, Moreover, comedies made
in countries with less stringent
censorship rules perhaps shouldn't
be brought to the United States
if they are going to be inflicted
with inane subtitles; so maybe the
movie never had a chance.
* *' *
THERE CAN be "wicked" hum-
or-sometimes the most effective
-but only if it serves a purpose.
Subtlety is one of the central ele-
ments of art, and a subtle pres-
entation will cover a multitude of
sins.
"'We Resent Criticism Of Our Leader, And Want It
Known That We Lie Firmly Behind Him"
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