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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
URSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1963
NIGHT EDITOR: GAIL EVANS
OSA Provisions
Undermine Judie
'HE OFFICE OF STUDENT AFFAIRS has a
double-handed manner of dealing with stu-
nt rights.
With one hand it guides student leaders
rough the tedious preparation of lengthy and
mplex documents brimming with student
nhts and powers. Then with the other hand it
atches the completed documents and makes
e quick addition to strike out practically all
e rights it helped to create.
UCH WAS the case with the new Joint Ju-
diciary Council constitution. By one brief
dition placed in the appendix, the OSA ad-
iistrators who inserted it all but wiped out
e "students are governing their own conduct"
ne which Director of Student Activities and
ganizations John Bingley had encouraged
em last year to put into the document.
The addition, innocuously set in the appendix
.der "Sources of Judicial Authority," made
frightfully and abundantly clear that Joint
dic-its constitution to the contrary-is still
st another OSA shill.
The addition establishes a disciplinary com-
ttee outside of the council invested with the
wer to "consider students involved in actions k
a severe but delicate nature ."
This was the first intrusion into the con-
tution by the OSA. The constitution without
e appendixes provides no administrative veto
Initiative
on Joint Judic actions. Its main OSA tie is a
student-OSA referral committee for "all pos-
sible cases of regulation violations}."
With the appendix addition, the OSA has
taken charge.
This disciplinary committee has been given
the token gesture of having the Joint Judic
Chairman in its membership. But by the rest of
its composition (two OSA members including
Vice-President James A. Lewis) the committee
cannot help but be the OSA's way of keeping
somewhat messy cases from reaching Joint
Judic.
The disciplinary committee cannot help but
infringe. The referral committee has the same
power in print. With the disciplinary com-
mittee gobbling up all "serious and delicate
cases" the "all cases" provision for the referral
committee is sliced. Hence, the overall scope
and power of Joint Judic is cut.
BINGLEY ARGUES in favor of the addition
of the disciplinary committee that certain
emergency cases cannot wait for referral and
Joint Judic's consideration. He further ex-
plains that since the OSA is responsible for
student conduct and penalization that it simply
cannot abdicate the responsibility to students.
Bingley has forgotten his attitude last year
when the constitution was being carefully re-
vised. At that time he utered a famous "You are
Joint Judic not me" line and his attitude
seemed one of practically turning the reins on
student conduct over to Joint Judic.
HENCE it was that ex-Judic Councilman
Pat Golden was' shocked beyond belief when
the additions were inserted. Hence it was that
Joint Judic Chairman Harry Youtt was not
even aware that the changes had been made
as of the other night.
The OSA reversal (in the form of the ap-
pendix) and double-handedness is an old story.
Bingley now states that he feels it was clear
last year during the rewriting of the con-
stitution exactly how much power Joint Judic
was acquiring.
BUT IT WAS NOT made clear at all. The
OSA authority over Joint Judie was, under-
stood by its members to have been lessened.
Perhaps Bingley, the most liberal of OSA ad-
ministrators, was so carried away with his
promises that he did not communicate which
authority OSA was maintaining and that which
it was delegating. And then perhaps Lewis
realized the blunder they had made in yielding
so much authority to a student body and thus
sought to correct it with the appendixed dis-
ciplinary committee.
At any rate, Joint Judic finds itself very
much the weak body that student judiciaries
have always been, subject to the vicissitudes of
OSA double-handedness.
Joint Judic's own hands, so gloriously un-
cuffed last May, have been unceremoniously
and secretly retied once again.
--LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM
TAX CUT PROGRAM:
Firm Groundwork for Action
T00 Ponderous
PLAYING TO a receptive audience, onard Bernstein and the New
York Philharmonic Orchestra opened the current Choral Union
series last night.
"The Academic Festival Overture" by Brahms opened the concert.
This overture is among the most skillfully lighthearted of Brahms'
works. Bernstein and the Philharmonic presented a smooth and pre-
cise performance in which the highpoint was the fine ensemble work
of the brass section.
* . * *
THE THIRD Symphony of William Schuman, well-known Ameri-
can composer, teacher and administrator, was the second work. This
symphony, composed in 1943, is divided into two parts, each having
two sections which are developed loosely among formal patterns
typical of the Baroque era.
The orchestra was at its best in the first, second and fourth see-
tions, which contain many forte virtuoso passages. But in the quietly
flowing third section Chorale, the Philharmonic seemed less than
adequate. Entrances were not as smooth as this music required nor
were the delicately interweaving string lines balanced with the neces-
sary finesse.
THE POST-INTERMISSION portion of the concert was taken by
Brahms Fourth Symphony. This masterpiece is not the ponderous
vehicle that Bernstein made it last night. Because of tempo choice
and style of articulation, the clearness and tranquility of the first
movement became muddy and lumbering. The quiet ardour of the
second movement again proved the undoing of the New Yorkers.
Contributing to this were their disinterested transitions from the open-
ing Phrygian mode to E minor, and from E minor to E major in
the coda.
It was in the Breughelian third movement that the orchestra
came closest to getting off its feet and into the mood of the music.
The masterful set of variations which comprised the fourth move-
ment came off better in spite of the liberties Bernstein took with
the tempo.
BERNSTEIN'S podium deportment is a subject too controversial
to go into here. Suffice it to say that in the loud display sections.
Bernstein's acrobatics did not seem to hinder seriously this assemblage
of fine musicians; but that in those delicate sections in which excep-
tional musicianship is called for, Bernstein's gesticulations could not
lift his music to the heights.
--John Farrer
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
The Inexpert Experts
BersensBrahms
'AST YEAR, many of the University's best
students in the physical sciences, engineer-
Zg and mathematics did not enter the annual
Ailliam Lowell Putman national mathematics
camination, and the University team formed
om the entrants did not do well.
The advantages of participation to individual
ntrants-outside-the-classroom contact with
rominent mathematicians, experience in solv-
g problems and the chance of winning one
the money awards-have in the past not
en sufficient to shake students loose from
Heir laziness or apathy.
JICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, perhaps
seeing the prestige and publicity advan-
,ges to itself in having its team place well,
evotes much effort and expense to promoting
s team. Two years ago MSU placed its team
rst, and last year it won honorable mention.
Instead of diverting its resources to recruit
r pamper its team members, the University
ghtly depends on the personal initiative of
s faculty and students.
The faculty-Professors Donald Darling,
onald Douglas and Nicholas Kazarinoff, who
awe offered to work in the problem-solving
ssions-has been forthcoming.
The turnout at today's problem solving ses-
on will determine whether the initiative of
niversity students is forthcoming.
-M. SATTINGER
A Change of Policy
-UPA and the Cuban revolution form the
gravest threat to American objectives in
atin America that our history has known. A
rastic change is needed in the outlook of
nited States foreign policy to avoid a tragic'
iture for our nation as well as those south
the border.
As things now stand, there are three possible
estinies for these nations, all of them bad.
'HERE IS the very slim possibility that the
United States can keep up the facade that
e Cuban revolution was a failure at the ex-
mse of deceiving the American people as
ell as those of a score of other countries.
There is the possibility that the revolution
ill be successfully transplanted to the rest
Latin America. The result would be more
>mmunist satellites-for I am not denying
at this is what Cuba is-and a truly horrid
eture of the United States, created largely by
self as a reaction to this turn of events.
There is the most likely possibility, that
ings will go on much as they have under
nilar threats of social revolutions in coun-
ies in which we are allied with the leader.
he age, of the dictator will again become the
ode south of the border. Only too many
amples are available in the world today to
istrate the eventual outcome of this path.
"HERE IP A WAY OUT, however. One only
need ask what made the Cuban revolution
success in order to find a successful alterna-
ve.
The Cuban revolution was a success for at
ast three reasons. It got the spirit and ener-
of the people behind it. It made good use of
ntral planning and the money it had to spend
money supplied chiefly by the Soviet Union.
also eliminated the two biggest hindrances
economic growth in many undeveloped na-
ns-a wealthy class supported by the pro-
n.,.n. a da..ap d scp A vo, f ,a ., 4a nA el a
the outflow of profits which leaves these
countries to return to the hands of American
investors.
It is not necessary that underdeveloped
countries adopt planned economies, eliminate
the wealthy class, and nationalize all their
industry in order to make the rapid economic
progress necessary to avoid revolution.
A United States policy could accomplish a
great deal more in satisfying the need for
progress than the one which has failed so
miserably to date.
SIGNIFICANT AMOUNTS of United States
economic aid should go to projects where it
would actually do some good. These would pri-
marily be the people-to-people projects which
do much more for the money to cement friend-
ships for the United States than the massive.
sums which so often get gobbled up by cor-
rupt and already wealthy government officials.
Admittedly such projects-the Peace Corps
and privately financed Care and Project Hope
offer good examples-are not as pleasing to
many governments as projects in which they
can point to themselves as responsible. They
cannot extract a monetary profit from them.
However, the United States should have learn-
ed by now, as South Viet Nam is once again
pointing out, that the friendship of a govern-
ment is nothing in the long run without the
friendship of its people.
THE UNITED STATES government and
American businessmen should also admit
that a country may legitimately tax heavily
the profits of foreign investors.
The United States should encourage foreign
investment, perhaps by employing a more lib-
eral tax policy on businesses which expand to
other countries.
We should have a real faith in and concern
for the maintenance of the democratic process
within a nation, regardless of the economic
By PHILIP SUTIN
National Concerns Editor
P RESIDENT John F. Kennedy's
program for tax reform and re-
duction passed its first and most
important hurdle yesterday, but
its legislative future still has many
questions in it.
After six months of hearings and
closed - door deliberations, the
House Ways and Means Committee
reported out a tax reform and re-
duction measure. Kennedy's pro-
posals fared much better than ex-
pected and while the programdif-
fers somewhat from the adminis-"
tration one, it follows Kennedy's
basic principles.
A committee majority general-
ly favorable to Kennedy's aim and
the patching work of Secretary of
the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon
were the major factors in main-
taining the President's program.
Every time the committee indicat-
ed it was dissatisfied with a por-
tion of the complex proposal, Dil-
lon and Treasury experts wrote a
compromise replacement for it.
Thus, the administration managed
to lose very few of its points.
* * *
THE WAYS AND MEANS com-
mittee bill would cut $11.7 billion
,-the largest tax cut in history-
by 1965. Individuals would get $9.5
billion and corporations $2.2 bil-
lion. Two-thirds of the cut for in-
dividuals would be made this year.
Slightly more than half the cor-
porate tax slash would be for this
year.
Tightened tax laws would re-
coup $1.3 billion, Treasury Depart-'
ment experts predict.
The average tax cut for individ-
uals would be about 20 per cent.
They would pay from 14 to 70 per
cent of their income, compared to
the 20-91 current range. However,
the 14 per cent rate applies only
to the first $500 of income, in-
stead of 20 per cent for, the first
$2000. The 70 per cent rate applies
after the first $100,000 instead of
91 per cent after the first $200,000.
Thus the cut is smaller than it
appears on the surface.
* * *
THE TOP corporation rate would
be reduced from 52 to 50 per cent
in 1964 and to 48 per cent the fol-
lowing year. On the first $25,000
of earnings, ,the rate will be drop-
ped from 30 to 22 per cent.
The ways and means committee
bill also liberalizes both standard
and itemized deductions. The
standard deduction for state and
local taxes, interest on loans and
other items has been set at $300.
Previously, taxpayers were allowed
10 per cent of their income, up to
$1000. This gives low income fam-
ilies a tax break.I
As a consequence, all single per-
sons would have their first $900
exempt and married couples with
two children, for example, would
have $3000 of their income tax
free.
This provision, dropping approx-
imately one and a half million per-
sons from the tax rolls and cost-
ing $310 million,'is one of the best
features in the bill as it gives the
people who need it most more
money to spend.
* * *
The provision will force states to
think of more basic means of rais-
ing revenue instead of victimizing
certain industries.
The, bill eliminates full deduc-
tions for property and fire dam-
age not covered by insurance. This
is only deductible if the damage
exceeds $100.
Allowances for contributions to
charitable and cultural organiza-
tions and child care have been lib-
eralized. The current tax laws have
stimulated much private aid to
higher education and hopefully the
new provision will expand the sup-
port of educational and cultural
activities.
* * *
AMONG THE MAJOR reforms,
are a tightening of the 1954 loop-
hole on dividend income, eliminat-
ing a two per cent dividend cred-
it. This would yield $300 million.
However, the capital gains tax
on the sale of stock, real estate
CINEMA GUILD:
Violent
Seven'
AKIRA KUROSAWA'S version of
"The Magnificent Seven" (the
original) invites comparison with
the recent American western which
was copied from it.
The plots are identical: helpless
farmers hire mercenaries to pro-
tect themselves from marauding
bandits. In treatment, however,
there is considerable difference.
Instead of the clean-cut Ameri-
can cowboy, we have the dirty,
unshaven Japanese Samurai who
grunts, scratches, picks his nose,
and wipes his sweaty arm-pits.
Moral idealism is also out the
window (remember Yul Brynner's
pitch for an integrated boot hill?);
survival is the only goal. At the
end of the battle, a Samurai ob-
serves laconically, "we've surviv-
ed." That's all that matters.
THIS FILM has many of the
faults of the American version,
but it also contains some virtues
which the latter never approached.
The action scenes are unsur-
passed. Kurosawa is a genius at
capturing the naked violence and
chaos of battle. The final attack
on the village, set in the rain
with mud knee-deep, is an over-
powering scene.
Curiously, the scenes of tender
emotion are also extremely well
executed. The love affair between
the young Samurai and the farm
girl is poignant, and serves as an
excellent ;counterpoint to the main
story.
THESE VIRTUES, however, do
not compensate for the film's ser-
ious flaws. Superb at handling
scenes of extreme emotion, Kuro-
sawa is a journeyman in the
middle range. The recruitment of
the Samurai and the preparations
for battle, which constitute the
bulk of the film, are tedious and
episodic. The action does not flow;
and other assets would apply to
items held two years or more in-
stead of six months.
Stock option provisions have
been considerably tightened.
UNFORTUNATELY, only a small
dent was made in the tax law's
most glaring loophole-the 27 per'
cent depletion allowance for the
oil and gas industries, All the
House committee did was forbid
certain bookkeeping practices that
magnified the 27 per cent deduc-
tion.
On balance the tax bill seems
to bring more equity into the tax
system and at the same time give
the stimulus Kennedy wanted for
the economy. It significantly cuts
income and corporate taxes to en-
courage spending and closes a.few
of- the most glaring loopholes,
especially those that have been
used by major corporate execu-
tives.
HOWEVER, the bill faces stiff
opposition before reaching Ken-
nedy's desk. The basic form of 'the
bill has been cast, opposition now
will center upon the whole meas-
ure or upon some particular seg-
ment. It is unlikely that any at-
tempt will be made to rewrite the
entire measure.
The main opposition springs from
economy minded Republicans and
Southern Democrats who feel that
taxes cannot be cut without a
matching cut in the budget. These
congressmen seek a reduction, not
an increase in the national debt.
THE HOUSEWays and Means.
Committee beat an attempt to
nullify second stage cuts if next
year's budget were over $98 bil-
lion and the national debt over
$303 billion. Instead it urged the
administration to balance the
budget."after a brief transitional
period."
This battle will be ref ought on
the House floor. There is a good
possibility that the tax bill will
only get that far 'this year.
Sen. Harry Byrd (D-Va), chair-
man of the Senate Finance Com-
mittee, is opposed to the idea of
tax cut without significant budget
cuts. He will probably attempt to
delay the bill by extensive hear-
ings in his committee.
* * *
FURTHER, the civil rights de-
bate and possible Senate filibuster
would all but halt committee ac-
tivity during its duration for both
sides will seek to keep senators on
the floor. Already, committees
cannot meet after the Senate ses-
sion begins at noon, for a south-
ern senator daily refused to allow
the unanimous consent necessary
for committees to meet while the
Senate is in session.
All this dims the prospects for
a tax cut this year. However, the
House Ways and Means Commit-
tee, after more than 'six months of
careful deliberation, has laid firm
groundwork for action.
Success
By WALTER LIPPMANN
IN READING what the military
chieftains have to say about the
test ban treaty, we must not for-
get that the fundamental issue is
not military. It is not one on
which a military mani as such has
any special competence.
The fundamental issue is one of
scientific method, whether con-
tinued testing in the atmosphere
will produce significant, perhaps
decisive, military advantage either
for the Soviet Union or the United
States.
The opinions of General Power
and General LeMay on the prob-
able results 'of future tests in the
atmosphere are not one bit more
expert than the opinion of Sec-
retary McNamara.
They are all laymen in this
field, and their opinions are at
best like 'the opinion of a judge
when he has listened to the testi-
mony and the arguments of both
sides. The genuine experts in this;
field are scientific men who have
worked experimentally in nuclear
physics and in the related 'fields
of chemistry and biology.
THE crucial controversy is over
the probable value of more at-
mospheric testing. On the one
hand, there are those who, like Dr.
Teller, believe that, if unlimited
t,
atmospheric testing is allowed, the
United States will forge way ahead
of the Soviet Union and will
achieve the absolute weapon, an
anti-missile defense, which will
disarm the nuclear forces of the
Soviet Union.
On the other hand, there is an
array of eminent scientists who
say that the more the two powers
test, the more they will make the
same discoveries and unlock the
same secrets.
* * * -
IN THE SOVIET UNION, there
are, of course, the counterparts of
Dr. Teller and the Air Force gen-
erals. These Russians would also
be willing to bet on the superiority
of their scientists, and they, too,
would like to try for the decisive
breakthrough to an absolute weap-
on.
The great value of the treaty is
that it takes out of the race of
armaments-which will, of course,
continue--most of the feverish
gamble for supremacy which un-
limited testing invites. The experi-
ments are to be limited by the
treaty to the laboratories and to
holes in the ground.
This will not preclude the dis-
covery of the secret of theabsolute
weapon if there is a secret that
is possible to discover.
(c) 1963, The Washington Post Co.
i
1- - 1
"As I Was Saying, A Test-Ban Agreement
Might Have Resulted In A Fatal Gap"
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