~Ip !Sklgan Bat Seventy-Third Year EDrMD AND MANAGED BY STUDENTs o! Tm UNIVERSrrY Or MICHtGAN UNDER AUTHORiTY OF BOARD iN CoNTrRoL OF STUDENT PuBLIcATIONS "Where Opinol AF- STUDENT PunoCAIoNs BLD., ANN ARDO, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241 Tuth Winl Prevail">> "Basically There Are Three Governments Involved -- The Diem Government, The U.S.A., And The C.I.A." Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. URSDAY, SEPTEMBER 12, 1963 NIGHT EDITOR: GAIL EVANS OSA Provisions Undermine Judie 'HE OFFICE OF STUDENT AFFAIRS has a double-handed manner of dealing with stu- nt rights. With one hand it guides student leaders rough the tedious preparation of lengthy and mplex documents brimming with student nhts and powers. Then with the other hand it atches the completed documents and makes e quick addition to strike out practically all e rights it helped to create. UCH WAS the case with the new Joint Ju- diciary Council constitution. By one brief dition placed in the appendix, the OSA ad- iistrators who inserted it all but wiped out e "students are governing their own conduct" ne which Director of Student Activities and ganizations John Bingley had encouraged em last year to put into the document. The addition, innocuously set in the appendix .der "Sources of Judicial Authority," made frightfully and abundantly clear that Joint dic-its constitution to the contrary-is still st another OSA shill. The addition establishes a disciplinary com- ttee outside of the council invested with the wer to "consider students involved in actions k a severe but delicate nature ." This was the first intrusion into the con- tution by the OSA. The constitution without e appendixes provides no administrative veto Initiative on Joint Judic actions. Its main OSA tie is a student-OSA referral committee for "all pos- sible cases of regulation violations}." With the appendix addition, the OSA has taken charge. This disciplinary committee has been given the token gesture of having the Joint Judic Chairman in its membership. But by the rest of its composition (two OSA members including Vice-President James A. Lewis) the committee cannot help but be the OSA's way of keeping somewhat messy cases from reaching Joint Judic. The disciplinary committee cannot help but infringe. The referral committee has the same power in print. With the disciplinary com- mittee gobbling up all "serious and delicate cases" the "all cases" provision for the referral committee is sliced. Hence, the overall scope and power of Joint Judic is cut. BINGLEY ARGUES in favor of the addition of the disciplinary committee that certain emergency cases cannot wait for referral and Joint Judic's consideration. He further ex- plains that since the OSA is responsible for student conduct and penalization that it simply cannot abdicate the responsibility to students. Bingley has forgotten his attitude last year when the constitution was being carefully re- vised. At that time he utered a famous "You are Joint Judic not me" line and his attitude seemed one of practically turning the reins on student conduct over to Joint Judic. HENCE it was that ex-Judic Councilman Pat Golden was' shocked beyond belief when the additions were inserted. Hence it was that Joint Judic Chairman Harry Youtt was not even aware that the changes had been made as of the other night. The OSA reversal (in the form of the ap- pendix) and double-handedness is an old story. Bingley now states that he feels it was clear last year during the rewriting of the con- stitution exactly how much power Joint Judic was acquiring. BUT IT WAS NOT made clear at all. The OSA authority over Joint Judie was, under- stood by its members to have been lessened. Perhaps Bingley, the most liberal of OSA ad- ministrators, was so carried away with his promises that he did not communicate which authority OSA was maintaining and that which it was delegating. And then perhaps Lewis realized the blunder they had made in yielding so much authority to a student body and thus sought to correct it with the appendixed dis- ciplinary committee. At any rate, Joint Judic finds itself very much the weak body that student judiciaries have always been, subject to the vicissitudes of OSA double-handedness. Joint Judic's own hands, so gloriously un- cuffed last May, have been unceremoniously and secretly retied once again. --LAURENCE KIRSHBAUM TAX CUT PROGRAM: Firm Groundwork for Action T00 Ponderous PLAYING TO a receptive audience, onard Bernstein and the New York Philharmonic Orchestra opened the current Choral Union series last night. "The Academic Festival Overture" by Brahms opened the concert. This overture is among the most skillfully lighthearted of Brahms' works. Bernstein and the Philharmonic presented a smooth and pre- cise performance in which the highpoint was the fine ensemble work of the brass section. * . * * THE THIRD Symphony of William Schuman, well-known Ameri- can composer, teacher and administrator, was the second work. This symphony, composed in 1943, is divided into two parts, each having two sections which are developed loosely among formal patterns typical of the Baroque era. The orchestra was at its best in the first, second and fourth see- tions, which contain many forte virtuoso passages. But in the quietly flowing third section Chorale, the Philharmonic seemed less than adequate. Entrances were not as smooth as this music required nor were the delicately interweaving string lines balanced with the neces- sary finesse. THE POST-INTERMISSION portion of the concert was taken by Brahms Fourth Symphony. This masterpiece is not the ponderous vehicle that Bernstein made it last night. Because of tempo choice and style of articulation, the clearness and tranquility of the first movement became muddy and lumbering. The quiet ardour of the second movement again proved the undoing of the New Yorkers. Contributing to this were their disinterested transitions from the open- ing Phrygian mode to E minor, and from E minor to E major in the coda. It was in the Breughelian third movement that the orchestra came closest to getting off its feet and into the mood of the music. The masterful set of variations which comprised the fourth move- ment came off better in spite of the liberties Bernstein took with the tempo. BERNSTEIN'S podium deportment is a subject too controversial to go into here. Suffice it to say that in the loud display sections. Bernstein's acrobatics did not seem to hinder seriously this assemblage of fine musicians; but that in those delicate sections in which excep- tional musicianship is called for, Bernstein's gesticulations could not lift his music to the heights. --John Farrer TODAY AND TOMORROW: The Inexpert Experts BersensBrahms 'AST YEAR, many of the University's best students in the physical sciences, engineer- Zg and mathematics did not enter the annual Ailliam Lowell Putman national mathematics camination, and the University team formed om the entrants did not do well. The advantages of participation to individual ntrants-outside-the-classroom contact with rominent mathematicians, experience in solv- g problems and the chance of winning one the money awards-have in the past not en sufficient to shake students loose from Heir laziness or apathy. JICHIGAN STATE UNIVERSITY, perhaps seeing the prestige and publicity advan- ,ges to itself in having its team place well, evotes much effort and expense to promoting s team. Two years ago MSU placed its team rst, and last year it won honorable mention. Instead of diverting its resources to recruit r pamper its team members, the University ghtly depends on the personal initiative of s faculty and students. The faculty-Professors Donald Darling, onald Douglas and Nicholas Kazarinoff, who awe offered to work in the problem-solving ssions-has been forthcoming. The turnout at today's problem solving ses- on will determine whether the initiative of niversity students is forthcoming. -M. SATTINGER A Change of Policy -UPA and the Cuban revolution form the gravest threat to American objectives in atin America that our history has known. A rastic change is needed in the outlook of nited States foreign policy to avoid a tragic' iture for our nation as well as those south the border. As things now stand, there are three possible estinies for these nations, all of them bad. 'HERE IS the very slim possibility that the United States can keep up the facade that e Cuban revolution was a failure at the ex- mse of deceiving the American people as ell as those of a score of other countries. There is the possibility that the revolution ill be successfully transplanted to the rest Latin America. The result would be more >mmunist satellites-for I am not denying at this is what Cuba is-and a truly horrid eture of the United States, created largely by self as a reaction to this turn of events. There is the most likely possibility, that ings will go on much as they have under nilar threats of social revolutions in coun- ies in which we are allied with the leader. he age, of the dictator will again become the ode south of the border. Only too many amples are available in the world today to istrate the eventual outcome of this path. "HERE IP A WAY OUT, however. One only need ask what made the Cuban revolution success in order to find a successful alterna- ve. The Cuban revolution was a success for at ast three reasons. It got the spirit and ener- of the people behind it. It made good use of ntral planning and the money it had to spend money supplied chiefly by the Soviet Union. also eliminated the two biggest hindrances economic growth in many undeveloped na- ns-a wealthy class supported by the pro- n.,.n. a da..ap d scp A vo, f ,a ., 4a nA el a the outflow of profits which leaves these countries to return to the hands of American investors. It is not necessary that underdeveloped countries adopt planned economies, eliminate the wealthy class, and nationalize all their industry in order to make the rapid economic progress necessary to avoid revolution. A United States policy could accomplish a great deal more in satisfying the need for progress than the one which has failed so miserably to date. SIGNIFICANT AMOUNTS of United States economic aid should go to projects where it would actually do some good. These would pri- marily be the people-to-people projects which do much more for the money to cement friend- ships for the United States than the massive. sums which so often get gobbled up by cor- rupt and already wealthy government officials. Admittedly such projects-the Peace Corps and privately financed Care and Project Hope offer good examples-are not as pleasing to many governments as projects in which they can point to themselves as responsible. They cannot extract a monetary profit from them. However, the United States should have learn- ed by now, as South Viet Nam is once again pointing out, that the friendship of a govern- ment is nothing in the long run without the friendship of its people. THE UNITED STATES government and American businessmen should also admit that a country may legitimately tax heavily the profits of foreign investors. The United States should encourage foreign investment, perhaps by employing a more lib- eral tax policy on businesses which expand to other countries. We should have a real faith in and concern for the maintenance of the democratic process within a nation, regardless of the economic By PHILIP SUTIN National Concerns Editor P RESIDENT John F. Kennedy's program for tax reform and re- duction passed its first and most important hurdle yesterday, but its legislative future still has many questions in it. After six months of hearings and closed - door deliberations, the House Ways and Means Committee reported out a tax reform and re- duction measure. Kennedy's pro- posals fared much better than ex- pected and while the programdif- fers somewhat from the adminis-" tration one, it follows Kennedy's basic principles. A committee majority general- ly favorable to Kennedy's aim and the patching work of Secretary of the Treasury C. Douglas Dillon were the major factors in main- taining the President's program. Every time the committee indicat- ed it was dissatisfied with a por- tion of the complex proposal, Dil- lon and Treasury experts wrote a compromise replacement for it. Thus, the administration managed to lose very few of its points. * * * THE WAYS AND MEANS com- mittee bill would cut $11.7 billion ,-the largest tax cut in history- by 1965. Individuals would get $9.5 billion and corporations $2.2 bil- lion. Two-thirds of the cut for in- dividuals would be made this year. Slightly more than half the cor- porate tax slash would be for this year. Tightened tax laws would re- coup $1.3 billion, Treasury Depart-' ment experts predict. The average tax cut for individ- uals would be about 20 per cent. They would pay from 14 to 70 per cent of their income, compared to the 20-91 current range. However, the 14 per cent rate applies only to the first $500 of income, in- stead of 20 per cent for, the first $2000. The 70 per cent rate applies after the first $100,000 instead of 91 per cent after the first $200,000. Thus the cut is smaller than it appears on the surface. * * * THE TOP corporation rate would be reduced from 52 to 50 per cent in 1964 and to 48 per cent the fol- lowing year. On the first $25,000 of earnings, ,the rate will be drop- ped from 30 to 22 per cent. The ways and means committee bill also liberalizes both standard and itemized deductions. The standard deduction for state and local taxes, interest on loans and other items has been set at $300. Previously, taxpayers were allowed 10 per cent of their income, up to $1000. This gives low income fam- ilies a tax break.I As a consequence, all single per- sons would have their first $900 exempt and married couples with two children, for example, would have $3000 of their income tax free. This provision, dropping approx- imately one and a half million per- sons from the tax rolls and cost- ing $310 million,'is one of the best features in the bill as it gives the people who need it most more money to spend. * * * The provision will force states to think of more basic means of rais- ing revenue instead of victimizing certain industries. The, bill eliminates full deduc- tions for property and fire dam- age not covered by insurance. This is only deductible if the damage exceeds $100. Allowances for contributions to charitable and cultural organiza- tions and child care have been lib- eralized. The current tax laws have stimulated much private aid to higher education and hopefully the new provision will expand the sup- port of educational and cultural activities. * * * AMONG THE MAJOR reforms, are a tightening of the 1954 loop- hole on dividend income, eliminat- ing a two per cent dividend cred- it. This would yield $300 million. However, the capital gains tax on the sale of stock, real estate CINEMA GUILD: Violent Seven' AKIRA KUROSAWA'S version of "The Magnificent Seven" (the original) invites comparison with the recent American western which was copied from it. The plots are identical: helpless farmers hire mercenaries to pro- tect themselves from marauding bandits. In treatment, however, there is considerable difference. Instead of the clean-cut Ameri- can cowboy, we have the dirty, unshaven Japanese Samurai who grunts, scratches, picks his nose, and wipes his sweaty arm-pits. Moral idealism is also out the window (remember Yul Brynner's pitch for an integrated boot hill?); survival is the only goal. At the end of the battle, a Samurai ob- serves laconically, "we've surviv- ed." That's all that matters. THIS FILM has many of the faults of the American version, but it also contains some virtues which the latter never approached. The action scenes are unsur- passed. Kurosawa is a genius at capturing the naked violence and chaos of battle. The final attack on the village, set in the rain with mud knee-deep, is an over- powering scene. Curiously, the scenes of tender emotion are also extremely well executed. The love affair between the young Samurai and the farm girl is poignant, and serves as an excellent ;counterpoint to the main story. THESE VIRTUES, however, do not compensate for the film's ser- ious flaws. Superb at handling scenes of extreme emotion, Kuro- sawa is a journeyman in the middle range. The recruitment of the Samurai and the preparations for battle, which constitute the bulk of the film, are tedious and episodic. The action does not flow; and other assets would apply to items held two years or more in- stead of six months. Stock option provisions have been considerably tightened. UNFORTUNATELY, only a small dent was made in the tax law's most glaring loophole-the 27 per' cent depletion allowance for the oil and gas industries, All the House committee did was forbid certain bookkeeping practices that magnified the 27 per cent deduc- tion. On balance the tax bill seems to bring more equity into the tax system and at the same time give the stimulus Kennedy wanted for the economy. It significantly cuts income and corporate taxes to en- courage spending and closes a.few of- the most glaring loopholes, especially those that have been used by major corporate execu- tives. HOWEVER, the bill faces stiff opposition before reaching Ken- nedy's desk. The basic form of 'the bill has been cast, opposition now will center upon the whole meas- ure or upon some particular seg- ment. It is unlikely that any at- tempt will be made to rewrite the entire measure. The main opposition springs from economy minded Republicans and Southern Democrats who feel that taxes cannot be cut without a matching cut in the budget. These congressmen seek a reduction, not an increase in the national debt. THE HOUSEWays and Means. Committee beat an attempt to nullify second stage cuts if next year's budget were over $98 bil- lion and the national debt over $303 billion. Instead it urged the administration to balance the budget."after a brief transitional period." This battle will be ref ought on the House floor. There is a good possibility that the tax bill will only get that far 'this year. Sen. Harry Byrd (D-Va), chair- man of the Senate Finance Com- mittee, is opposed to the idea of tax cut without significant budget cuts. He will probably attempt to delay the bill by extensive hear- ings in his committee. * * * FURTHER, the civil rights de- bate and possible Senate filibuster would all but halt committee ac- tivity during its duration for both sides will seek to keep senators on the floor. Already, committees cannot meet after the Senate ses- sion begins at noon, for a south- ern senator daily refused to allow the unanimous consent necessary for committees to meet while the Senate is in session. All this dims the prospects for a tax cut this year. However, the House Ways and Means Commit- tee, after more than 'six months of careful deliberation, has laid firm groundwork for action. Success By WALTER LIPPMANN IN READING what the military chieftains have to say about the test ban treaty, we must not for- get that the fundamental issue is not military. It is not one on which a military mani as such has any special competence. The fundamental issue is one of scientific method, whether con- tinued testing in the atmosphere will produce significant, perhaps decisive, military advantage either for the Soviet Union or the United States. The opinions of General Power and General LeMay on the prob- able results 'of future tests in the atmosphere are not one bit more expert than the opinion of Sec- retary McNamara. They are all laymen in this field, and their opinions are at best like 'the opinion of a judge when he has listened to the testi- mony and the arguments of both sides. The genuine experts in this; field are scientific men who have worked experimentally in nuclear physics and in the related 'fields of chemistry and biology. THE crucial controversy is over the probable value of more at- mospheric testing. On the one hand, there are those who, like Dr. Teller, believe that, if unlimited t, atmospheric testing is allowed, the United States will forge way ahead of the Soviet Union and will achieve the absolute weapon, an anti-missile defense, which will disarm the nuclear forces of the Soviet Union. On the other hand, there is an array of eminent scientists who say that the more the two powers test, the more they will make the same discoveries and unlock the same secrets. * * * - IN THE SOVIET UNION, there are, of course, the counterparts of Dr. Teller and the Air Force gen- erals. These Russians would also be willing to bet on the superiority of their scientists, and they, too, would like to try for the decisive breakthrough to an absolute weap- on. The great value of the treaty is that it takes out of the race of armaments-which will, of course, continue--most of the feverish gamble for supremacy which un- limited testing invites. The experi- ments are to be limited by the treaty to the laboratories and to holes in the ground. This will not preclude the dis- covery of the secret of theabsolute weapon if there is a secret that is possible to discover. (c) 1963, The Washington Post Co. i 1- - 1 "As I Was Saying, A Test-Ban Agreement Might Have Resulted In A Fatal Gap" .k i .. t :;, : a. _...;. ' . - ,...r , . , . +.,, t i t ; t 1 cpm" - M'f' fin.l s