Seventy-Fifth Yeas
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Editorials printed in The Michigan bail) ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
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FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN BRYANT
Civil Rightists Must Not Ignore
Possible Racial Inequalities
ALL RACES OF MANKIND are genet-
ically the same in all Important re-
spects. Any differences in intelligence or
disposition which do exist are due to en-
vironmental factors-poverty, cultural de-
privation and racial discrimination.
Equalize the environment and you will
equalize the races. Amen.
This incantation has long been a fun-
damental one for the civil rights move-
ment. Now that the Negro's drive for
equality has become an almost-nation-
wide institution, the incantation seems
destined to become part of our national
liturgy, joining such old favorites as
Free Enterprise and Motherhood on the
list of concepts to which we must pro-
fess public belief-whatever our private
doubts.
So before cries of "bigotry!" drive dis-
sent underground-if, indeed, this hasn't
happened already-it is important that
some heresy be heard. In contrast to the
egalitarian incantation above, consider
this one:
RACES ARE genetically different in im-
portant as well as superficial re-
spects. Environment is a factor in racial
differences, but heredity is too. Equaliz-
ing the environment can never equalize
the races.
This heresy is more than iconoclasm for
its own sake. At the present rate of
knowledge, both the egalitarian's incan-
tation and the heresy are nothing but
hypotheses. And there is circumstantial
evidence that the heretic is closer to the
truth than the egalitarian-that there
are innate racial differences, that the
average Negro is genetically inferior to
the average white in terms of culturally
important measures such as intelligence
and motivation.
IT IS, FIRST OF ALL, conceivable that
there are innate intellectual differ-
ences between the Negro and Caucasian
races. The visible differences between
these two groups of people attest to the
fact that they have been biologically
separated for a considerable time. And
it is generally accepted that genetic fac-
tors play some part in intellectual ability
and motivation. Hence, it is reasonable
to assume that during the period of sep-
aration, as the two races' physical fea-
tures were developing along divergent
paths, their hereditary intellectual traits
were, too.
This argument, of course, says nothing
about the direction of these differences;
on the basis of it alone, there is no way
to tell which of the two groups, if any,
is superior to the other. Here the cir-
cumstantial evidence comes in.
EXHIBIT A is history. The Negro race
has not accomplished much in terms
of discovery and social organization.
Though many parts of Africa offer a hos-
pitable environment, no enduring Negro
civilization arose there to match those
built by the rest of mankind.
The point is not "civilization is great";
the atomic bomb may ultimately show
us that the African tribe is a better form
of social organization than the megalopol-
is. The point is that civilization, good or
bad, points to a high level of intelligence
and motivation in those who develop it.
No one knows, of course, just what orig-
inally sparked the growth of Western
civilization, and once the innovative
frame of mind which prompts it emerges,
it tends to be self-perpetuating. Maybe it
was by pure chance that Greece flowered
instead of Africa. But maybe it was not.
The fact that white accomplishments
dwarf those of the Negro remains for
the egalitarian to explain.
EXHIBIT B is the multitude of ability
tests given to people of both races-
and the fact that whites almost invar-
iably score higher than Negroes on them.
This is true even when the tests correct
for such factors as income, education and
social class, and when all those tested
'have attended integrated schools all their
lives. The gap between the groups widens
with age. (A review of these tests appears
in the October 16 issue of Science maga-
zine.)
Again, there is a possible counter-ar-
gument: no test can correct for the ef-
fects of racial discrimination, a variable
r n 4 is.-~.y I -n
Ingle of the University of Chicago, a
physiologist, sums it up in the Science ar-
ticle:
The concept that the white and Ne-
gro races are approximately equally
endowed with intelligence and drives
remains a plausible hypothesis for
which there is faulty evidence. The
concept that the average Negro is
significantly less intelligent than the
average white is also a plausible hy-
pothesis for which there is faulty evi-
dence. There is no sound structure of
evidence and logic which compels a
conclusion on the issue of race and
intelligence.
UNFORTUNATELY, almost everyone in-
volved in racial issues seems to have
reached a conclusion-and is eager to
compel everyone else to reach it too.
The southerner looks at the Negroes
around him-who indeed are less intelli-
gent and ambitious than the whites-
and concludes that they must be a gen-
etically inferior breed of man. The egali-
tarian learns what a potent force envir-
onment can be, and eagerly assumes it
must be the only force which can shape
a human being.
Advocates of racial equality declare
theirs to be a humanitarian .cause. Yet
humanitarianism suffers from their hasty
leap to conclusions about the issue which
concerns them most. For even if the in-
tegration effort succeeds in its immedi-
ate goals, it will ultimately face disap-
pointment if the races are inherently
different.
If Negroes are innately less intelligent
or motivated, they would never distribute
randomly along the various social and
economic scales, even if arbitrary racial
restrictions were removed. Negroes still
would tend to be near the bottom and
whites near the top. If there turned out
to be ineradicable racial differences in
disposition and character, the races still
would tend to cluster together socially.
Only artificial and mutually harmful
measures would achieve a true integra-
tion. The result, in short, would be frus-
tration and despair.
While there still is time, then, humani-
tarians must acknowledge-or at least
consider-the possibility that biology
sharply divides man from man.
THIS IS NOT THE PLACE to attempt a
comprehensive humanitarian ethic
based on an assumption of innate racial
differences. A few key implications, how-
ever, can be noted.
Racial differences in no way decrease
the supreme importance of an individual
of either race. No one has proved-there
probably is no way to prove-that Ne-
groes have less ability than whites to feel
happiness or sadness, to rejoice and to
suffer. In this consists the importance
of the individual human being.
Nor do these possible differences erase
the original goal of the civil rights move-
ment: that every person be evaluated as
an individual, not as a member of a'
group. A talented Negro should not be
held back because the average Negro is
less talented than the average white; a
stupid Caucasian shouldn't receive spe-
cial privileges because of his membershipj
in the lucky race.
BUT THE POSSIBILITY of racial dif-
ferences does cast doubt upon those
measures which go beyond the removal
of arbitrary restrictions imposed on the
basis of race. Giving people special ad-
vantages just because of their race, and
forcing people together for no other rea-
son than they they are of different races,
leads to a situation as artificial as segre-
gation itself. If the races really are bas-
ically different, "reverse discrimination"{
will never succeed in raising Negroes, asI
a group, to equality with whites.
This is not a call for laissez-faire. The
point is that humanitarian programs
should be directed at those who need
them, not at those of a certain race. If,
for example, a Negro is poor, he should
be helped because he is poor, not be-
cause he is a Negro. If a white person is
in the same situation, he too should be
helped; if another Negro is well off, he
shouldn't be helped just because he is a
Negro.
TRONTCALLY THEN. the nossibility that
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"PON'r 1AP YET - MAYBE THE sOW'S U5T STARTE>
EUROPEAN COMMENTARY:
Russia's Bitter-Sweet Shake-Up
By CAL SKINNER, JR.
and HAROLD WOLMAN
CALIFORNIA POLITICS has
only one constant element-
unpredictability. This year, the
political situation is again unclear
because of an emotional presi-
dential race, a close and hard
fought senatorial contest, and a
referendum that in effect puts
the white backlash on the ballot.
With forty electoral votes Cali-
fornia is numerically more im-
portant than all of New England
or the entire Intermountain West.
Both candidates areetreating the
state with due deference. Gold-
water has declared it one of his
"must" states. And Johnson
sounds as if he will be displeased
if he loses any state.
JOHNSON NEED NOT be wor-
ried about California. Although
the Golden State handed Gold-
water the miracle he needed to re-
main in contention for the Re-
publican nomination, lightening of
this sort is not likely to strike
twice in the same place.
The polls show Johnson so far
out in front that in any state but
California the Republicans would
be expected to give up in despar-
ation. But California is different.
As the Republican state chairman
said, "We have more bodies than
we know what to do with." Com-
bine Governor Brown's concern
over Democratic overconfidence
with a background of a bitter
personal power struggle in the
Democratic senatorial primary and
the Republicans think they still
have a fighting chance to carry
the state. Few objective observers
agree.
BROWN BACKED Alan Crans-
ton against Pierre Salinger in the
primary and lost. In this race
the highly ideological California
Democratic Clubs had endorsed
Cranston. That Salinger had the
financial and organization sup-
port of state assembly leader Jesse
(Big Daddy) Unruh was an open
secret. Both the Brown and Un-
ruh factions now -claim to have
united against the Republicans,
but Brown admits that it is "mar-
riage of convenience" and Unruh
notes, "some division may still
exist at the precinct level."
Ordinarily such signs of con-
flict in the Democratic Party
would be encouraging to the Re-
publicans, and for good reason. As
a result of that same primary,
however, the Republicans probably
are split more widely than the
Democrats.
* * *
THE REPUBLICAN d vision r -,
sults les from a personal pwer
struggle t'an from an idalog-cal
one. The Rockefeller-Goldwater
race engendered a deep fissure
between Goldwater Pepublicans
(and those farther right) and the
moderates led. by Senator Thoma
Kuchel. Meny of the latter are
trose whose defection to Johnson
greatly lessens Goldwater's chances
of carrying California.
The senatorial contest is less
cut and dried. Ex-movie actor and
businessman George Murphy was
given almost no chance to beat
former presidential press secretary
Pierre Salinger, but the contest
has turned into a real horse race.
Last month reliable pollsters show-
ed Salinger leading Murphy by
12 per cent. This advantage has
been cut to 6 per cent in early
October.
* * *
IN CALIFORNIA the voters can
register their apprehension to the
Negro revolution in a state-wide
referendum challenging the de-
sirability of fair housing legis-
By ERIC KELLER
Daly Correspondent
BILTHOVEN, Holland-October
15 was one of those days when
everything happened at once. The
poorly camouflaged removal of
Khrushchev from the Kremlin,
Labor's victory in Great Britain,
the Jenkins scandal in Washing-
'CRUCIBLE':
Pure Miller
Is Better
At the Cinema Guild
DESPITE an excellent cast led
by Yves Montand and Simone
Signoret, Jean - Paul Sartre's
French adaptation of Arthur Mil-
ler's "The Crucible" falls con-
siderably short of the original.
Instead of Miller's dramatic por-
trayal of the tragic fate of a man
who is acutely aware of his own
failings but remains true to him-
self against the hysterical and
self-righteous pressures of his
society, Sartre presents a melo-
dramatic victory of the proletariat
laced with a dash of sex.
When Miller's play of the Salem
witch trials was first produced in
1953 at the height of the Mc-
Carthy era, it was an eloquent
polemic against the "witch trials"
of that day as well as an embodi-
ment of a more universal con-
demnation of self-righteousness
and guilt by association. For the
most part Sartre remains true to
the original and the bulk of the
film is well done and interesting.
However, where he has "adapted"
Miller he has always changed him
f or the worse.
WHERE SARTRE particularly
fails is in his complete re-doing
of the ending-almost a la Holly-
wood. Miller's ending is entirely
integrated; it has Proctor shuff-
ling in resignation to the gallows,
but at the height of his tragic
triumph. Sartre takes the story
beyond this and slips into melo-
drama. He has written from his
peculiar position as an existential-
ist and Communist, and the result
is somewhat forced.His hero be-
comes faced with the final ab-
surdity, he can make his death
socially more meaningful than his
life and does so-but he thereby
removes himself from the plane of
tragedy and thus weakens the
whole impact of the play. But
finally, Sartre has his proletariat
rise up in arms at Proctor's death
and overthrow its (bourgeois)
-masters.
YvesMontand and Simone Sig-
noret save the film somewhat,
putting in excellent performances
backed by a solid cast. Their por-
trayals are forceful and perceptive
and in several instances as men-
tioned above, quite sensitive. Also,
particularly impressive is the
authentic reconstruction of Salem
and of the clothes and homes of
the period. Their drabness and
melancholy add to the heavy Pui-
CALIFORNIA POLITICS
Unpredictability, Party
Splits Cloud Forecasts
ton and a Nobel Prize for an
American, all within a 24-hour
span.
Unless the Jenkins case triggers
a complete about face in the
United States elec. ions, it is the
Khrushchev removal which will
have the deepest repercussions
throughout the world.
News about the removal came
unexpectedly to most European
observers. Yet it was commentator
Zorza in the British newspaper,
"The Guardian," who recently
mentioned an anti-Khrushchev
movement among high military
advisers. According to Zorza, they
differed about strategic considera-
tions and about the application
of conventional weapons.
BUT AS FAR as it can be
judged from Moscow news dis-
patches, these considerations prob-
ably played only a minor role in
the putsch. Although most Euro-
pean observers agree that it is
still too early to know what will
succeed the Khrushchev era, some
predictions have been made con-
cerning the future course of Rus-
sian-West European relations,
however carefully worded they
may be.
According to available informa-
tion, the new duo on top of the
Russian hierarchy will try to
soften relations with Red China
and other East Block nations,
presently playing truant. Turn-
ing the clock back to a monolithic
Communist structure would, among
other things, mean clamping down
on trade which has been liberaliz-
ed during the past five years.
Most Western European coun-
tries have built up a thriving trade
with East Block nations. The latter
are just beginning to experience
the first gratifying effects of "go-
ing Western," and it will take a
firm Russian grip to bring these
nations back in line. But, assum-
ing they will succeed in doing so,
Brezhnev and Kosigin could cause
much discomfort for both Western
Europe and East Block countries.
* * *
MOREOVER, Red China now
deals from a position of moderate
strength. The Chinese atom bomb
will require a give and take on
both sides if Moscow now expects
to heal the Sino-Soviet split. This
implies, of course, that Russian
industrial liberalization efforts
would be slackened and that the,
Russians would be forced to re-
sume their "hard Marxist" line in
order to please the Red Chinese.
Brezhnev and Kosigin cannot
possibly return to a monolithic,
Soviet-controlled Communist block
and still continue smooth East-
West relations. This is why West
European reaction to Khrush-
chev's "resignation" was generally
sweet-sour. Even knowing that
Brezhnev voiced agreement with
Khrushchev's viewpoint on East-
West relations fails to relieve this
uneasiness.
It is still very doubtful that
Brezhnev and Kosigin can realize
their objectives. But suppose they
do-even partially. They might
be able to provoke reintegration in
Western Europe, off-setting the
disintegration process that has
plagued NATO during recent
years, but is it worth a renewed
and increased nuclear threat?
lation. The number of votes in
favor of Proposition 14 may indi-
cate the extent of the white back-
lash in the state. At present much
of the liberal campaign effort in
California is being diverted from
support of Democratic candidates
to opposition to this proposition.
The issue enters the senatorial
campaign because Salinger has
taken a strong stand against
Proposition 14. Murphy, on the
other hand, has not taken a posi-
tion. Murphy stands to gain a
considerable number of white
backlash votes regardless of party
membership in reaction to Salin-
ger's stand. Whether Murphy will
be able to pick up the 25 per cent
of Democrats he needs to over-
come the 3-2 Democratic regis-
tration advantage may well de-
pend on the ultimate outcome of
this disagreement.
THE SECOND ISSUE that is
hurting Salinger significantly is
that of being a "carpetbagger."
This challenge to the legitimacy
of Salinger's residence qualifica-
tions is not a new one for him.
Cranston threw it up in the pri-
mary to little avail and it seemed
to fade in importance.
Its resurrection can be traced
primarily to Bobby Kennedy's en-
trance into the New York sena-
torial contest. Now the charge of
improper interference in the in-
ternal affairs of California by a
Virginia resident has taken on the
proportions of being part of a
nation-wide conspiracy to advance
the political ambitions of the for-
mer attorney general.
SALINGER IS attempting to
fight back by following the advice
that the Democratic National
Committee has given every nation-
al candidate: pin the Republican
to Goldwater's tail. Considering
California politics alone, success-
ful senators have traditionally
espoused the middle of the road
approach. Unfortunately for Sal-
inger, he is not making the label
of "Goldwater-Republican" stick
on Murphy.
Murphy has endorsed Gold-
water, but is attempting to min-
imize his identification with the
presidential. candidate. This has
caused no little dissatisfaction
from those rabidly pro-Goldwater-
ites who had given Murphy full
support at first.
* * *
THUS, Murphy faces the dilem-
ma of attracting California mode
erates by emphasizing his Kuchel-
like stands, e.g., favoring civil
rights, while at the same time
picking up white backlash votes
and not antagonizing the support
of those Goldwater advocates who
will work the precincts on election
eve. The success of Murphy's ef-
forts may well depend upon
whether he can transfer his soft-
shoe routine from the movie screen
to the political stage.
'POTATO':
Mashed
Sentiment
At the Campus Theatre
1IKE THE KNOWING girl tha
shuns you as you come out o
the UGLI and runs ahead so sh
won't have to talk with you, "One
Potato, Two Potato" has style
But it is erratic. Its cloying sob-
sentimentality, like the leading
number-one detergent, better be-
longs on television. And like
Brand-X, only the very best di-
rectors can handle it well and ge
sparkling results. Larry Peerce L
not the best of directors in this
his first film. He has more tc
learn about making movies thar
he will ever have time to learn it
in.
The story of how "Potato" fin-
ally got a distributor is biannual-
ly reneating itself before the gates
of Hollywood. Like its progenitor,
"David and Lisa," it was inde-
pendently produced on the nib of
a shoelace. shirned to Europe
where it won festival acclaim and
briught back to America where it
onened up in New York to moder-
ately good reviews and long lines
down Second Ave. Is this a portent
of the future? Let's hone not. The
only benefactors of this movie-
making process are nerve special-
ists and Atlantic freight-lines.
* * *
THE STORY of "Potato" is an
honest-writer's mind above that
discretion- from Hollywood, "To
Kill a Mockinebird." Using a
checkerboard pattern of love-hate,
fear - harninessn reJudice kind-
ness. "Potato" wrings out a nice.
clean wash for the neighbors-
that's us-to see and admire.
But I don't admire it. I wish
Peerce and his company had not
made Bernie Hamilton's part (the
Negro husband) so inconsistent.
And the society that created the
Pariah-like family is only hinted
at once or twice and thoroughly
avoided the rest of the time. An
importantand emotional topic that
DANCES OF HAITI:
Destine and Company
Offer Vivid Spectacle
HE DANCES of Haiti combine the primitive rituals of the African
hinterland with the fiery Spanish temperament and elegant social
dances of the 18th Century French Court. Jean-Leon Destine, who
will be performing in Rackham Auditorium Saturday night, brings
the arts and lore of Haiti to his audiences. His Haitian company
presents the music and dance of Africa, Haiti and the Caribbean.
Destine is the principle figure in demonstrating Vodun before
audiences throughout the world. Vodun, the dancing, drumming and
singing of the religious ceremonies of the mountain folk, was regarded
as barbarous and declared tabu by the "elite" of Haiti. Destine
recognized the great artistry of the Voudun dances, the exquisite blend-
ing of the rhythmic power and beauty of African folk art with that
of European culture.
Destine explored the rural and superstitution-fraught areas of
Haiti and was eventually admitted as a student and disciple under
the tutorship of a Voudun priest. He learned the philosophy of Voudun
and absorbed the pulsating rhythms of its ritual music and dance.
Destine, on returning to Port au Price, pioneered the acceptance of
Voudun as Haitian folk-lore. For his outstanding services in interpret-
ing the arts and lore of his people, Destine wears the cross "Officier
Honneur et Merite," the highest honor Haiti has bestowed upon an
artist.
*4 * * *
THE REPERTOIRE of Destine's company is a. varied and vivid
panorama of Haiti's history. The dances range between a joyous
harvest celebration, an African legend, the dance of Yoruba bakas-
legendary half-men half-goats, an interpretation of Haiti's struggle
for independence, the Voudun dances, and subtle blends of the
traditional dances of Haiti, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Trinidad and
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