Seventy-Fifth Yeas EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS = " - ' ere Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail NEws PHoNE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan bail) ex press the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. FRIDAY, OCTOBER 23, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN BRYANT Civil Rightists Must Not Ignore Possible Racial Inequalities ALL RACES OF MANKIND are genet- ically the same in all Important re- spects. Any differences in intelligence or disposition which do exist are due to en- vironmental factors-poverty, cultural de- privation and racial discrimination. Equalize the environment and you will equalize the races. Amen. This incantation has long been a fun- damental one for the civil rights move- ment. Now that the Negro's drive for equality has become an almost-nation- wide institution, the incantation seems destined to become part of our national liturgy, joining such old favorites as Free Enterprise and Motherhood on the list of concepts to which we must pro- fess public belief-whatever our private doubts. So before cries of "bigotry!" drive dis- sent underground-if, indeed, this hasn't happened already-it is important that some heresy be heard. In contrast to the egalitarian incantation above, consider this one: RACES ARE genetically different in im- portant as well as superficial re- spects. Environment is a factor in racial differences, but heredity is too. Equaliz- ing the environment can never equalize the races. This heresy is more than iconoclasm for its own sake. At the present rate of knowledge, both the egalitarian's incan- tation and the heresy are nothing but hypotheses. And there is circumstantial evidence that the heretic is closer to the truth than the egalitarian-that there are innate racial differences, that the average Negro is genetically inferior to the average white in terms of culturally important measures such as intelligence and motivation. IT IS, FIRST OF ALL, conceivable that there are innate intellectual differ- ences between the Negro and Caucasian races. The visible differences between these two groups of people attest to the fact that they have been biologically separated for a considerable time. And it is generally accepted that genetic fac- tors play some part in intellectual ability and motivation. Hence, it is reasonable to assume that during the period of sep- aration, as the two races' physical fea- tures were developing along divergent paths, their hereditary intellectual traits were, too. This argument, of course, says nothing about the direction of these differences; on the basis of it alone, there is no way to tell which of the two groups, if any, is superior to the other. Here the cir- cumstantial evidence comes in. EXHIBIT A is history. The Negro race has not accomplished much in terms of discovery and social organization. Though many parts of Africa offer a hos- pitable environment, no enduring Negro civilization arose there to match those built by the rest of mankind. The point is not "civilization is great"; the atomic bomb may ultimately show us that the African tribe is a better form of social organization than the megalopol- is. The point is that civilization, good or bad, points to a high level of intelligence and motivation in those who develop it. No one knows, of course, just what orig- inally sparked the growth of Western civilization, and once the innovative frame of mind which prompts it emerges, it tends to be self-perpetuating. Maybe it was by pure chance that Greece flowered instead of Africa. But maybe it was not. The fact that white accomplishments dwarf those of the Negro remains for the egalitarian to explain. EXHIBIT B is the multitude of ability tests given to people of both races- and the fact that whites almost invar- iably score higher than Negroes on them. This is true even when the tests correct for such factors as income, education and social class, and when all those tested 'have attended integrated schools all their lives. The gap between the groups widens with age. (A review of these tests appears in the October 16 issue of Science maga- zine.) Again, there is a possible counter-ar- gument: no test can correct for the ef- fects of racial discrimination, a variable r n 4 is.-~.y I -n Ingle of the University of Chicago, a physiologist, sums it up in the Science ar- ticle: The concept that the white and Ne- gro races are approximately equally endowed with intelligence and drives remains a plausible hypothesis for which there is faulty evidence. The concept that the average Negro is significantly less intelligent than the average white is also a plausible hy- pothesis for which there is faulty evi- dence. There is no sound structure of evidence and logic which compels a conclusion on the issue of race and intelligence. UNFORTUNATELY, almost everyone in- volved in racial issues seems to have reached a conclusion-and is eager to compel everyone else to reach it too. The southerner looks at the Negroes around him-who indeed are less intelli- gent and ambitious than the whites- and concludes that they must be a gen- etically inferior breed of man. The egali- tarian learns what a potent force envir- onment can be, and eagerly assumes it must be the only force which can shape a human being. Advocates of racial equality declare theirs to be a humanitarian .cause. Yet humanitarianism suffers from their hasty leap to conclusions about the issue which concerns them most. For even if the in- tegration effort succeeds in its immedi- ate goals, it will ultimately face disap- pointment if the races are inherently different. If Negroes are innately less intelligent or motivated, they would never distribute randomly along the various social and economic scales, even if arbitrary racial restrictions were removed. Negroes still would tend to be near the bottom and whites near the top. If there turned out to be ineradicable racial differences in disposition and character, the races still would tend to cluster together socially. Only artificial and mutually harmful measures would achieve a true integra- tion. The result, in short, would be frus- tration and despair. While there still is time, then, humani- tarians must acknowledge-or at least consider-the possibility that biology sharply divides man from man. THIS IS NOT THE PLACE to attempt a comprehensive humanitarian ethic based on an assumption of innate racial differences. A few key implications, how- ever, can be noted. Racial differences in no way decrease the supreme importance of an individual of either race. No one has proved-there probably is no way to prove-that Ne- groes have less ability than whites to feel happiness or sadness, to rejoice and to suffer. In this consists the importance of the individual human being. Nor do these possible differences erase the original goal of the civil rights move- ment: that every person be evaluated as an individual, not as a member of a' group. A talented Negro should not be held back because the average Negro is less talented than the average white; a stupid Caucasian shouldn't receive spe- cial privileges because of his membershipj in the lucky race. BUT THE POSSIBILITY of racial dif- ferences does cast doubt upon those measures which go beyond the removal of arbitrary restrictions imposed on the basis of race. Giving people special ad- vantages just because of their race, and forcing people together for no other rea- son than they they are of different races, leads to a situation as artificial as segre- gation itself. If the races really are bas- ically different, "reverse discrimination"{ will never succeed in raising Negroes, asI a group, to equality with whites. This is not a call for laissez-faire. The point is that humanitarian programs should be directed at those who need them, not at those of a certain race. If, for example, a Negro is poor, he should be helped because he is poor, not be- cause he is a Negro. If a white person is in the same situation, he too should be helped; if another Negro is well off, he shouldn't be helped just because he is a Negro. TRONTCALLY THEN. the nossibility that I.: ,c7 4f 7,;~1 MTsEf j f a H E -- ,M "PON'r 1AP YET - MAYBE THE sOW'S U5T STARTE> EUROPEAN COMMENTARY: Russia's Bitter-Sweet Shake-Up By CAL SKINNER, JR. and HAROLD WOLMAN CALIFORNIA POLITICS has only one constant element- unpredictability. This year, the political situation is again unclear because of an emotional presi- dential race, a close and hard fought senatorial contest, and a referendum that in effect puts the white backlash on the ballot. With forty electoral votes Cali- fornia is numerically more im- portant than all of New England or the entire Intermountain West. Both candidates areetreating the state with due deference. Gold- water has declared it one of his "must" states. And Johnson sounds as if he will be displeased if he loses any state. JOHNSON NEED NOT be wor- ried about California. Although the Golden State handed Gold- water the miracle he needed to re- main in contention for the Re- publican nomination, lightening of this sort is not likely to strike twice in the same place. The polls show Johnson so far out in front that in any state but California the Republicans would be expected to give up in despar- ation. But California is different. As the Republican state chairman said, "We have more bodies than we know what to do with." Com- bine Governor Brown's concern over Democratic overconfidence with a background of a bitter personal power struggle in the Democratic senatorial primary and the Republicans think they still have a fighting chance to carry the state. Few objective observers agree. BROWN BACKED Alan Crans- ton against Pierre Salinger in the primary and lost. In this race the highly ideological California Democratic Clubs had endorsed Cranston. That Salinger had the financial and organization sup- port of state assembly leader Jesse (Big Daddy) Unruh was an open secret. Both the Brown and Un- ruh factions now -claim to have united against the Republicans, but Brown admits that it is "mar- riage of convenience" and Unruh notes, "some division may still exist at the precinct level." Ordinarily such signs of con- flict in the Democratic Party would be encouraging to the Re- publicans, and for good reason. As a result of that same primary, however, the Republicans probably are split more widely than the Democrats. * * * THE REPUBLICAN d vision r -, sults les from a personal pwer struggle t'an from an idalog-cal one. The Rockefeller-Goldwater race engendered a deep fissure between Goldwater Pepublicans (and those farther right) and the moderates led. by Senator Thoma Kuchel. Meny of the latter are trose whose defection to Johnson greatly lessens Goldwater's chances of carrying California. The senatorial contest is less cut and dried. Ex-movie actor and businessman George Murphy was given almost no chance to beat former presidential press secretary Pierre Salinger, but the contest has turned into a real horse race. Last month reliable pollsters show- ed Salinger leading Murphy by 12 per cent. This advantage has been cut to 6 per cent in early October. * * * IN CALIFORNIA the voters can register their apprehension to the Negro revolution in a state-wide referendum challenging the de- sirability of fair housing legis- By ERIC KELLER Daly Correspondent BILTHOVEN, Holland-October 15 was one of those days when everything happened at once. The poorly camouflaged removal of Khrushchev from the Kremlin, Labor's victory in Great Britain, the Jenkins scandal in Washing- 'CRUCIBLE': Pure Miller Is Better At the Cinema Guild DESPITE an excellent cast led by Yves Montand and Simone Signoret, Jean - Paul Sartre's French adaptation of Arthur Mil- ler's "The Crucible" falls con- siderably short of the original. Instead of Miller's dramatic por- trayal of the tragic fate of a man who is acutely aware of his own failings but remains true to him- self against the hysterical and self-righteous pressures of his society, Sartre presents a melo- dramatic victory of the proletariat laced with a dash of sex. When Miller's play of the Salem witch trials was first produced in 1953 at the height of the Mc- Carthy era, it was an eloquent polemic against the "witch trials" of that day as well as an embodi- ment of a more universal con- demnation of self-righteousness and guilt by association. For the most part Sartre remains true to the original and the bulk of the film is well done and interesting. However, where he has "adapted" Miller he has always changed him f or the worse. WHERE SARTRE particularly fails is in his complete re-doing of the ending-almost a la Holly- wood. Miller's ending is entirely integrated; it has Proctor shuff- ling in resignation to the gallows, but at the height of his tragic triumph. Sartre takes the story beyond this and slips into melo- drama. He has written from his peculiar position as an existential- ist and Communist, and the result is somewhat forced.His hero be- comes faced with the final ab- surdity, he can make his death socially more meaningful than his life and does so-but he thereby removes himself from the plane of tragedy and thus weakens the whole impact of the play. But finally, Sartre has his proletariat rise up in arms at Proctor's death and overthrow its (bourgeois) -masters. YvesMontand and Simone Sig- noret save the film somewhat, putting in excellent performances backed by a solid cast. Their por- trayals are forceful and perceptive and in several instances as men- tioned above, quite sensitive. Also, particularly impressive is the authentic reconstruction of Salem and of the clothes and homes of the period. Their drabness and melancholy add to the heavy Pui- CALIFORNIA POLITICS Unpredictability, Party Splits Cloud Forecasts ton and a Nobel Prize for an American, all within a 24-hour span. Unless the Jenkins case triggers a complete about face in the United States elec. ions, it is the Khrushchev removal which will have the deepest repercussions throughout the world. News about the removal came unexpectedly to most European observers. Yet it was commentator Zorza in the British newspaper, "The Guardian," who recently mentioned an anti-Khrushchev movement among high military advisers. According to Zorza, they differed about strategic considera- tions and about the application of conventional weapons. BUT AS FAR as it can be judged from Moscow news dis- patches, these considerations prob- ably played only a minor role in the putsch. Although most Euro- pean observers agree that it is still too early to know what will succeed the Khrushchev era, some predictions have been made con- cerning the future course of Rus- sian-West European relations, however carefully worded they may be. According to available informa- tion, the new duo on top of the Russian hierarchy will try to soften relations with Red China and other East Block nations, presently playing truant. Turn- ing the clock back to a monolithic Communist structure would, among other things, mean clamping down on trade which has been liberaliz- ed during the past five years. Most Western European coun- tries have built up a thriving trade with East Block nations. The latter are just beginning to experience the first gratifying effects of "go- ing Western," and it will take a firm Russian grip to bring these nations back in line. But, assum- ing they will succeed in doing so, Brezhnev and Kosigin could cause much discomfort for both Western Europe and East Block countries. * * * MOREOVER, Red China now deals from a position of moderate strength. The Chinese atom bomb will require a give and take on both sides if Moscow now expects to heal the Sino-Soviet split. This implies, of course, that Russian industrial liberalization efforts would be slackened and that the, Russians would be forced to re- sume their "hard Marxist" line in order to please the Red Chinese. Brezhnev and Kosigin cannot possibly return to a monolithic, Soviet-controlled Communist block and still continue smooth East- West relations. This is why West European reaction to Khrush- chev's "resignation" was generally sweet-sour. Even knowing that Brezhnev voiced agreement with Khrushchev's viewpoint on East- West relations fails to relieve this uneasiness. It is still very doubtful that Brezhnev and Kosigin can realize their objectives. But suppose they do-even partially. They might be able to provoke reintegration in Western Europe, off-setting the disintegration process that has plagued NATO during recent years, but is it worth a renewed and increased nuclear threat? lation. The number of votes in favor of Proposition 14 may indi- cate the extent of the white back- lash in the state. At present much of the liberal campaign effort in California is being diverted from support of Democratic candidates to opposition to this proposition. The issue enters the senatorial campaign because Salinger has taken a strong stand against Proposition 14. Murphy, on the other hand, has not taken a posi- tion. Murphy stands to gain a considerable number of white backlash votes regardless of party membership in reaction to Salin- ger's stand. Whether Murphy will be able to pick up the 25 per cent of Democrats he needs to over- come the 3-2 Democratic regis- tration advantage may well de- pend on the ultimate outcome of this disagreement. THE SECOND ISSUE that is hurting Salinger significantly is that of being a "carpetbagger." This challenge to the legitimacy of Salinger's residence qualifica- tions is not a new one for him. Cranston threw it up in the pri- mary to little avail and it seemed to fade in importance. Its resurrection can be traced primarily to Bobby Kennedy's en- trance into the New York sena- torial contest. Now the charge of improper interference in the in- ternal affairs of California by a Virginia resident has taken on the proportions of being part of a nation-wide conspiracy to advance the political ambitions of the for- mer attorney general. SALINGER IS attempting to fight back by following the advice that the Democratic National Committee has given every nation- al candidate: pin the Republican to Goldwater's tail. Considering California politics alone, success- ful senators have traditionally espoused the middle of the road approach. Unfortunately for Sal- inger, he is not making the label of "Goldwater-Republican" stick on Murphy. Murphy has endorsed Gold- water, but is attempting to min- imize his identification with the presidential. candidate. This has caused no little dissatisfaction from those rabidly pro-Goldwater- ites who had given Murphy full support at first. * * * THUS, Murphy faces the dilem- ma of attracting California mode erates by emphasizing his Kuchel- like stands, e.g., favoring civil rights, while at the same time picking up white backlash votes and not antagonizing the support of those Goldwater advocates who will work the precincts on election eve. The success of Murphy's ef- forts may well depend upon whether he can transfer his soft- shoe routine from the movie screen to the political stage. 'POTATO': Mashed Sentiment At the Campus Theatre 1IKE THE KNOWING girl tha shuns you as you come out o the UGLI and runs ahead so sh won't have to talk with you, "One Potato, Two Potato" has style But it is erratic. Its cloying sob- sentimentality, like the leading number-one detergent, better be- longs on television. And like Brand-X, only the very best di- rectors can handle it well and ge sparkling results. Larry Peerce L not the best of directors in this his first film. He has more tc learn about making movies thar he will ever have time to learn it in. The story of how "Potato" fin- ally got a distributor is biannual- ly reneating itself before the gates of Hollywood. Like its progenitor, "David and Lisa," it was inde- pendently produced on the nib of a shoelace. shirned to Europe where it won festival acclaim and briught back to America where it onened up in New York to moder- ately good reviews and long lines down Second Ave. Is this a portent of the future? Let's hone not. The only benefactors of this movie- making process are nerve special- ists and Atlantic freight-lines. * * * THE STORY of "Potato" is an honest-writer's mind above that discretion- from Hollywood, "To Kill a Mockinebird." Using a checkerboard pattern of love-hate, fear - harninessn reJudice kind- ness. "Potato" wrings out a nice. clean wash for the neighbors- that's us-to see and admire. But I don't admire it. I wish Peerce and his company had not made Bernie Hamilton's part (the Negro husband) so inconsistent. And the society that created the Pariah-like family is only hinted at once or twice and thoroughly avoided the rest of the time. An importantand emotional topic that DANCES OF HAITI: Destine and Company Offer Vivid Spectacle HE DANCES of Haiti combine the primitive rituals of the African hinterland with the fiery Spanish temperament and elegant social dances of the 18th Century French Court. Jean-Leon Destine, who will be performing in Rackham Auditorium Saturday night, brings the arts and lore of Haiti to his audiences. His Haitian company presents the music and dance of Africa, Haiti and the Caribbean. Destine is the principle figure in demonstrating Vodun before audiences throughout the world. Vodun, the dancing, drumming and singing of the religious ceremonies of the mountain folk, was regarded as barbarous and declared tabu by the "elite" of Haiti. Destine recognized the great artistry of the Voudun dances, the exquisite blend- ing of the rhythmic power and beauty of African folk art with that of European culture. Destine explored the rural and superstitution-fraught areas of Haiti and was eventually admitted as a student and disciple under the tutorship of a Voudun priest. He learned the philosophy of Voudun and absorbed the pulsating rhythms of its ritual music and dance. Destine, on returning to Port au Price, pioneered the acceptance of Voudun as Haitian folk-lore. For his outstanding services in interpret- ing the arts and lore of his people, Destine wears the cross "Officier Honneur et Merite," the highest honor Haiti has bestowed upon an artist. *4 * * * THE REPERTOIRE of Destine's company is a. varied and vivid panorama of Haiti's history. The dances range between a joyous harvest celebration, an African legend, the dance of Yoruba bakas- legendary half-men half-goats, an interpretation of Haiti's struggle for independence, the Voudun dances, and subtle blends of the traditional dances of Haiti, Martinique, Guadeloupe, Trinidad and n-,- n +. - th csa 1n thrpnir vtI r anon 5p.Raina dnA thm. Wiinnai