Seventy-Sixth Year
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TUESDAY, MAY 10, 1966
NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER
_ ____ i
,
Housing: Non-involvement
Is Not a Virtue
" HOUGH ADMINISTRATORS consist-
ently claim impartiality in dealing
with private apartment owners, the very
policy of non-interference is an aid to
the developers. Equipped with capital and
plans to entrench themselves in the city,
they can organize more effectively than
the diverse, transient and financially de-
pendent student population.
With no effective restriction from the
University and little from the city-until
more stringent zoning requirements were
recently passed - private owners have
been able to'throw up poorly constructed
buildings as short-term, high-profit in-
vestments. For a few dazzlers like dish-
washers and balconies, at the sacrifice of
adequate soundproofing, owners tack on
inflated rents and keep many competitors
out of Ann Arbor (and the possibility of
lower prices).
Owners of older apartments can make
an even bigger killing by charging the
same rates as those for newer structures,
while investing less and paying lower
property taxes.
HILE THE UNIVERSITY places vague
requirements on apartment owners to
keep up their buildings and insure priv-
acy and quiet, it strictly binds students.
Students who do not pay their rents can
be prevented from registering and gradu-
ating.
It may be fine for the University to
mediate when complaints are brought
against landlords by students, but why
should legal and clerical aid be provided
to landlords-with the sending of late
rent notices to student tenants and me-
diation between landlords and students
who completely skip out of rent - when
the landlords can well afford to pay for
these services themselves?
ASIDE FROM THESE long-standing
policies, more recent actions of offi-
cials in the off-campus housing bureau
hardly demonstrate a concern for stu-
dents. While ostensibly lobbying for eight-
month leases by discontinuing the prac-
Editorial Staff
CLARENCE FANTO . . . . ..... ....... . . Co-Editor
CHARLOTTE WOLTER ................... . Co-Editor
BUD WILKINSON .............. . . . ..... Sports Editor
BETSY COHN .. ........... Supplement Manager
NIGHT EDITORS: Meredith Eiker Michael Hefer,
Shirley Rosick Susan Schnepp, Martha Wolfgang.
Business Staff
SUSAN PERLSTADT ... . Business Manager
LEONARD PRAT........ .....circulation Manager
JEANNE ROSINSKT ............ Advertising Manager
RANDY RISSMAN ....... Supplement Manage
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tice of putting registration and credit
stops on students who fail to pay summer
rent, those officials suggested that land-
lords raise rents to compensate for the
loss incurred by shorter leases.
Even with a rent hike, a shorter lease
would be in some cases more beneficial
-than subletting with a 12-month lease.
But, officials presented arguments for
shorter leases so cogently that only one
major and a few minor landlords decided
to adopt them'.
At the same time, they hailed as help-
ful to students the establishment of the
Student Rental Service by two major
rental managers. This new business of-
fers for $10 the same help in finding
summer tenantsthat other landlords had
offered free.
THE OFF-CAMPUS housing bureau is
due for a reorganization. The way to
start could be with the appointment of a
housing director, as called for by the Pres-
ident's Blue-Ribbon Commission on hous-
ing last fall, with a student-oriented
staff, coordinating its work more closely
with the Office of Business and Finance.
But more than coordination, the of-
fice needs an innovative outlook. The stu-
dent housing advisory committee will be
pushing for the University to build sin-
gle student apartments, but will certain-
ly have a struggle convincing the tradi-
tionally conservative business office and
especially the Regents, many of them bus-
inessmen themselves.
Vice-President for Business and Fi-
nance Wilbur K. Pierpont has indicated
his willingness to consider the construc-
tion of single student apartments on
North Campus but contends high prop-
erty values in the central campus area
would make such a project unfeasible
there. However, the greatest number of
undergraduates, those in the literary col-
lege, will be located on central campus
and need to be served. Bus service from
North Campus for these students might
place too much of a strain on the al-
ready crowded transportation system.
I)ERHAPS THE MEASUHE introduced
b yState Sen. Garland Lane (D-Flint)
to place all University construction un-
der legislative control could be helpful
in obtaining central campus space for
student apartments less cheaply.
However, the dangers of placing all
construction under state control far out-
weigh any benefits, and it would be more
advisable for the University to seek on
its own some of the valuable central cam-
pus space that might be alloted to a new
apartment structure.
PERHAPS THE MEASURE introduced
by State Sen. Garland Lane (D-Flint)
a lot of working out, but administrators
nevertheless ought to consider it on a
level of priority equal to that of plans
for other construction. It's time that the
students' economic as well as academic
interests were taken into account,
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The University and the Human Condition.
EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first of a three part series re-
printing an address given by
Walter Lippmann May 8 in
Beverly Hills, California at a
convocation sponsored by the
Center for the Study of Demo-
cratic Institutions.
I
THE PROPOSITION with which
I am starting is that, as men
become modern men, they are
emancipated and thus deprived
of the guidance and support of
traditional and customary author-
ity. Because of this, there has
fallen to the universities a unique,
indispensable and capital function
in the intellectual and spiritual
life of modern society.
I do not say that the universities
today are prepared to perform this
spiritual and intellectual function.
What I do say is that a way will
have to be found to perform these
functions if the pursuit of the
good life, to which this country
is committed, is to continue and
to be successful.
For modern men are living to-
day amidst the consequences of
emancipation from .established
authority. The dream of Franklin
and Jefferson, as Mr. James A.
Perkins describes it in his recent
Stafford Little Lecture (page 15),
was of "an open society, free of
both ecclesiastical and civil con-
trol, with little to fear from the
uninhibited search for truth and
for experiments in the application
of truth."
THE PREPONDERANT major-
ity of our people in America to-
day have arrived at such an open
society. They have found, I sub-
mit to you, that as they are eman-
cipated from established authority
they are not successfully equipped
to deal with the problems of
American society and of their pri-
vate lives.
They are left with the feeling
that there is a vacuum within
them, a vacuum where there were
the signs- and guide posts of an
ancestrai order, where there used
to be ecclesiastical and civil
authority, where there was cer-
tainty, custom, usage and social
status and a fixed way of life.
One of the great phenomena of
the human condition in the mod-
ern age is the dissolution of the
ancestral order, the erosion of es-
tablished authority, and having
lost the light and the leading, the
guidance and the support, the dis-
cipline that the ancestral order
provided, modern men are haunted
by a feeling of being lost and
adrift without purpose and mean-
ing in the conduct of thier lives.
Today
and(
Tooro
By WALTER LIPPMANN
THE THESIS which I am put-
ting to you is tha tthe modern
void, which results from the vast
and intricate process of emanci-
pation and rationalization, must
be filled and that the universities
must fill the void because they
alone can fill it.
It is a high destiny. But it must
be accepted and it must be
realized.
II
BEFORE WE CAN proceed, we
must ask ourselves why, in the
quest. of a good life in a good
society, we now turn to the univer-
sities rather than, let us say, to the
churches or the government. We
do that because the behavior of
man depends ultimately on what
he believes to be true, to be true
about the nature of man and the
universe in which he lives, to be
true about man's destiny in his-
torical time, to be true about the
nature of good and evil and how
to know the difference, to be true
about the way to ascertain and to
recognize the truth and to dis-
tinguish it from error.
In other times and in other
places the possessors and guar-
dians of true knowledge have been
held to be the appointed spokes-
men of a universal and indisput-
able tradition and of divine revela-
tion. In the western society to
which we belong the traditional
guardians and spokesmen of true
knowledge have in varying degrees
lost or renounced their titles to
speak with complete authority.
The hierarchy of priests, the
dynasties of rulers, the courtiers,
the civil servants and the commis-.
sars have to give way, and there
is left as the court of last resort
when truth is at issue "the ancient
an universal company of scholars."
HAVING SAID THIS, I have
not forgotten how often the pro-
fessors have been proved to be
wrong, how often the academic
judgment has been confounded by
some solitary thinker or artist, how
often original and innovating men
have been rejected by the univer-
sities, only to be accepted and
celebrated after they are dead.
The universal company of schol-
ars is not an infallible court of
last resort. Not in the least. On
the contrary, it is an axiom of
modern thought that the very
process of thinking evolves.
In human affairs nothing is in-
fallible, absolute and everlasting.
There are no courts which can
anticipate fully the course of
events. There are none which can
take account of the unpredictabil-
ity of genius. Nevertheless, in the
modern world there exists no
court which is less fallible than
the company of scholars when we
are in the field of truth and error.
THIS COURT, this universal
company of scholars, comprises
all who study and teach in all the
universities and institutes of the
world. The colleagues of each
scholar are his peers, those who
have qualified themselves in mas-
tering and obeying the criteria by
which, in a field of knowledge,
truth and error are judged.
The company of scholars is all
over the globe, and its members
are duty-bound to hear one an-
other.
Insofar as the communication
among them is adequate, so that a
physicist in California is aware of
the experiments nd criticisms of a
physicist in Peking, there exists
the best possible insurance avail-
able to mortal men against the
parochialism, the stuffiness and
the dogmatism which are the
chronic diseases of academies.
Tomorrow: The Role of the
Professor
*
Desperate Men and Desperate Countries
By DAVID KNOKE
-SHIRLEY ROSICK
IT HAS BEEN suggested that the
three traumatic events of this
century were the break-up of col-
onial empires (particularly Brit-
ish), the confrontation of the East
and West on an ideological basis,
and the rapid and spectacular
growth of material wealth in the
United States.
Each of thsee forces is very
much alive today and, by the
manner in which the United States
acts or fails to act towards them,
are becoming potential pressure
points for a re-ordering of the
world social order.
UNITED NATIONS Secretary
General U Thant, after meeting
with French President Charles de
Gaulle last Veek, proposed that
the United Nations undertake a
thorough study o f the effects of
a nuclear war upon the world's
population and civilizations. He
suggested such a reportbe given
wide distribution to alert the
average person to the dangers.
Thant listed four causes of ten-
sion which might flare into a
world-wide holocaust: (1) the
East-West political struggle; (2)
the growing gap between have and
have-not nations; (3) the break-
up of the colonial system; and
(4) racial discrimination in sev-
eral forms. Thant said that in his
view the "growing economic dis-
parity of the nations of the world
faces us with the most serious
source of tension."
MOST INTELLIGENT Ameri-
cans seem to realize the potential
dangers in ignoring or mishandl-
ing any one of these areas. Yet
incredibly, American foreign policy
since World War Two has been
oriented solely toward the first
point-the East-West ideological
contest--as though its resolution
were the simple solution to all
the world's troubles.
American anti-Communism pol-
icies, carried out under threat or
use of military coercion, have at
times assumed the proportion and
fervor of a ilhad-a holy war to
and loans, with a few hundred
millions in out-right grants.
SO FAR American foreign policy
has not shown signs of maturity.
The anti-Communism crusade is
mounting to the ridiculous position
where America may be trying to
police the world alone, with
France withdrawing from NATO
and Britain becoming too involved
in European affairs to take a
leading role in Afro-Asian affairs.
Waging the military-political bat-
tle against Communism, as Ameri-
cans are discovering in Viet Nam,
is like treating the symptoms
without getting to the roots of the
disease.
Social unrest, spurred on by
poverty and social and racial dis-
crimination, will bring many hun-
gering people to a point where
they will follow the first group
which shows evidence of giving
them a change for the better. Too
often this has been the indigenous
Communist groups, who take con-
trol of the nationalist movements
and lead the agitation for the
overthrow of the American-
supported right-wing elite.
AMERICAN POLICY, as formu-
lated by Dulles in the '50's, was to
support those anti-Communist
elements in any banana republic,
taking the lesser of two evils. The
poor citizens of those countries
continued to be exploited by the
elitist groups in control of the
government and the military.
American business involvements,
interested in holding the status
quo against nationalization and
expulsion from low tariff, cheap
labor markets and consumer
dumps, work contrary to national-
ism. The cry of "Communist!"-
as in Laos, the Dominican Repub-
lic, and Viet Nam-has been
enough in the past to bring Ameri-
can diplomatic and military pres-
sure to the aid of the threatened
establishment.
Such economic entanglements,
like Cuban sugar in the past and
Venezuela oil today, and support
of unpopular minority dictator-
shins, like Diem in the nast and
the credit of the federal govern-
ment. But the past record lingers
on, and combined with American
and British inaction in South Af-
rica and Rhodesia, have made
many underdeveloped nonwhite
nations wary of close ties where
this country would play a dom-
inate role.
It is easy to cite examples of
what the United States has done
in the past to aggravate rather
than aieviate the social conditions
of the world's citizens. It is more
difficult to suggest alternatives for
extrication American foreign pol-
icy from the debacle into which
it has fallen almost by inertia.
MOST DRASTICALLY needed
is a redirection of attitude from
military solutions vis-avis Com-
munism towards a massive effort
to raise the world standard of
living without prerequisite politi-
cal commitment on the part of
underdeveloped na t i o n s. This
would mean that the United States
might often have to step com-
pletely out of the picture as tar
as directing the deployment of its
aid monies.
The United States should cham-
pion the cause of nationalism
where it fosters healthy, progres-
sive social institutions. The fun-
neling of treble the amount of
foreign aid at present through the
World Bank to underdeveloped na-
tions in the form of outright
grants would help. So would the
enlargement of the programs of
the international Peace Corps, and
domestic corps to set the example
here at home of what united ef-
forts can do for the common good.
Unbearable social conditions
drive desperate men and desperate
nations to desperate acts. The
nonwhite population of Africa,
Asia and Latin America already
out number their "white" broth-
ers; with their vast potentials in
human and natural resources, the
cultural, economic and political
ascendancy of these peoples is just
beginning.
THE QUESTION without an-
swer in sight remains: Will the
have nations act to raise the poor
of the earth from social neglect
to share in their abundance, or
will they see the day when the
wrathful races rise up and take
the abundance by force?
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Discussion of Power Politics
To the Editor:
AS STEPHANIE Rosenbaum
phrased it in her response
to Bruce Wasserstein's agenda
for power politics (local style),
"power politics are a reality . .
but like any reality, they have
more than one side." The under-
lying power politics which have
produced the Vietnamese situation
also has more than one side, as
Miss Leiviska (April 5) and Mr.
Washing (April 9) have already
shown by their respective letters
from the front.
THE MARINE who related
"what Johnny can do Monday
after church on Sunday" painted a
stark picture of some of the results
of the Johnsonian policy to "de-
fend the brave and valiant people
of South Vietnam." The Navy
officer's letter, in contrast, spoke
of the "humanitarian front" U.S.
forces are fighting, of bringing
"confidence and happiness to the
destitute and insecure." Are both
men relating unrepresentative ex-
IT WOULD SEEM pretty clear
by now, from the evidence gar-
nered from these two letters as
well as the general history of U.S.
foreign policy since this country
started its policy of anti-Com-
munism, that America's humani-
tarian programs outside of her
own borders have been performed
only in terms of perceived military
threat (Marshall Plan, Alliance
for Progress, aid to South Viet
Nam, Korea, Iran, et.all.).
But social-political-economic aid
given under such circumstances is
almost bound to flounder. The
goals it is supposed to achieve
run counter to the attitudes and
assumptions of those paying for
and administering it. One need
only look at the irrational appro-
priations figures for evidence. For
fiscal 1966 the U.S. Congress was
only willing to spend slightly un-
der 2%1/ billion dollars for non-
military aid for all the countries
in the world it wishes to see non-
Communist, yet it had few qualms
about pouring $13 billion of purely
Southeast Asia," which short-
sighted men thought could be
achieved with only a few dollars
spent on the daily lives of the
people, while most of the funds
went to the "truly vital" sector,
arming Diem's army.
BUT LET US TRY to under-
stand why the money is finally
being spent: for the announced
purposes of keeping a torn nation
divided, resisting the rule of all
Viet Nam by the parties of Ho Chi
Minh and the NLF, and defending
U.S. honor and prestige around
the globe. You are free to judge
by your own value system whether
this is money and lives well spent.
And in whose interest is it to
carry on as the present policy
dictates? The Vietnamese are per-
haps better off but it is hard to
tell; U.S. relations with China are
certainly worse and are becoming
increasingly more dangerous; U.S.
relations with Russia are stymied;
and all other efforts of America
to "improve the world" either at
home or abroad are necessarily
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