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July 22, 1966 - Image 2

Resource type:
Michigan Daily, 1966-07-22

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Seventy-Sixth Year

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Pre Opinions Are Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH
Truth w4N Prevail-H

NEws PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the inidividual opinions of staff writers
or the edtors. This must be noted in all reprints.

FRIDAY, JULY 22, 1966


One High School Down,
Many More To Go

AFTER YEARS of discussion and delay
Ann Arbor is to have a new high
school. By a vote -of 8-1 the Board of
Education approved an additional $3.6
million which were needed in order to
complete their previous plans for Ann Ar-
bor Huron High.
Because of the citizens' reluctance to.
act quickly to apportion the needed mill-
age the additional money will cost the
average home-owner approximately 50
cents more per $1000 of assessed valua-
tion. Yet, even though, they are faced by
the costliness. of further delays, there are
still people who would have us wait, hop-
ing that construction costs will decrease.
taken, they are obviously not acquaint-
ed with the serious conditions which are
already prevalent at the present high
school. The over-crawding of classrooms
and the stretching of facilities to accom-
modate larger class sizes is already reach-
ing its farthest plausible limits. The num-
ber of portable classrooms has also been
enlarged from four to 13 to provide space
for the anticipated 300 additional stu-
dents next year.
But this cannot be continued indefi-
nitely. Although the school was built for
1800, the enrollment at the high school
this year will surpass 3000 students -
nearly the size of the town of Dexter
HOW LONG ARE WE to wait for build-
ing costs to become more favorable?
Six months? A year? By doing so the com-
pletion date of the building would be
pushed back closer to 1970. By that time
the high school would be forced, simply
by its immensity, to function on a stag-
gered or half-day schedule-not a happy
It is obvious that the board was wise
in its decision Wednesday to do away with
further delay. The question now to be
dealt with is the future. How soon will
overcrowding be a problem at the new
high school? What are the citizens doing
to plan for more facilities in the future?

These problems must be met before they
reach the breaking point.
AS ONE MEMBER of the audience Wed-
nesday night put it while seconding a
motion that there be no more delay in
the board's action, "I second that motion
so the board can begin planning a third
high school at its next meeting."
Not a bad idea!
Hamlin, Ohio
THE REASON for the continued disturb-
ance in Cleveland's East Side ghet-
toes became apparent last night: the resi-
dents are making a desparate attempt to
save the city $3 million and at the same
time rid themselves of rats ...
Those living in the Hough and Glenville
districts of Cleveland have long begged
city administrators to invest in a vast
extermination project, a project which
officials say will cost the exhorbitant sum
of $3 million. As has happened in other
civic-minded communities when faced
with a huge task and an obstinate ad-
ministration, the citizens have taken
things into their own hands.
For four days now the residents have
participated in the widespread burning of
rat-infested dwellings-homes and stores
often belonging to one another. Mostly
the young have shouldered the respon-
sibility, but enthusiasm for the project
has been highly contagious and the local
government has sent in National Guards-
men equipped with bayonets to aid in the
extermination process.
SURELY SOME ONE individual, or group
of individuals, did a great deal of
planning to insure that the program
would be successful . . . unfortunately,
however, he (or they) has not made him-
self available for the thanks that is due
Consequently, as the community's next
project I'd like to suggest an all-out
search for Cleveland's Pied Piper.

WASHINGTON - What is the
philosophy of black power-
and what are its effects?
To Roy Wilkins, black power
"means anti-white power .. . op-
position to other ethnic powers.
In the black-white relationship, it
has to mean that every other
ethnic power is the rival and the
antagonist of black power. It has
to mean 'going it alone.' It has to
mean separatism. . . . It has to
mean in the end only black
Vice President Humphrey -
while avoiding a specific refer-
ence to black power-said at the
NAACP convention last week,
"black racism is racism, and
there's no room in America for
racism of any color And, we must
repect call for racism, whether
they come from a throat that's
white or black."
MARTIN LUTHER King, despite
misgivings about the term, be-
cause it "gives the feeling that
the Negro can go it alone and that
he doesn't need anybody for him-
self," adds that "the Negro is in
dire need of a sense ofgdignity
and a sense of pride, and I think
black power is an attempt to de-
velop pride. And, there's no doubt
about the need for power - he
can't get into the mainstream of
society without it."
But Floyd McKissick, national
director of CORE, gave the best
definition of black power - and
sometindication of why the reac-
tion to it has been so violent and
McKissick said: "Black power is
no mere slogan. It is a movement
dedicated to the exercise of Ameri-
can democracy in its highest tra-
dition; it is a drive to mobilize
the black communities of this
country in a monumental effort to
remove the basic causes of aliena-
tion, frustration, despair, low self-
esteem and hopelessness.. . . Black
power does not mean black su-
premacy, does not mean the ex-
clusion of white Americans from
the Negro revolution, does not ad-
vocate violence and will not start
power is, in a very close way, re-
lated to the philosophy of organ-

izing the poor under the poverty
program. Both, are well worth
some study.
Negroes, like the poor, suffer
perhaps above all not from mone-
tary or educational or health de-
ficiencies, but a state of mind, a
culture of oppression, a psychology
of poverty and despair, which
money and assistance may allevi-
ate but never cure.
Those who suffer from this psy-
chology-the psychology of pover-
ty, hopelessness and despair-are
in mental chains. The "individual
initiative" and "private enterprise"
which conservatives like to talk
about are totally absent here.
For, to the Negro and the poor,
there's no point in trying to get a
job when Mister Charley won't
give you one or when you can't
find one. There's no .point in hop-
ing to get an education when you
can't afford it. There's no point in
keeping up your tenement when
you'll never find anything better
and couldn't get anything worse.
IN SHORT, the psychology of
poverty - or of being Negro - is
powerlessness: powerless to change
one's life, to improve one's lot,
to change one's conditions.
It is this psychology, many so-
ciologists believe, which must be
attacked along with the lack of
opportunity, because unless this
belief in one's powerlessness is
eradicated, its victims will never
see much use in trying to seize
those opportunities.
AS HAROLD J. Laski put it
over 35 years ago: "It is true that
a democratic state will be, in gen-
eral. more generous to the multi-
tude than an oligarchical state
. . but those differences do riot
touch the root of the matter.
"Power depends for its habits
on a consciousness of possession,
a habit of organization, an ability
to produce an immediate effect.
In a democratic state, where there
are..great inequalities of economic
power, the main characteristics of
the poor are exactly want of these.
"They do not know the power
they possess. They hardly realize
what can be effected by organiz-
ing their interest. They lack direct
access to those who govern
them... .

"They have rarely in their hands
the instruments necessary to se-
cure their desires . . . (or) have
seldom even learned how these
may best be formulated and de-
fended ... they tend to confound
the institutions they have inher-
ited with the inescapable founda-
tions of society."
THE REMEDY to the psychol-
ogy of being poor is the approach
Saul Alinsky has been using in the
North. Basically, Alinsky finds out
the grievances of the poor -
against the police, the slum-lords,
the dishonest merchants, the
housing officials, city hall-and
then his organizers "rub these re-
sentments raw."
When the poor have been mobil-
ized around specific grievances-
non-existent garbage collection,
cheating by merchants, crooked
building inspectors-then Alinsky
is ready to move, and usually with
Once, for example, the poor in
an Alinsky - organized Chicago
slum area, infuriated by the non-
existent garbage collection in their
area, rented a dumptruck, collect-
ed the garbage themselves, and
dumped it all in the front lawn of
the local office of the garbage de-
partment. They have never had
much trouble with garbage since
on developing indigenous leader-
ship rather than running such
campaigns himself, exemplifies a
key principle in organizing the
poor; doing something with them,
not for them.
Only in this way, he believes-
when the poor realize the connec-
tion between what they do and
the result-will the psychology of
poverty be ended.
As for organizing the poor, so
for black power. Alinsky's ap-
proach is in many ways similar
to that of the Student Non-violent
Coordinating Committee (SNCC)
whose Stokely Carmichael is the
major exponent of black power.
SNCC has a horror of leaders
and organizational bureacuracy.
Its major characteristic-like Al-
insky's-is its insistence on indig-
enous leadership, on Negroes do-

ing much of the work, on whites
working on the Negroes' terms
rather than as their bosses. Again:
with the Negro, not for him.
WHILE THE philosophy . of
black power has unjustly become
guilty by association with other
doctrines-particularly CORE's re-
jection of non-violence, a topic
all in itself-its effects, like those
of organizing the poor, clearly pose
a threat to the establishment.
As Laski indicates ("They do
not know the power they possess")
organizing the poor and the Ne-
gro community to make demands
of their government, to seek posi-
erment is in the end the only
tions in that governmenttand to
reassert themselves in their gov-
way to end their feelings of pow-
erlessness-by showing them that
they have power and by showing
them how to get it and use it.
In perfectly raw terms, that is
what organizing the poor and
black power are all about. That
is why the establishment - from
Chicago to New York to Los An-
geles-correctly perceives both as
threats to its power.
AND THAT IS why the estab-
lishment denounces black power,
from Humphrey, who has already
presided over the emasculation of
the War on Poverty's Community
Action Program, to Wilkins, who
(as McKissick suggested) probab-
ly "does not understand the com-
munity, possibly because of lack
of contact."
Thezestablishment's reaction to
organization of the poor is, in-
deed, similar to its reaction to
black power: both philosophies,
both effects are the same.
Last June, for example, the na-
tion's mayors sent a delegation to
Vice President Humphrey - the
President's liason with the cities-
and told him the anti-poverty
program should be firmly in the
hands of city hall.
Humphrey agreed - and later
said that headlines about involve-
ment of the poor were something
"for eighth-grade civics writers."
But while organization of the
poor and black power threaten
the establishment, political and
economic, in the short-rung there

is every indication that in the
long-run they do not.
AS THE conservatives are so
proud to say (and so loathe to
promote), individualism and indi-
dividual initiative make this
country great. Black power and
organization of the poor, by de-
stroying the psychology of being
poor and/or Negro, restore both
individualism and initiative.
As Laski says, the vitality of a
democracy depends to a large de-
gree on the consciousness of its
citizens of the power they possess.
Black power and organization of
the poor-because they point out
to the poor and the Negroes that
they do have power-would re-
vitalize our democracy in an age
when both the "new left" and the
new conservatism are complaining
about the decline of the individ-
ual and the success of big govern-
ment and bureaucracy.
And, finally, as we all know,
the poor and the Negroes in the
nation's big cities - where they
will soon be a majority of the
population-are seething and un-
restful. Black power and organiza-
tion of the poor, as McKissick
points out, is a "monumental ef-
fort to remove the basic causes
of (this) alienation, frustration,
dith Mississippi march - where
black power first became notor-
ious-vary. One of the most mov-
ing, though, comes from a sym-
pathetic and very important (and,
interestingly, Republican) Justice
Department official who was
"There was a wonderful feel-
ing of power as that line surged
through Jackson," he said. "A
little dangerous, yes, and capable
of getting out of control. But
what a marvelous feeling of self-
sufficiency and pride and accom-
And, until the poor and the Ne-
gro have a greater feeling of self-
sufficiency and pride and accom-
plishment, and participate in the
affairs of the Great Republic to
the fullest, black power and or-
ganizing the poor are going to
remain with us.




Today: Ready, Aim, Fire

The Church Also Must
Question the War

AMERICAN society at this time
seems to be following the path
of Richard Corey of Edward Ar-
lington Robinson's poem, who,
"with everything a man could
want," went home one night and
shot himself in the head.
But there is one difference be-
tween Richard Corey and Ameri-
ca: we are not limiting tht agony
to one night or two; we are dying
a long slow death that fate, poli-
tics and social factors have
mapped out for the United States.
THE PROBLEMS stem from a
number of interrelated social facts
of American life, the most im-
portant of which are affluence
and complacency.
The "Great Society" is more
than a political slogan; it is an
economic fact. Americans today
are earning more than any other
nation on earth. They are also

spending more and living in un-
precedented luxury. Each person's
health is well-guarded and, the
traditional time-consuming hours
of work are reduced while hourly
pay rates are increased.
Pop art, discoteques, or LSD
are the result. Gifts for the "man
who has everything" are among
the hottest items on the market.
The American man seeks more
novel and exciting things to oc-
cupy him.
Juvenile delinquency is rising in
so-called "decent" middle-class
neighborhoods. Alienation and re-
belliousness are more and more
frequently discussed as the prob-
lems of today's "youth."
without its benefits. College grad-
uates are entering the nontradi-
tional fields of the Peace Corps,
Job Corps and VISTA instead of
business and associated profession-

al fields. Increasing numbers are
able to enjoy the benefits of high-
er education and travel abroad
through the affluence of their
Yet today's youth is becoming
bored with the operations of
American society. They find fault
in all aspects of the society, not
the least of which is the com-
placency of their own parents.
The great opportunities for edu-
cation and travel have made them
aware that the vast majority of
the world's population is not re-
ceiving the advantages of the
"Great Society."
They see the attitude of the
affluent society at large toward
these ills-"I've got everything I
want. I'll give my children every-
thing they could ever want. Why
should I give a damn?" Or, worse,
they see the defeatism and con-
tagious apathy of those who are
not sharing the society's affluence,

the poor,
could be
that they

CARDINAL SHEHAN of Baltimore has
appealed to American Catholics to
"exert whatever moral, civic influences"
they can to keep the Viet Nam war "with-
in moral bounds." He expressed extreme
concern over the intensification of the
war and "those harsh voices" that "argue
against restraint."
Cardinal Shehan's words are welcome.
Too many churchmen (not all, of course;
.the National Council of Churches, for ex-
ample, has asked Johnson not to pursue
-a policy of military escalation) have
chosen to keep silent on the war. Some
take the position that the war is a poli-
tical matter and hence outside the boun-
daries of proper church activity.
Double Jeopardy
CERTAINLY, as President Johnson has
stated, it would be "revolting, repulsive
and deplorable" if captured U.S. fliers
were not protected against "acts of viol-
ence or intimidation and against insults
and public curiosity," that violated the
1949 Geneva conventions.
BUT THAT DEFENSE seems surprisingly
out-of-stet for a country that has-
without United Nations sanction for any
type of intervention - bombed and na-
palmed civilian populations, flooded and
destroyed land (if not people) by "tacti-
cal" bombings near Hanoi and Haiphong,
thwarted free elections and forced Viet-
namese into re-indoctrination camps -
acts which are also "revolting" and also
in violation of the Geneva agreements
and international law.
Johnson would like the International
Red Cross Committee to mediate a con-
ference called to insure American fliers
will be guaranteed their Geneva privi-
A SPLENDID IDEA! Hanoi's legalists
would have a good case for using John-

who doubt that things
much better and pray
don't get worse.

THIS IS A convenient way to hide from
the necessity of taking a stand. Those
who do not see a compelling moral issue
in this situation do not understand what
morality is. The question is whether the
United States has a right to rain fire and
explosives from the air on people who
are virtually defenseless from this kind of
attack and who have not attacked us and
do not threaten our security.
In World War II the United States was
directly attacked by Japan in alliance
with Germany, both of whom declared
war on this country; it had every moral
right to defend itself with all its re-
The Viet Nam war is entirely different.
Nations frequently violate moral princi-
ples in pursuit of political and military
objectives, but is it not the duty of reli-
gious leaders to separate the means and
the ends? Does not Christianity teach
that even just ends may not be pursued
by immoral means?
JT SEEMS TO US that all religious lead-
ers have the duty to involve themselves
in discussions of the moral aspects of the
escalating Asian war. It is easy to close
one's eyes to what is happening 10,000
miles away. Pope Paul IV recently point-
ed to "the terrible prospect" of extending
the war. His leadership should be fol-
lowed throughout Christendom, at least.
July 6, 1966
Dodd and Man
In Washington
JT'S HARD not to notice that the Sen-
ate Ethics Committee has finally
found Sen. Thomas J. Dodd's soft spot.
He doesn't want the use of the funds he
accepted from testimonial dinners to be

BUT YOUTH is made up of im-
patience. Confronted by the enor-
mous paradoxes of our society and
the vastness of the bureaucratic
machine which makes up its politi-
cal operations, this impatience
leads to violent measures to jog
the man at the helm.
Riots, in one form or another,
seem to be the new order of the
day. And, each scene of violence
features the youth, be they of the
ghettos or the middle class of the
This basic form of action is ap-
plied to all therproblems of the
day: poverty, racial inequality,
and, inevitably, the war in Viet
The real tragedy is that there
is no rational middle ground be-
tween apathy and radicalism : the.
apathetic man believes that the
official should know his business
and lets him run it; the radical
man, more often the youth, vio-
lently voices his disapproval of all
apparent ills but is rejected for his
fanaticism, his valid criticism go-
ing ignored. And, it is this lack
of the "rational man in the
middle" that is killing us.
FOR EXAMPLE, the President
is a fanatic for concensus and be-
comes harsh when criticism is
mentioned. He is resented for this
reason by the majority of the
populace, despite their approval

of his programs, for this reason.
He is not well loved by Congres-
sional members, and is evasive
about explaining his action. One
cannot look to the White House
to provide the grounds for ration-
The populace, without leader-
ship from the top, is not likely to
develop a rationality of its own.
The scientific community is be-
coming more and more dependent
on the federal government for its
training and support of "opera-
tional" research." The path to the
latest discovery blinds their ob-
jectivity and rationality,
The intellectual community is
locked in its ivory tower either
doing nothing or loudly declaiming
society's ills from the balcony.
Those who leave the tower usually
take up residence in some bureau-
cratic office and "advisors." If
rationality is coming from this
source, it is little in evidence.
AND YOUTH IS, at best, a pro-
duct of this environment. Con-
sidering the odds that they can
overcome that fact to reach some
rationality, there doesn't seem to
be much hope.
More important, they do not
even seem to care whether America
is dying or not, but rather seem
intent on hastening its demise.
Perhaps watching the death of an
empire, even from within, can be
enjoyable, or perhaps no one really
cares enough to stop Richard
Corey from shooting himself in
the head.


^ I

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Crochet Plays
With Mixed Tempos



1 a
*1' 1. *




Bach. .Fantasy and Fugue in A
Schoenberg....... Three Pieces,
Op. 11
Mozart.....Sonata in D major,
K. 311
Schubert.......Three Pieces, Op.
Evelyne Crochet walked onto
the Rackham Auditorium stage
Thursday evening in her bright
red dress, the audience didn't
know quite what to expect. Prob-
ably most had not heard of her

necessary to render their proper
sections constructed of well form-
ed phrases, Miss Corchet tended
function. But in lyric passages, or
to slow down to neatly tie off the
cadence points and phrase endings
-this shoots holes in the music
as if it were about to die.
Because of the natural tendency
to repose at cadence points it
often isn't necessary to actually
retard there; those spots often
have a built-in psychological less-
ening of musical motion without
requiring a physical ritard in the
playing for fulfillment. In addi-
tion, and perhaps to compensate
for the awkwardness at cadences,
Miss Crochet had a ,tendency to

a, a~

'I I J . ;
s- ..-A-' °




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