100%

Scanned image of the page. Keyboard directions: use + to zoom in, - to zoom out, arrow keys to pan inside the viewer.

Page Options

Download this Issue

Share

Something wrong?

Something wrong with this page? Report problem.

Rights / Permissions

This collection, digitized in collaboration with the Michigan Daily and the Board for Student Publications, contains materials that are protected by copyright law. Access to these materials is provided for non-profit educational and research purposes. If you use an item from this collection, it is your responsibility to consider the work's copyright status and obtain any required permission.

February 17, 1963 - Image 4

Resource type:
Text
Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1963-02-17

Disclaimer: Computer generated plain text may have errors. Read more about this.

Seventy-Third Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
- UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Were Opinions Are STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG., ANN ARBOR, MICH., PHONE NO 2-3241
Truth Will Preail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This ms # be noted in all reprints.

FEDERAL SUBSIDIES:
Whose Obligation is Financing the PhD?

DAY. FEBRUARY 17, 1963

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SUTIN

University Aims Incompatible
With Affiliate System.

THERE IS only one argument for affiliated
living which has any remote validity. This
s the argument: "Students should have the
right to choose their own friends on whatever
basis they like and to decide what group of
people they want'to live with."
In and of itself this is a valid statement, but
it is not valid as a" defense of the fraternity
and sorority systems. Used for this purpose,
the argument implies that the right to choose
one's own friends is denied by all other forms
of campus housing and-even more unjustified
-that the process of getting into an affiliated
unit is indeed one of "selecting your own
'riends."
The residence hall, private apartment and
co-operative house, whatever their limitations,
ill provide a more meaningful process of select-
ng one's friends. Any number of students de-
iring to live together can plan to share an
apartment or-at the very least-can arrange
;o live on the same corridor of a residence'hall.
Their decision to live together, moreover, is
me that is based on mutual acceptance and,
which comes only after a fairly lengthy ac-
quaintance with the other persons involved. It'
s based on a more realistic concept of 'friend-
hip' than the affiliated unit which ludicrously
xpects a pledge to plunge into a sister or
rother relationship with six dozen other resi-
dents he has never really had a chance to know
it all.
OOK AT the way students .get shuffled into
fraternities and sororities. It's called Rush
and it's all that the name implies: short, har-'
'ied and superficial. The rushee is motorscooted
rom frat to frat or marched through the snow
roram one identical set of girls to the next, see-
ng only the surface glimmer of the buildings
,nd their inhabitants. The affiliate is often so
ewildered that as a joke ficticious rushees
niay be carried two-thirds or more of the way
oward a bid before the hoax Is discovered.
Many affiliates admit that an outsider
loesn't get to know a house until he had
ledged-if even then. Certainly the 'house'
ees nothing of a person's 'character except
khat is plastered to the surface in a tense,
ormal attempt to please.
[N THE Greek system, moreover, the people
who do the choosing are not the people the
ushee will live with. The people with whom
e will pledge and live, the longest do not choose
im. In many houses, seniors participate in the
election of pledges with whom they. will never
ye. Juniors participate in all houses. Thus the

leaders of the fraternity-the ones whose wis-
dom the younger members and first semester
actives will respect and follow-are the ones
who will be spending the least amount of time
with the new members. More importantly a
rushee never knows until the very end of rush-
ing who his fellow pledges will be and he has
absolutely no choice in determining who they
are.
The selection process varies in each affiliated
house, but as a general rule a very small num-
ber of members can block the admission of
a member that the overwhelming majority of
the house wants.
THE BITTERNESS, disappointment and an-
xiety engendered by an unsuccessful rush
hardly seem worth the perpetuation of a social
caste system whose activities seldom have any-
thing to do with furthering the educational
process and often act in such ways as to
retard it
The bias clause still exists and where it
doesn't, gentlemen's agreements and the bigot's
blackball can still determine a policy of racial
and religious discrimination. The Greek system
has a built-in factor against change and pro-
gress; the single reactionary ca. hold back the
gains which the rest of the house wants. But
perhaps that is what "brotherhood" means.
But let's suppose that fraternities and soror-
ities developed some system which made rush
more relaxing, and that all the bigots went
off in a corner and hid. Can the system then
claim the right to select its own members as
long as racial and religious characteristics are
ignored?
THE ANSWER is No. Rush - whatever the
rules of procedure-is not just an unpleas-
ant ritual to which one must voluntarily sub-
mit in crder to join the brother-sisterhood. It
is by definition a process of institutionalized
discrimination from beginning to end. The dis-
crimination need not necessarily be of a racial
or religious nature, for any system which is
designed to weed out a few select individuals
from a mass of applicants is discriminating in
the basic sense of the word. Social discrimina-
tion by a public institution is just as wrong as
racial discrimination.
Actives assert that the combination of qual-
ities which makes them accept any particular
rushee is a sort of mystic intangible: they just
"sort of feel the rushee would fit in." The
criteria applied have nothing to do with the
University's task of instructing students and
broadening knowledge. Fraternities and sorori-
ties are essentially social organizations select-
ing people on their social dimensions to engage
in social activities. The existence of such or-
ganizations can be debated, but it can not be
prohibited-if the group is willing to remain a
private one.
Once enrolled in the University, with recog-
nition and facilities of a state-supported in-
stitution, extended to it, a student organiza-
tion ought to be open to any student interested
enough to join. All facets of the University
should be open to all members of the com-
munity with no arbiter passing on anyone's
acceptibility. Clearly an academic community
must have some requirements for admission
and for registration in certain classes, but these
requirements must be only academic (to fulfill
the central aim of the institution).
Sorority and fraternity houses are recognized
University housing. Sororities and fraternities
are recognized student activities. Denial of the
opportunity to live in this type of housing or
belong to these activities is incompatible with
the other philosophies and practices of the Uni-
versity. The fact that it is students who may
decide to keep their fellow students out of the
activities they wish to join on purely arbitrary
social grounds ought to prick the conscience of
the administrators of the Office of Student
Affairs.
TWO CLEAR alternatives present themselves
. to the dilemma posed by the existence of
sororities and fraternities. Either the rush sys-
tem must be abandoned and sorority and fra-
ternity houses opened to students wishing to
ive in them on a first-come, first-serve basis,
or the University must withdraw recognition
from sororities and fraternities.
In this case, sororities and fraternites could
continue to function as private clubs and the
University would have no say over the criteria

they employed in membership selection. It
would mean, however, that they would become
unrecognized housing: girls could not live in
sorority houses until their senior year; Pan-
hellenic Association and Interfraternity Coun-
cil would no longer be entitled to office space
in the Student Activities Building or seats on
Student Government Council; the organizations
would no longer be entitled to the services of
the Union and the League for rushing opera-
tions or Hill Auditorium for mass meetings;
the houses would not be allowed to participate
in Homecoming, Michigras or Spring Weekend.
It is quite obvious that since rush is the most
artificial means conceivable of getting to meet
people, the real reason students are anxious to
join fraternities and sororities is to conform
to social demands: they like the social life; the
- -r~ of, h .. m.o .- nc 01M nr-Ala . hg .

(EDITOR'S NOTE: The following
letter from Regent Irene E. Mur-
phy recommends that The Daily re-
print from the June 16, 1962 educa-
tion supplement of the Saturday
Review the article "Who Should
Pay for the PhD?" by Prof. Richard
G. Fowler of the University of 'Ok-
lahoma. With the permission of the
Saturday Review, the article appears
below.)
To the Editor:
WAS PLEASED by and in-
terested in the twin editorials
in the February 6th issue of The
Daily on the subject, Financing
the University: Two New Views,
We need new views, Mr. Olinick
and Mr. Kramer are to be con-
gratulated on your imaginative
concepts.
Certainly, our traditional con-
cepts of state financing will not
meet the ,new needs of both in-
creased population and longer
periods of graduate and profes-
sional education. It has seemed to
me that we will have to clarify
new levels of responsibility. The
local school district, now aided
by state funds, accepts the propo-
sition that it must see its local
students through a high school
education on a no-cost basis. What
the state's responsibility is has
not been distinctly clarified.
Should it be a muddled, poorly
financed attempt to see some
college students through to some-
thing? If so, what students? Local
ones? Bright ones? Rich ones?
Determined ones? And what is
"through to something?" To the
A.B.? To the M.A.? To the Ph.D.?
If graduate and professional
education could be nationalized in
terms of full subsidy of teaching
costs enough money might be re-
leased back to the State of Mich-
igan for assistane to community
colleges, to broadening the base
at reduced student costs for un-
dergraduate work leading to the
baccalaureate degree, for capital
outlay and natural growtli, as well
as the administration of the grad-
uate schools. Through Prof. Fow-
ler's plan some of the ideas of
Mr. Kramer might be realized.
Mr. Olinick's proposition of re-
gional universities might also be
involved especially for some of the
highly specialized professional
programs which could be located
regionally.
Of one thing I am sure. Before
this century is over we will see
many new concepts, new experi-
ments, new programs. Some will
succeed. Some will fail. But the
will to try is the paramount issue.
-Irene E. Murphy
Regent
By RICHARD G. FOWLER
WHATEVER one's views on fed-
eral financing of education, a
strong and urgent case can be
made for nation-wide support of
graduate study. At this level edu-
cation presents a problem of
national scope that can be handled
effectively only by the federal
government.
Such a sweeping declaration can
be amply documented by figures
on the foot-loose nature of gradu-
ate students and those who have
completed graduate study. Take
my own quite typical case. I was
born in Michigan, educated in
that state's schools, and then left
to do my productive work as an
educated adult in Oklahoma. Who
should pay for my education? The
citizens of Michigan actually paid
for it, but Oklahoma-or perhaps
the nation-is reaping the bene-
fits. Or consider the even more
complicated case of my friend who
was born in Nebraska, educated
in Ohio, and now is working in
Tennessee.
Nor are these cases unusual.
Four out of every five persons
holding Ph.D. degrees in the
United States are now working in
states other than that in which
they were educated. The same
prpportion are not working in the
state in which they were born.
Three in four did not receive their
graduate education in the state of

their birth. And three in ten are
working in states which failed to
balance the export to other states
of Ph.D.'s they trained with a cor-
responding import of people with
equal traininig. In short, highly
educated manpower is as much a
commodity in interstate com-
merce as autos or wheat.
Small wonder that hidden re-
sentment should exist in state
legislatures against adequate fi-
nancing of graduate < education.

But a society which depends for
its existence-not to mention its
comforts-upon the productivity
of scientists and scholars can ill
afford half-way measures. The
haphazard hand-to-mouth, pinch-
penny way in which. we finance
the state-supported graduate
schools that account for the
bulk of our highly trained men
and women, is little more than a
grisly version of Russian roulette.
It results in over-worked pro-
fessors who can give only a frac-
tion of the time they should to
being experts in their field, and
overworked students who can give
only part-time attention to the
mastery of their intricate subjects.
Universities which maintain
graduate schools have a two-fold
aim, to safeguard and impart the
wisdom of the past, and to add to

their life work relatively near to
the local community in which they
were educated. To the extent to
which they move short distances
from their home community, they
provide an argument for existing
programs of state aid to the lo-.
cal school districts, since they earn
their livelihood and pay their
local school taxes in another dis-
trict that that which financed
their study.
The great majority of college
graduates who do not go on for
graduate study also remain in the
state in which they were educated,
although it is relatively common
for them to move from one town
to another within their state. It
is thus reasonable that states
should give strong support to their
basic, four-year colleges by taxa-
tion.

Americans indicates two things.
(1) They are a national rather
than a state asset, because they
go to the areas where their serv-
ices are most needed regardless of
state affiliation. (2) They are a
tax loss to the state which edu-
cated them, which is only made up
to the extent that they are
matched by educated strangers.
Both of these facts indicate the
need for broad federal support of
graduate education. It is the na-
tion as a whole which profits by
these people, while only the fed-
eral government can tax people
wherever they reside, to ensure
that graduate education is sup-
ported wherever it is needed. From
the statistics cited we can estimate
that the federal government's
proper share in the program of
higher education is about 30 per

At first, this would seem to in-
volve a great deal of money. In
actual fact we are speaking of a
remarkably small sum. Based on a
recent study of costs in a group of
average American universities in-
cluding auxiliary funds available
for sponsored research, and amor-
tization of building space, the
present public subsidy toward edu-
cating an average graduate stu-
dent is not more than $1,500 per
year. This figure does not include
the cost of student subsistence
covered by fellowships and assist-
antships. In the past year Ameri-
ca graduated about 10,000 doctor-
ates and 80,000 masters. The for-
mer take an average of four years,
the latter an average of a little
more than one year to attain their
degree. This implies an overall
subsidy of around 160 million dol-
lars per year. Such a sum is,
however, an insufficient expendi-
ture and should be increased at
least two-fold as soon as possible
to provide more professors so that
all will have the extra time needed
to offer superior instruction.
The problem is a more urgent
one than at first it seems. Two
factors make it so. The easy-;o-
ing belief that the numbers of
graduate students were so few
that they could be handled by
overtime activities of the staff
may have been true in the Twen-
ties and Thirties, but as many stu-
dents have received Ph.D. degrees
in the past ten years as in all
prior history. As the impact of
these costs has begun to come
home to state legislators, the
quest for funds has generated con-
siderable pressure to raise out-
of -state fees' drastically on the
principle that a state's chief re-
sponsibility is to its own citizens.
This strikes directly at the gradu-
ate students, since as we have
seen, they are largely from out-
of-state. Both of these factors
bode ill for future graduate edu-
cation.
This is the federal area of re-
sponsibility in education. Federal
aid should use the rifle approach
instead of the shotgun.

-Daily-Kenneth Winter
PERIPATETIC PhD-The map shows how many PhD's move into each state compared to the number
educated in that state who move out. In the states represented in black, for every PhD educated in
that state who moves out, more than one moves into the state-in other words, the state experiences
a net gain in PhD's. In the states shown in grey; the opposite is true: for every PhD educated in that'
state who moves out, less than one comes in to replace him-these states show a net loss of PhD's.
In the five states depicted in white the PhD "imports" are about in balance with the PhD "exports."
However, it should be noted that the import-export ratios which the map shows are no, indication
of the actual number of PhD's a particular state is gaining or losing.

Union Issue

T'S TOO BAD when a new idea produced by
an organization previously scorned for its
,ck of and aversion to new ideas is greeted
ily with derision and calumny. It is even
lore unfortunate when the cries of opposition
ring from ignorance and expediency.
The much-maligned Michigan Union Board
. Directors decided the other night to allow
s heretofore pallid and harmless publication,;s
:ichigan Union Reports to begin engaging in
)litical commentary. Each article would be
gned; each would carry a disclaimer stating
iat the opinion does not necessarily reflect
'icial or unofficial policy of the Union.
'HE FIRST OBJECTION which has arisen
complains that male students would be
rced into financially subsidizing political
ews with which they might disagree. How-
er, the mandatory $7.50 fee referred to by
e dissidents is delegated by the Regents not
the Union's day-to-day operating expenses,
it to pay off the bond issue for its plant;
e Reports and other Union programs are
nanced by hotel and cafeteria revenues. Thus,
students really want to cut off funds for the
iblication, all they have to do is to stop
looting pool or buying frosty shakes,
The second objection scores the Union not
r expressing political views, .but for express-
g conservative political views. Robert Ross
cently raised his Voice against the publica-
m venture, claiming that "not (being) con-
nt with an organized system of 66 houses in
e affiliate system," campus conservatives
'e resorting to soliciting the open support
the Union.
He has, never griped about the fact that
udent tuition feesupportStudent Govern-
ent Council, an organization famed for tak-
g partisan political stands; in fact, Ross'
sition has always been to encourage such ex-
essions of SG9 opinion, whether the campus
rees with them or not.
'HESE TWO laments also ignore the realities
of the Union staff. No longer is it strictly
right-wing oligarchy, at least among the
niors; two of the most competent committee
airman are liberals, and would be virtually
sured of a senior executive post if they only
>uld petition.
The purpose of the Michigan Union is to pro-
le practical and academic services for the
idet. bno and it wunild se mthat ntivatine

the storehouse of knowledge for
the needs of the future. The first
aim, the "schoolhouse" aim, is
widely recognized by benefactors,
regents, trustees, legislators and
other persons involved in the ac-
cumulation and distribution of
money for higher education. The
second aim is apparently realized
clearly only by those who have
themselves attended graduace
schools and participated in thie
exciting, time consuming, and ex-
pensive game of reseearch discov-
ery.
Teaching loads in state univer-
sities are generally based on the
needs of the undergraduate pro-
gram, as being the real reason for
the existence of the university in
the eyes of the paying public.
Thus, when state universities seek
money, from their legislatures,
they receive the appropriations on
a dollars per student basis with-'
out regard to whether the student
is a freshman or a graduate stu-
dent finishing his Ph.D. degree.
This is exactly the same formula
used in financing grade school
education, although recognition
has been given to the fact that
higher education as a whole is
more expensive by an increased
per student allotment over the
grade school figure.
* * *
APPARENTLY it is widely felt by
those who provide the money that
high school is a good local in-
vestment because the high school
graduate remains in the local com-
munity; that the four-year college
is a good state investment be-
cause the bachelor graduate gen-
erally remains in the state in.
which he was educated; but that
graduate school is neither a good
state nor local investment because
master and doctor graduates rare-
ly stay where they are educated,
What are the actual facts con-
cerning the migration of our popu-
lation at various education levels?
A very large fraction, perhaps as
large as 95 per cent, of the grad-
uates of our high schools who do
not go on to college, remain for

I HAVE surveyed two represen-
tative institutions for which the
data were easily obtainable. The
first institution has among its
graduates 40,000 who were origin-
ally natives of the state in which
the institution lies, and who did
not later go on for graduate study.
Of these, 65 per cent remained in
that state. Even this large per-
centage is probably an underesti-
mate of the facts for the United
States as a whole, since this is a
state university rather than one of
the many local four-year colleges
which account for so many of our
bachelor's degrees. For example,
a recent survey of an average mid-
western liberal arts college, from
which a graduating class of 150
went out in the 1930s, shows that
71 per cent of these persons are
still within their Alma Mater's
state.
When we come to consider the
graduate colleges and where their
graduates finally reside, definite
information can be gathered by
the situation is vastly different.
A count of 1,000 Ph.D.'s in the
natural sciences, social sciences
use of national directories, and
and humanities selected at ran-
dom from "American Men of Sci-
ence" and the "Dictionary of
American Scholars," showed that
only 21 per cent of the "scientists"
and only 23 per cent of the "schol-
ars" remained in the state in
which they were educated. An in-
teresting sidelight is that only
half of these, in either case, were
also born in the state in which
they work.
Thus a dramatic change takes
place in the habits of Americans
as their educational level in-
creases. While nine out of ten
high school graduates remain in
the state that educated them, and
two out of three among the four-
year college students also remain
in their state, only one in five
persons who receives post-gradu-
ate training remains.
The large amount of migration
found among- highly specialized

cent of the cost of undergraduate
education'and 80 per cent of the
cost of graduate education.
Even though it can be argued;
from these figures that the area
of federal support extends even
down into the four-year colleges,
the problems of graduate educa-
let us continue to concentrate on
tion. The extent of the federal
responsibility in this area is so.
great that the nation should prop-
erly assume all the direct costs
'and expect that only incidental
overall administrative expenses of
the program would be borne by
the states. Included in direct costs
should be professors' sajaries, li-
braries, general services, buildings,
research space, research equip-
ment, and travel.

Esprit
de, Corp's
"CMESTIC Peace Corps," a
sweet voice answered a tele-
phone in Washington not long
ago, apparently unaware that the
legislation to create a Domestic
Peace Corps had yet to be intro-
duced in Congress. The young
lady, in fact, is one of twenty-
five persons already working full
time for the corps, which thus al-
ready has a larger staff than the
Indian Claims Commission, an
agency set up by far less imagin-
ative techniques back in 1946.
We mention all this because
whether you think well or ill of
the idea of a Domestic Peace
Corps, you are bound to admit
that the manner of its creation
is probably the best definition of
New Frontier Style we yet have.
-The Reporter Magazine

UNDERSCORE:
Iraqi Upheaval

By MALINDA BERRY
THE QUESTION now is what
does last weekend's revolution
in Iraq mean in actual political
terms?
Ex-Premier Abdel Karim Kas-
sm who was executed Saturday
by the rebels had survived many
past attempts on his life, and a
long-standing feud with Egyptian
Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of
the UnitedArab Republic.
This feud. goes back into, history
far beyond the existence of the
two countries as independent poli-
tical units; Iraq and the Arab
world have been disputing over
oil.
THE REBELS, who have re-
cently been recognized by most of
the Middle East countries, could
possibly be interpreted 'as being
more pro-Western than Kassem'-
government. They, at least, are
strongly nationalist, being lead by
Col. Abdel Karim Mustafa, Kas-
sem's right-hand man when he
took over the government in 1958.
In 1958, when Kassem killed
;King Faisal II and took over the
premiership, he declared himself
to be backing the Nasser move-
ment. Baghdad radio-on the daty
of the revolution-said the repub-
lic would be established following
the "liberated Arab" policies of the
UAR. There was even talk of
Iraq joining the UAR.
In addition to the high degree
of pro-Nasserism apparent at the
beginning of Kassem's regime,
the Iraqi leader professed anti-
Communism. Later,sthe attempt
at Arab unity fell by the way-
side. In February of 1959 fight-
ing spread between Nasser and
Kassem, which shook the Middle
East. Clashes, strikes and demon-
strations broke out all over the
area.
Arab nationalists supporting

In the four and a half years
since the death of King Faisal-
a strong anti-Nasserite- there
have been at least three other
switches in official Iraqi towards
the leader of the UAR. Kassem
started as a devotee of Pan-
Arabism of the Nasser sort, and
later changed to a more Corn-:
munist-oriented non-alignment in
the Cold War. Whether the newest
Iraqi government will continue its
propounded pro-Nasserism is still
in question.
But for now, at least, there
has been extensive ,harassment of
Communists in Baghdad-many
have fled to Beirut, seeking safety.
Whether this really indicates anti-
Communist tendencies or is just
an emotional reaction, will take
time to determine.
* * *
IT APPEARS as though the vic-
tory for Aref-the devoted apostle
of Nasser-is a victory for the
UAR leader. Much of the highly
precarious Middle Eastern stability
could be shaken by the Iraqi
revolution. The removal of Kassem
is the first step towards eleminat-
ing those rulers in the Middle
East who have been stumbling
blocks to Nasser's dream of Arab
unity.
Others who have been causing
trouble for him are King Hussein
of Jordon, King Ibn Saud of Saudi
Arabia, the regime in Syria, and
the Shah of Iran. Another version
of the conflict seems inevitable
here. Nasser will be tempted past
the. point of endurance to help
shape the factorsinIraq and
help cement those elements that
support him in the country. Jor-
dan has issued a clearly worded
warning about "foreign inter-
vention" in the Iraqi situation,
meaning Nasser. Can he keep his
hands off or not?
It's possible that this situation

CITY COUNCIL ELECTION:
GOP Split May Aid Democrats

By JOHN BRYANT
TOMORROW'S Third Ward pri-
mary, which pits Republicans
Dominick A. DeVarti and Paul H.
Johnson against each other for
their party's nomination for City
Council, contrasts two men of
differing views and images.
Johnson, GOP city treasurer, is
probably the choice of most or-
ganization Republicans due to his
long record of party service and
his program, which is typical of
most Republican programs in Ann
Arbor in the past.
DeVarti. on the other hand. has

ordinance, and against a change
in the city's form of taxation (the
property tax).
DeVarti, on the other hand,
supports unrestricted sale of li-
quor by the glass, a strong fair
housing ordinance aimed at lend-
ing agencies, and the replacement
of the property tax by a city in-
come tax.
However, DeVarti opposes any
city aid to the central business
district on the grounds that sucn
aid is not certain to show arn in-
crease in assessed valuation on

(they feel the University should
cooperate more with city plan-
ners), and attracting new industry
to the city (they favor it).
What then does this campaign
represent? First it represents the
attempt of organization Repub-
licans to elect one of their own
brand of political thinkers to coun-
cil and defeat a man whose ideas
probably sound distinctively un-
Republican to their ears.
DeVarti's motives for running
are somewhat hazy. He stares
that he was approached to ruq
by groups of citizens from the

Back to Top

© 2021 Regents of the University of Michigan