Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
"Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff iriters
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
rESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1961 NIGHT EDITOR: CYNTHIA NEU
- How To Shoot an Elephant
INTEGRATION IN THE SOUTH:
The Power of Government
Governors Reflect
Quad 'Philosophy'
THE AVERAGE FRESHMAN wastes three
precious hours a week going to his English
Class. Nothingmuch really happens in those
three hours. There is a superficial discussion
of. indifferent readings or another student's
essay. The last set of papers are returned with
a few general comments. The topic of the
next paper is presented and perhaps discussed.
Freshman English could be improved in three
ways-more practice in writing through in-
dividual instruction, better and more meaning-
ful readings, and a distinction between ex-
position and composition.
The only way to learn how to write is to
write and write and write. An English program
should require an essay a week and provide for
adequate marking and instruction by the de-
partment.
The University now requires that all enter-
ing freshmen take the College Board writing
sample. When the student is admitted in spring,
his essay is reviewed by a member of the
University English department.
IN SEPTEMBER the freshman registers for
all courses except English 123. He would
then bring his completed program to the
English desk and arrange a 20 minute inter-
view to be held one day each week with an
English instructor. After registering the fresh-
man is told to write an essay on some summer
reading due at the first interview.
At the first interview, the freshman and the
instructor, go over the writing sample from
the College Boards in detail. General know-
ledge and use of grammar are discussed, weak
spots pointed out and individual readings in
a grammar book suggested. The student hands
in the essay assigned during orientation week
(or one written during the summer) and is
-assigned another essay due in one week. The
following week the orientation essay is dis-
cussed, the assigned essay presented, and a
new essay required for the next week.
There are no English class hours-just 20
minute meetings once a week for either three
credit hours or merely graduation requirement
satisfaction. The number of instructors required
by this proposal seems large. But judging from
the number of beach-huts in 444 Mason Hall,
some clever programming, lack of 123 classes
and the present interview time, would allow
an English instructor to see as many students
as he presently does, and do a better, more
personal job of improving the freshman's Eng-
lish.
THE PRESENT SET of readings do not ac-
complish much at all. To replace them,
great books, or a modern novel course, ought
to be required of all freshmen. This kind of
course would be more valuable both from a
literary and pedagogic point of view.
THE THIRD PROPOSITION. questions the
overall goal of freshman English. The object*
of English composition, the Literary College
Announcements state, is either "to improve
the student's ability to analyze and organize
ideas and to write effective expository prose,"
or "to develop -his powers of expression."
Apparently the English department thinks
that exposition is self-expression. Exposition
is "writing or speaking that sets forth or ex-
plains: distinguished from description, narra-
tion, argumentation.".
Where, then, is creative writing? Where are
the novelists, poets and playwrights of the\
future? The limits of exposition on self-,
expression and creativity are great.
SHORT the English department is caught
in a trap. It wants to train creative writers
who can use description, narration, argumenta-
tion. But it must also cater to the rest of the
University and the world who demand straight
forward term papers, investigation reports,
law briefs or movie reviews. As a solution, they
seek the middle road, an Aristotlian golden
mean-a creative expository essay. But a truly
expository essay is very difficult to write and
is above the level of college freshmen.
If the English department wants to teach.
people how to write book reviews, term papers
and analytic reports to prepare them for other
courses-fine. Most of this should have been
done in the high schools and the University
should bring more pressure on the secondary
schools to give this kind of training.
Meanwhile theI University should begin
stressing creative as well as expository writing
in the English 123 interview course. A favor-
able, balance should be found between exposi-
tory reports and creative short stories, essays
and poems. Freshmen should learn not only
to write clear and cogent expository reports
but to record experiences, describe scenes or
dabble in fiction and poetry.
--HARRY PERLSTADT
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first of a three part series on the
legal and political powers of the
federal government to speed inte-
gration in the South. The second
and third parts of this series will
deal with the federal government's
political powers and with state ef-
forts to resist this power.)
By PHILIP SUTIN
Daily Staff Writer
THE SOUTH is beginning to
keenly feel the effects of fed-
eral power to accelerate integra-
tion.
Southern leaders are making
feverish plans to avoid integration.
The civil rights crusaders look
toward the federal government for
help and protection in their ef-
forts.
The federal government has only
recently entered the civil rights
struggle in the South. From the
passage of the Fifteenth Amend-
ment in 1869 to the end of World
War II, it did little to facilitate
integration.
* * *
THE TREND had been against
civil rights. After the reconstruc-
tion, the federal government lost
interest in integration and watched
without taking any action as the
South passed its segregation legis-
lation.
The pattern of separation was
legally recognized by the Supreme
Court in the Plessy vs. Ferguson
decision of 1896. Plessy, who had
one-eighth African blood, attempt-
ed to sit in the white compart-
ment of a train from New Orleans
to Covinton, La. The conductor
asked him to sit in the Negro
compartment in compliance with
an 1890 law requiring railroads to
provide ."separate but equal" fa-
cilities for both races. Plessy re-
fused and was arrested.
Plessy's appeal to the Supreme
Court lost when the majority of
the court upheld the law saying,
in the majority opinion, "The ob-
ject of the (Fourteenth) amend-
ment was undoubtably to enforce
the absolute equality of the two
races before the law, but in the
nature of things it could not have
been intended to abolish distinc-
tions based upon color, or to en-
force social, as distinguished from
political equality, or a comming-
ling of the two races on terms un-
satisfactory to either."
UNTIL 1954, this doctrine was
applied to education with the
Court rejecting a number of in-
tegration suits from Southern and
Border states. But it modified its
approach to the "separate but
equal" concept in the 1930's and
1940's.
First, the Court demanded that
the states provide equal physical
facilities such as school buildings;
then it required states to demon-
strate separate equality in edu-
cational quality and opportunities.
THE SUPREME~ COURT'S his-
toric Brown vs. Topeka Board of
Education decision in 1954 marked
the turning point in the involve-
ment of the federal government
in this area.
Summing up the court's view,
the opinion said, "We conclude
that in the field of public educa-
tion the doctrine of 'separate, but
equal' has no place. Separate edu-
cational facilities are inherently
unequal. Therefore, we hold that
the plaintiffs and others similarly
situated from whom the actions
have been brought are, by reason
of the segration complained of,
deprived of the equal protection
of the laws guaranteed by the
Fourteenth Amendment."
UP UNTIL THIS YEAR the civil
rights controversy centered on the
application of this decision.
The violence created by resist-
ance to court integration orders
forced the federal government to
become involved in civil rights
affairs. Statements by Eisenhower
administration officials, such as
the president's refusal to endorse
the 1954 decision, indicate the
federal government would not have
taken any initiative unless forced
to.
The military had to be used in
1957 to enforce a court order de-
segregating the Little ;Rock, Ark.,
Central High School. Disturbances
and national guard troops under
the command of Gov Orville Fau-
bus barred nine Negro students
who were permitted by court order
to enter the school. After a two
week impasse, President Dwight D.
Eisenhower ordered the Arkansas
national guard federalized and
army troops sent into Little Rock.
THE USE of the army was jus-
tified by Eisenhower at that time
by Section 332 through 334 of
Chap. 15 Title 10 of the United
States Code:
"332. Use of the militia and
armed forces to enforce federal
authority-whenever the Presi-
dent considers that an unlawful
obstruction, combination, or as-
semblages or rebellion, against
the authority of the United
States make it impracticable to
enforce the law of the United
States in any State or Territory
by ordinary course of judicial
proceedings, he may call into
Federal service such of the mi-
lita of any; State, and use such
of the armed forces as he con-
siders necessary to enforce those
laws or suppress the rebellion.
"333. Interference with State
and Federal law-The President
by using the militia, armed
forces or both, or by any other
means, shall take such measures
as he considers necessary to
suppress in a State any inur-
retion, domestic violence, un-
lawful combination, or con-
spiracy if it-
1) so hinders the execution of
the laws of that state and of
the United States within the
state, that any part or class of
people is deprived of a right,
privilege, immunity, or a pro-
tection named in the constitu-
tion and secured by law, and the
constituted authorities of that
state are unable, fail, or refuse
to protest the right, privilege, or
immunity, or to give that pro-
tection.
2) opposes or obstructs the
execution of the laws of the
United States or impedes the
course of justice under these
laws.
"In any situation covered by
clause (1) the State shall be
considered to have denied the
equal protection of the laws
secured by the Constitution."
** *
THIS LAW gives a great amount
of potential power to the presi-
dent. Under it, he could send the
Army into any disturbance he feels
warrants such direct federal in-
tervention. President John F.
Kennedy used this 1871 law to
justify sending of marshalls to
.Montgomery, Ala., during the
Freedom Rides violence.
This procedure is an extreme
one and has been used only three
times in recent civil rights dis-
turbances It is a last resort weap-
on which is politically dangerous
and must be used with care by a
president who does not wish to
offend a powerful part of Congress
or a large part of the electorate,
* * *
THE INVOLVEMENT of the
Justice Department has been
limited. It may file briefs in favor
of the plaintiffs as friends of the
court or, once the decision has
been made, act as officers of the
court in enforcing it. This is a
cumbersome procedure, since it
depends on private citizens or
groups to initiate suits for civil
rights.
These individuals and groups do
not have the resources to speed
integration effectively. The Jus-
tice Department, with govern-
ment-supported resources and per-
vasiveness, has the ability to un-
dertake the legal processes neces-
sary to secure these rights.
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
CONGRESS ENTERED another
area of Southern civil rights con-
flict in 1957 when it passed a bill
creating the Civil Rights Com-
mission. The commission was
created on a two-year basis to
collect information on the denial
of equal protection of the laws,
investigate loss of voting rights
complaints from citizens and ap-
prove federal policies in this area.
It was the first such law written
in 80 years.
Congress put some teeth into
this measure. It barred interfer-
ence with voting rights in federal
elections and empowered the at-
torney general to gain injuctions
in federal court for such dis-
criminatory practices.
THE ACT was strengthened in
1960. Ajail term of one year and
a $1,000 fine were set for using
"threats of force" to obstruct
court orders. Heavy jail terms and
fines were established against
those who, crossing a state line,
would destroy buildings or auto-
mobiles by bombing or arson.
State officials are required to
keep federal election voting rec-
ords for 22 months and make them
available for federal inspection,
allowing the Justice Department
to check them. The Civil Rights
Commission was given the author-
ity to take sworn testimony.
Finally, federal "referees" may
be appointed in districts where
Negroes are barred from voting
in federal elections. A "pattern of
discrimination," a conclusive series
of incidents proving Negroes are
prohibited from voting, must be
presented in court before officials
can be appointed to supervise
elections.
** *
THIS "pattern of discrimina-
tion" provision has been the hard-
est to enforce. The Justice Depart-
ment has investigated a number of
pattern discrimination cases in
Alabama and Lousiana, but none
have reached a conclusion to date.
There have been proposals to
allow the Justice Department to
intercene more directly in civil
rights cases, especially those in-
volving desegregation of schools
and voting rights. However, the
only thing Congress has done this
year is to extend the life of the
commission two more years.
* * *
THE FREEDOM RIDES launch-
ed the federal government into a
new, uncharted area of civil rights
action. The Inter-state Commerce
Commission (ICC) has banned
segregation in terminals serving
interstate traffic.
The ICC must now establish
criminal and civil procedures for
enforcing its regulations. This Is
the first time the federal govern-
ment has faced the problem of
ment has faced the problem of ad-
mistratively enforcing civil rights.
State law, however, still prevails
and Negroes attempting to use
previously all-white facilities have
been arrested.
' a * * s
THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT
is legally involved in three ways--
as friends and agents of the court,
through the Civil Rights Com-
mission and through the ICC.
None of these ways is efficient.
This is due in large measure to
the federal system which put
limitations on federal power in
state affairs especially in the areas
of voting and transportation.
This lack of efficiency can also
be attributed to the Southern bloc
in Congress which has defeated
until recently all civil rights legis-
lation and has watered down all
bills that have managed to pass.
As long as Southerners hold
key committee chairmanships,
control the House Rules Commit-
tee and can potentially filibuster
a bill to death, a strong civil
rights law seems unlikely.
The courts have led the way
toward integration. However, they
cannot provide the power alone.
The legal machinery is complex
and cumbersome and needs new
federal laws and proceedures to
streamline this grievance mech-
anism.
Civil rights supporters must
look to other means of federal
support in their drive toward in-
tegration.
To the Editor:
VERY YEAR, when Dean Ba-
con gives her freshman wel-
coming address, the substance is
"Them that will, will; them that
won't, won't." With this in mind
it is interesting to view her com-
ments on the proposed motion
which was before the Board of
Governors the other day in regard
to women in the quads.
Having arranged several open-
open houses, I know that by the
time a quaddie has persuaded a
girl to come up to his room, he has
had to swear up and down on a
copy of the University rules that
he will not so much as-horrors-
hold the girl's hand while they.
are in there.
When they do finally enter the
room, he usually hovers in the
corner fingering his books lest he
look at the girl with what she
might construe as a plotting face.
On no account will he get witnin
ten feet of her, and he will usually.
throw her coat on the bed so she
~ will not sit there-and make it look
as if.. . He is usually pretty
happy when the hour is over and
they can go downstairs.
THIS SORRY STATE of affairs
is a good result of the University's
belief that everything that goes
on in the student's life is its
proper concern. Not content with
having his chemistry teacher or
his housemother or his resident
adviser rate his loyalty to the
United States, the University now
feels that the student's social life
is its complete concern.
Of course, certain minimal regu-
lations such as sign-out slips and
so on are necessary, but these have
become so disregarded that they
are not even usually filled out.
"Conduct unbecoming a student"
is a good catch-all, and the Uni-
versity certainly makes use of it,
to stifle any social contact be-
tween the sexes..
The quaddie is in the odd pre-
dicament of not having any place
of his own where he can enter-
tain a girl. If you bring them into
the house lounge, someone is likely
to stumble in and start cursing.
If you bring them in to visit the
housemother, she is likely to get
a phony warmness which the
housemother is extending only be-
cause she has to.
There is absolutely no place a
quaddie and his girl can sit quietly
and talk or listen to records, as
can apartment people.
THIS IS THE REASON, I would
guess, why the quads have such a
big turnover, and why most quad-
dies are waiting for their year
or half year to be up so they
can join a fraternity or get an
apartment. Far from having any-
thing like an academic atmos-
phere, the quads are regarded by
most of their residents as a place
for "sticking it out."
There is no atmosphere in the
quads, just a stagnacy. For the
permanent residents, they are
usually just a place to live and
eat, and far from loving their
situation, they are just too lazy to
take the trouble to move out.
The quads could be made more
vital, more of a force in the life
of the resident, if they were made
to be a "home," a place where he
could study and relaxand enter-
tain guests, and not be bound by
pre-eminently ridiculous rules tell-
ing him what to wear to lunch,
when he can have guests, etc.
True, some rules are needed, but
I must confess that when some-
one sanctimoniously refers to "the
philosophy of the residence hall
system," I ask - What philos-
ophy? Is it a philosophy to make
the resident feel that he cannot
shift for himself, that his "ad-
visers" must tell him what to do
and when to do it, and then to
try and make him believe it is all
for his own good?
-Steven Hendel,'83
Football...
To the Editor:
ALL THAT CAN be said for Mr.
Hakes and his opinion of foot-
ball here at the University is that
he obviously has never spent much
time participating in a sport for
his school. It takes a great love
for a sport as well as a lot of
guts to spend three hours of hard
work each day preparing for sev-
eral short appearances before the
public.
It would do Mr. Hakes well to
check into the majors of the ath-
letes at this University. He would
find that there are a great num-
ber of men enrolled in engineering,
medicine, law and the like.
Before anyone should attempt to
judge an organization as large as
our athletic department it would
be wise to gain some first hand
experience of its operation.
--Jerry Traver, '63
TODAY AND TOMORROW
winning the Cold War
By WAL.TER LirIPPANN
LAST THURSDAY in Seattle the President
delivered an address arguing that he
would not surrender to or appease the Soviet
Union and that he would try to negotiate with
it. On Sunday, Sen. Goldwater restated the
central thesis - of his foreign policy, which is
-that we shall be failing in our conflict with
the Soviet Union until the President declares
that his objective is "victory."
This theory has recently been expounded at
length by "Life" magazine. "Mere 'patience
and ' firmness,"' it says, "have been unable
to stop the one-way course 'of the cold war."
It; then goes on to say that "no Western
government has yet made the winning of the
Cold War and thus the actual defeat of Com-
munism its official policy. Yet the U. S. is in
the Cold War by Communist decree; and, as
Gen. Douglas MacArthur has said, 'It is fatal
to enter any war without the will to win it.'
Why then hasn't the U. S. openly made It our
official policy to win the Cold War-and there-
by put the world on active notice of our intent
that Communism will recede?"
HAT IS THE MATTER with these reticent
Western governments? A close reading of
the passage I have quoted will show that it
begins with a clarion call for the actual defeat
of Communism and ends with a less-than-
clarion call that "Communism will recede." No
one knows better than Gen. MacArthur, the
hero of the Inchon landing, which forced the
North Koreans back to the 38th Parallel, that
there is a world of difference between forcing
an adversary to recede and imposing a defeat
upon him.
The Western governments know this. For
they have been through it all before, indeed
twice before. The argument which has now
been raised in this country by Sen. Goldwater
is an old one and their experience with the
Goldwater policy covers the two World Wars.
It has been a bitter experience, and if Sen.
Goldwater knew more about the history of the
twentieth century, he would realize that what
he wants the United States and its allies to
do is once again make their objective the
unconditional surrender of the adversary.
IN THE FIRST World War Wilson wanted to
negotiate a peace, he wanted "peace without
victory." The Goldwaters of that time howled
him nwn n.nd the wr went on for that
victory came the dictated Peace of Versailles.
In the aftermath was Adolph Hitler.
In the second World War the Allies com-
pounded the 'fatal mistake of unconditional
surrender by the equally fatal mistake, caused
by the memory of the massacres of 1917, of
trying to avoid war. by appeasement. The two
great lessons of the second World War are,
first, that you cannot deal with an aggressor
by appeasement and, second, that you cannot
make a livable peace by unconditional surren-
der. The Western governments, including our
own, have had this experience and they have
learned these lessons. That is why they are
defending West Berlin. They will not surrender
it to obtain quiet. And that is why they are
not calling +for the unconditional surrender
of the Soviet Union, but are preparing to
negotiate with it.
"LIFE" MAGAZINE, in plumping for a policy
which has failed disastrously in two World
Wars, is moved by the belief that mere patience
and firmness have been unable to stop "the
one-way course of the Cold War." I submit that
this is bad reporting and that it is untrue that
the Cold War is'on a "one-way course" in favor
of Communism.
In the great central regions of the Western
world, there is now underway a renaissance of
vitality, the like of which has not been seen
for generations. It is to lack perspective to
talk as if the Cold War were going to be won
or lost in Cuba or Vietnam, -and other quite
secondary theaters of conflicts. The real issue
of the Cold War is the conflict and competition
of the Soviet Union plus China with Western
Europe plus North America. Far from receding
in this contest, we have- every reason to think
that we are advancing.
N THIS CONSOLIDATION and advance of
the Western society lies the true way to do
what all of us want to see done, to act so that,
as "Life" magazine puts it, "Communism will
recede." But Communism cannot be made
to recede in Eastern Europe by demanding the
unconditional surrender of the Soviet Union.
Eastern Europe has not forgotten the German
invasions and it needs for its security a
balance of power between East and West, But
Communism will, recede if, as we consolidate
the Atlantic Community, we also reduce the
threat of war between East and West. The
abounding prosperity with freedom in the West
EXTRA CONCERT SERIES:
SerkinSparks Season
E EMINENT PIANIST RUDOLF SERKIN honored a filled audi-
torium last night with an all-Beethoven recital which was one of the
outstanding musical events of the year.
Serkin's playing became progressively better. While the performance
of the Sonata in G major, Op. 31, No. 1, never fell below a certain high
level, several aspects were a bit disappointing, considering the reputation
of the player. In the first movement, contrasts between soft and loud
were not distinct enough. Literal repeats in the second movement, con-
trary to the 18th-century writings of C.P.E. Bach, were not quite varied
enough to sustain interest.
Another disappointment was that Serkin did not bring out the
harmonic and dynamic surprises which are inherent in the music of
Beethoven.
THE WELL-KNOWN first movement of the Sonata in C-sharp
minor, Op. 27, No. 2, (known to many as the "Moonlight") was subdued
and quite effective. The third movement was exciting, despite foot-
stamping by the performer. Indeed, the extra noises were at least in
time to the music, which was not true of the coughing by members of
the audience.
Serkin became really outstanding in the "Hammerklavier" Sonata,
Op. 106, after intermission. Despite some banging of the keys at the
beginning (which caused a prominent wrong note in the second phrase),
the more tender sections in the first movement more than made up for
it. The last movement, a fugue, is fiendishly difficult to play, but Serkin
was accurate and stirring. A minor criticism might be that the use of
the pedal tended to hinder clarity.
* * *
IN REPLY to the enthusiastic 'applause, Serkin encored with " a
performance of Beethoven's Appassionata Sonata, Op. 57, which was a
highlight of the entire season. (Its performance certainly caused the
longest concert so far.)
Ann Arbor audiences have given quite a few standing ovations this
year, some of which seemed less than genuine. The one given to Serkin
at the end, however, was spontaneous and instant, a deserving tribute
to one of the world's finest pianists.
-BUNKER CLARK
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3564 Administration Building
before 2 p.m., two days preceding
publication.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 28
(Continued on Page 5)
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