Seventy-Second Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS "Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241 Truth Will Prevail" Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff iriters or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. rESDAY, NOVEMBER 28, 1961 NIGHT EDITOR: CYNTHIA NEU - How To Shoot an Elephant INTEGRATION IN THE SOUTH: The Power of Government Governors Reflect Quad 'Philosophy' THE AVERAGE FRESHMAN wastes three precious hours a week going to his English Class. Nothingmuch really happens in those three hours. There is a superficial discussion of. indifferent readings or another student's essay. The last set of papers are returned with a few general comments. The topic of the next paper is presented and perhaps discussed. Freshman English could be improved in three ways-more practice in writing through in- dividual instruction, better and more meaning- ful readings, and a distinction between ex- position and composition. The only way to learn how to write is to write and write and write. An English program should require an essay a week and provide for adequate marking and instruction by the de- partment. The University now requires that all enter- ing freshmen take the College Board writing sample. When the student is admitted in spring, his essay is reviewed by a member of the University English department. IN SEPTEMBER the freshman registers for all courses except English 123. He would then bring his completed program to the English desk and arrange a 20 minute inter- view to be held one day each week with an English instructor. After registering the fresh- man is told to write an essay on some summer reading due at the first interview. At the first interview, the freshman and the instructor, go over the writing sample from the College Boards in detail. General know- ledge and use of grammar are discussed, weak spots pointed out and individual readings in a grammar book suggested. The student hands in the essay assigned during orientation week (or one written during the summer) and is -assigned another essay due in one week. The following week the orientation essay is dis- cussed, the assigned essay presented, and a new essay required for the next week. There are no English class hours-just 20 minute meetings once a week for either three credit hours or merely graduation requirement satisfaction. The number of instructors required by this proposal seems large. But judging from the number of beach-huts in 444 Mason Hall, some clever programming, lack of 123 classes and the present interview time, would allow an English instructor to see as many students as he presently does, and do a better, more personal job of improving the freshman's Eng- lish. THE PRESENT SET of readings do not ac- complish much at all. To replace them, great books, or a modern novel course, ought to be required of all freshmen. This kind of course would be more valuable both from a literary and pedagogic point of view. THE THIRD PROPOSITION. questions the overall goal of freshman English. The object* of English composition, the Literary College Announcements state, is either "to improve the student's ability to analyze and organize ideas and to write effective expository prose," or "to develop -his powers of expression." Apparently the English department thinks that exposition is self-expression. Exposition is "writing or speaking that sets forth or ex- plains: distinguished from description, narra- tion, argumentation.". Where, then, is creative writing? Where are the novelists, poets and playwrights of the\ future? The limits of exposition on self-, expression and creativity are great. SHORT the English department is caught in a trap. It wants to train creative writers who can use description, narration, argumenta- tion. But it must also cater to the rest of the University and the world who demand straight forward term papers, investigation reports, law briefs or movie reviews. As a solution, they seek the middle road, an Aristotlian golden mean-a creative expository essay. But a truly expository essay is very difficult to write and is above the level of college freshmen. If the English department wants to teach. people how to write book reviews, term papers and analytic reports to prepare them for other courses-fine. Most of this should have been done in the high schools and the University should bring more pressure on the secondary schools to give this kind of training. Meanwhile theI University should begin stressing creative as well as expository writing in the English 123 interview course. A favor- able, balance should be found between exposi- tory reports and creative short stories, essays and poems. Freshmen should learn not only to write clear and cogent expository reports but to record experiences, describe scenes or dabble in fiction and poetry. --HARRY PERLSTADT (EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first of a three part series on the legal and political powers of the federal government to speed inte- gration in the South. The second and third parts of this series will deal with the federal government's political powers and with state ef- forts to resist this power.) By PHILIP SUTIN Daily Staff Writer THE SOUTH is beginning to keenly feel the effects of fed- eral power to accelerate integra- tion. Southern leaders are making feverish plans to avoid integration. The civil rights crusaders look toward the federal government for help and protection in their ef- forts. The federal government has only recently entered the civil rights struggle in the South. From the passage of the Fifteenth Amend- ment in 1869 to the end of World War II, it did little to facilitate integration. * * * THE TREND had been against civil rights. After the reconstruc- tion, the federal government lost interest in integration and watched without taking any action as the South passed its segregation legis- lation. The pattern of separation was legally recognized by the Supreme Court in the Plessy vs. Ferguson decision of 1896. Plessy, who had one-eighth African blood, attempt- ed to sit in the white compart- ment of a train from New Orleans to Covinton, La. The conductor asked him to sit in the Negro compartment in compliance with an 1890 law requiring railroads to provide ."separate but equal" fa- cilities for both races. Plessy re- fused and was arrested. Plessy's appeal to the Supreme Court lost when the majority of the court upheld the law saying, in the majority opinion, "The ob- ject of the (Fourteenth) amend- ment was undoubtably to enforce the absolute equality of the two races before the law, but in the nature of things it could not have been intended to abolish distinc- tions based upon color, or to en- force social, as distinguished from political equality, or a comming- ling of the two races on terms un- satisfactory to either." UNTIL 1954, this doctrine was applied to education with the Court rejecting a number of in- tegration suits from Southern and Border states. But it modified its approach to the "separate but equal" concept in the 1930's and 1940's. First, the Court demanded that the states provide equal physical facilities such as school buildings; then it required states to demon- strate separate equality in edu- cational quality and opportunities. THE SUPREME~ COURT'S his- toric Brown vs. Topeka Board of Education decision in 1954 marked the turning point in the involve- ment of the federal government in this area. Summing up the court's view, the opinion said, "We conclude that in the field of public educa- tion the doctrine of 'separate, but equal' has no place. Separate edu- cational facilities are inherently unequal. Therefore, we hold that the plaintiffs and others similarly situated from whom the actions have been brought are, by reason of the segration complained of, deprived of the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment." UP UNTIL THIS YEAR the civil rights controversy centered on the application of this decision. The violence created by resist- ance to court integration orders forced the federal government to become involved in civil rights affairs. Statements by Eisenhower administration officials, such as the president's refusal to endorse the 1954 decision, indicate the federal government would not have taken any initiative unless forced to. The military had to be used in 1957 to enforce a court order de- segregating the Little ;Rock, Ark., Central High School. Disturbances and national guard troops under the command of Gov Orville Fau- bus barred nine Negro students who were permitted by court order to enter the school. After a two week impasse, President Dwight D. Eisenhower ordered the Arkansas national guard federalized and army troops sent into Little Rock. THE USE of the army was jus- tified by Eisenhower at that time by Section 332 through 334 of Chap. 15 Title 10 of the United States Code: "332. Use of the militia and armed forces to enforce federal authority-whenever the Presi- dent considers that an unlawful obstruction, combination, or as- semblages or rebellion, against the authority of the United States make it impracticable to enforce the law of the United States in any State or Territory by ordinary course of judicial proceedings, he may call into Federal service such of the mi- lita of any; State, and use such of the armed forces as he con- siders necessary to enforce those laws or suppress the rebellion. "333. Interference with State and Federal law-The President by using the militia, armed forces or both, or by any other means, shall take such measures as he considers necessary to suppress in a State any inur- retion, domestic violence, un- lawful combination, or con- spiracy if it- 1) so hinders the execution of the laws of that state and of the United States within the state, that any part or class of people is deprived of a right, privilege, immunity, or a pro- tection named in the constitu- tion and secured by law, and the constituted authorities of that state are unable, fail, or refuse to protest the right, privilege, or immunity, or to give that pro- tection. 2) opposes or obstructs the execution of the laws of the United States or impedes the course of justice under these laws. "In any situation covered by clause (1) the State shall be considered to have denied the equal protection of the laws secured by the Constitution." ** * THIS LAW gives a great amount of potential power to the presi- dent. Under it, he could send the Army into any disturbance he feels warrants such direct federal in- tervention. President John F. Kennedy used this 1871 law to justify sending of marshalls to .Montgomery, Ala., during the Freedom Rides violence. This procedure is an extreme one and has been used only three times in recent civil rights dis- turbances It is a last resort weap- on which is politically dangerous and must be used with care by a president who does not wish to offend a powerful part of Congress or a large part of the electorate, * * * THE INVOLVEMENT of the Justice Department has been limited. It may file briefs in favor of the plaintiffs as friends of the court or, once the decision has been made, act as officers of the court in enforcing it. This is a cumbersome procedure, since it depends on private citizens or groups to initiate suits for civil rights. These individuals and groups do not have the resources to speed integration effectively. The Jus- tice Department, with govern- ment-supported resources and per- vasiveness, has the ability to un- dertake the legal processes neces- sary to secure these rights. DAILY OFFICIAL BULLETIN CONGRESS ENTERED another area of Southern civil rights con- flict in 1957 when it passed a bill creating the Civil Rights Com- mission. The commission was created on a two-year basis to collect information on the denial of equal protection of the laws, investigate loss of voting rights complaints from citizens and ap- prove federal policies in this area. It was the first such law written in 80 years. Congress put some teeth into this measure. It barred interfer- ence with voting rights in federal elections and empowered the at- torney general to gain injuctions in federal court for such dis- criminatory practices. THE ACT was strengthened in 1960. Ajail term of one year and a $1,000 fine were set for using "threats of force" to obstruct court orders. Heavy jail terms and fines were established against those who, crossing a state line, would destroy buildings or auto- mobiles by bombing or arson. State officials are required to keep federal election voting rec- ords for 22 months and make them available for federal inspection, allowing the Justice Department to check them. The Civil Rights Commission was given the author- ity to take sworn testimony. Finally, federal "referees" may be appointed in districts where Negroes are barred from voting in federal elections. A "pattern of discrimination," a conclusive series of incidents proving Negroes are prohibited from voting, must be presented in court before officials can be appointed to supervise elections. ** * THIS "pattern of discrimina- tion" provision has been the hard- est to enforce. The Justice Depart- ment has investigated a number of pattern discrimination cases in Alabama and Lousiana, but none have reached a conclusion to date. There have been proposals to allow the Justice Department to intercene more directly in civil rights cases, especially those in- volving desegregation of schools and voting rights. However, the only thing Congress has done this year is to extend the life of the commission two more years. * * * THE FREEDOM RIDES launch- ed the federal government into a new, uncharted area of civil rights action. The Inter-state Commerce Commission (ICC) has banned segregation in terminals serving interstate traffic. The ICC must now establish criminal and civil procedures for enforcing its regulations. This Is the first time the federal govern- ment has faced the problem of ment has faced the problem of ad- mistratively enforcing civil rights. State law, however, still prevails and Negroes attempting to use previously all-white facilities have been arrested. ' a * * s THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT is legally involved in three ways-- as friends and agents of the court, through the Civil Rights Com- mission and through the ICC. None of these ways is efficient. This is due in large measure to the federal system which put limitations on federal power in state affairs especially in the areas of voting and transportation. This lack of efficiency can also be attributed to the Southern bloc in Congress which has defeated until recently all civil rights legis- lation and has watered down all bills that have managed to pass. As long as Southerners hold key committee chairmanships, control the House Rules Commit- tee and can potentially filibuster a bill to death, a strong civil rights law seems unlikely. The courts have led the way toward integration. However, they cannot provide the power alone. The legal machinery is complex and cumbersome and needs new federal laws and proceedures to streamline this grievance mech- anism. Civil rights supporters must look to other means of federal support in their drive toward in- tegration. To the Editor: VERY YEAR, when Dean Ba- con gives her freshman wel- coming address, the substance is "Them that will, will; them that won't, won't." With this in mind it is interesting to view her com- ments on the proposed motion which was before the Board of Governors the other day in regard to women in the quads. Having arranged several open- open houses, I know that by the time a quaddie has persuaded a girl to come up to his room, he has had to swear up and down on a copy of the University rules that he will not so much as-horrors- hold the girl's hand while they. are in there. When they do finally enter the room, he usually hovers in the corner fingering his books lest he look at the girl with what she might construe as a plotting face. On no account will he get witnin ten feet of her, and he will usually. throw her coat on the bed so she ~ will not sit there-and make it look as if.. . He is usually pretty happy when the hour is over and they can go downstairs. THIS SORRY STATE of affairs is a good result of the University's belief that everything that goes on in the student's life is its proper concern. Not content with having his chemistry teacher or his housemother or his resident adviser rate his loyalty to the United States, the University now feels that the student's social life is its complete concern. Of course, certain minimal regu- lations such as sign-out slips and so on are necessary, but these have become so disregarded that they are not even usually filled out. "Conduct unbecoming a student" is a good catch-all, and the Uni- versity certainly makes use of it, to stifle any social contact be- tween the sexes.. The quaddie is in the odd pre- dicament of not having any place of his own where he can enter- tain a girl. If you bring them into the house lounge, someone is likely to stumble in and start cursing. If you bring them in to visit the housemother, she is likely to get a phony warmness which the housemother is extending only be- cause she has to. There is absolutely no place a quaddie and his girl can sit quietly and talk or listen to records, as can apartment people. THIS IS THE REASON, I would guess, why the quads have such a big turnover, and why most quad- dies are waiting for their year or half year to be up so they can join a fraternity or get an apartment. Far from having any- thing like an academic atmos- phere, the quads are regarded by most of their residents as a place for "sticking it out." There is no atmosphere in the quads, just a stagnacy. For the permanent residents, they are usually just a place to live and eat, and far from loving their situation, they are just too lazy to take the trouble to move out. The quads could be made more vital, more of a force in the life of the resident, if they were made to be a "home," a place where he could study and relaxand enter- tain guests, and not be bound by pre-eminently ridiculous rules tell- ing him what to wear to lunch, when he can have guests, etc. True, some rules are needed, but I must confess that when some- one sanctimoniously refers to "the philosophy of the residence hall system," I ask - What philos- ophy? Is it a philosophy to make the resident feel that he cannot shift for himself, that his "ad- visers" must tell him what to do and when to do it, and then to try and make him believe it is all for his own good? -Steven Hendel,'83 Football... To the Editor: ALL THAT CAN be said for Mr. Hakes and his opinion of foot- ball here at the University is that he obviously has never spent much time participating in a sport for his school. It takes a great love for a sport as well as a lot of guts to spend three hours of hard work each day preparing for sev- eral short appearances before the public. It would do Mr. Hakes well to check into the majors of the ath- letes at this University. He would find that there are a great num- ber of men enrolled in engineering, medicine, law and the like. Before anyone should attempt to judge an organization as large as our athletic department it would be wise to gain some first hand experience of its operation. --Jerry Traver, '63 TODAY AND TOMORROW winning the Cold War By WAL.TER LirIPPANN LAST THURSDAY in Seattle the President delivered an address arguing that he would not surrender to or appease the Soviet Union and that he would try to negotiate with it. On Sunday, Sen. Goldwater restated the central thesis - of his foreign policy, which is -that we shall be failing in our conflict with the Soviet Union until the President declares that his objective is "victory." This theory has recently been expounded at length by "Life" magazine. "Mere 'patience and ' firmness,"' it says, "have been unable to stop the one-way course 'of the cold war." It; then goes on to say that "no Western government has yet made the winning of the Cold War and thus the actual defeat of Com- munism its official policy. Yet the U. S. is in the Cold War by Communist decree; and, as Gen. Douglas MacArthur has said, 'It is fatal to enter any war without the will to win it.' Why then hasn't the U. S. openly made It our official policy to win the Cold War-and there- by put the world on active notice of our intent that Communism will recede?" HAT IS THE MATTER with these reticent Western governments? A close reading of the passage I have quoted will show that it begins with a clarion call for the actual defeat of Communism and ends with a less-than- clarion call that "Communism will recede." No one knows better than Gen. MacArthur, the hero of the Inchon landing, which forced the North Koreans back to the 38th Parallel, that there is a world of difference between forcing an adversary to recede and imposing a defeat upon him. The Western governments know this. For they have been through it all before, indeed twice before. The argument which has now been raised in this country by Sen. Goldwater is an old one and their experience with the Goldwater policy covers the two World Wars. It has been a bitter experience, and if Sen. Goldwater knew more about the history of the twentieth century, he would realize that what he wants the United States and its allies to do is once again make their objective the unconditional surrender of the adversary. IN THE FIRST World War Wilson wanted to negotiate a peace, he wanted "peace without victory." The Goldwaters of that time howled him nwn n.nd the wr went on for that victory came the dictated Peace of Versailles. In the aftermath was Adolph Hitler. In the second World War the Allies com- pounded the 'fatal mistake of unconditional surrender by the equally fatal mistake, caused by the memory of the massacres of 1917, of trying to avoid war. by appeasement. The two great lessons of the second World War are, first, that you cannot deal with an aggressor by appeasement and, second, that you cannot make a livable peace by unconditional surren- der. The Western governments, including our own, have had this experience and they have learned these lessons. That is why they are defending West Berlin. They will not surrender it to obtain quiet. And that is why they are not calling +for the unconditional surrender of the Soviet Union, but are preparing to negotiate with it. "LIFE" MAGAZINE, in plumping for a policy which has failed disastrously in two World Wars, is moved by the belief that mere patience and firmness have been unable to stop "the one-way course of the Cold War." I submit that this is bad reporting and that it is untrue that the Cold War is'on a "one-way course" in favor of Communism. In the great central regions of the Western world, there is now underway a renaissance of vitality, the like of which has not been seen for generations. It is to lack perspective to talk as if the Cold War were going to be won or lost in Cuba or Vietnam, -and other quite secondary theaters of conflicts. The real issue of the Cold War is the conflict and competition of the Soviet Union plus China with Western Europe plus North America. Far from receding in this contest, we have- every reason to think that we are advancing. N THIS CONSOLIDATION and advance of the Western society lies the true way to do what all of us want to see done, to act so that, as "Life" magazine puts it, "Communism will recede." But Communism cannot be made to recede in Eastern Europe by demanding the unconditional surrender of the Soviet Union. Eastern Europe has not forgotten the German invasions and it needs for its security a balance of power between East and West, But Communism will, recede if, as we consolidate the Atlantic Community, we also reduce the threat of war between East and West. The abounding prosperity with freedom in the West EXTRA CONCERT SERIES: SerkinSparks Season E EMINENT PIANIST RUDOLF SERKIN honored a filled audi- torium last night with an all-Beethoven recital which was one of the outstanding musical events of the year. Serkin's playing became progressively better. While the performance of the Sonata in G major, Op. 31, No. 1, never fell below a certain high level, several aspects were a bit disappointing, considering the reputation of the player. In the first movement, contrasts between soft and loud were not distinct enough. Literal repeats in the second movement, con- trary to the 18th-century writings of C.P.E. Bach, were not quite varied enough to sustain interest. Another disappointment was that Serkin did not bring out the harmonic and dynamic surprises which are inherent in the music of Beethoven. THE WELL-KNOWN first movement of the Sonata in C-sharp minor, Op. 27, No. 2, (known to many as the "Moonlight") was subdued and quite effective. The third movement was exciting, despite foot- stamping by the performer. Indeed, the extra noises were at least in time to the music, which was not true of the coughing by members of the audience. Serkin became really outstanding in the "Hammerklavier" Sonata, Op. 106, after intermission. Despite some banging of the keys at the beginning (which caused a prominent wrong note in the second phrase), the more tender sections in the first movement more than made up for it. The last movement, a fugue, is fiendishly difficult to play, but Serkin was accurate and stirring. A minor criticism might be that the use of the pedal tended to hinder clarity. * * * IN REPLY to the enthusiastic 'applause, Serkin encored with " a performance of Beethoven's Appassionata Sonata, Op. 57, which was a highlight of the entire season. (Its performance certainly caused the longest concert so far.) Ann Arbor audiences have given quite a few standing ovations this year, some of which seemed less than genuine. The one given to Serkin at the end, however, was spontaneous and instant, a deserving tribute to one of the world's finest pianists. -BUNKER CLARK The Daily Official Bulletin is an official publication of The Univer- sity of Michigan for which The Michigan Daily assumes no editorial responsibility. Notices should be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to Room 3564 Administration Building before 2 p.m., two days preceding publication. 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