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November 10, 1961 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1961-11-10

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S1irgau Batty
Seventy-Second Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
s - UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
-Where Opinions Are Free STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH." Phone NO 2-3241
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
Private Bias: Public Business

REPUBLICANS:
A Helluva Way
To Run a Bandwagon

FRIDAY. NOVEMBER 10, 1961

NIGHT EDITOR: PHILIP SHERMAN

Council. Vote Shows
Campus Power Balance

THE OUTCOME"of the Student Government
Council election shows an interesting dis-
tribution of political power among the various
campus interest groups and leaves considerable
uncertainty as to what constituents may expect
In the way of action from the new Council.
From the lineup of winners, it is clear that
Interfraternity Council scored a rousing suc-
cess in electing its favorite brothers. Steven
Stockmeyer, Thomas eBrown, Richard Nohl
and John Vos were all IFC-backed candidates.
The only IFC loser was Fred Riecker, who
ran and lost in two previous elections.
Richard G'Sell, the last candidate elected,
did not have expressed IFC backing, but he
is a fraternity man and was helped consider-
ably by redistributed ballots from IFC can-
didates.
It is not clear whether the fraternity can-
didates win because they have the whole sys-
tem solidly behind them in the first place or
because they have explicit IFC backing. The
two factors are inextricable and it is very likely
that the solidarity of the system would have
sufficed to elect the fraternity candidates
even if IFC had not taken a stand.
Several houses refused to let the brothers
have dinner if they could not produce a
punched identification card-undoubtedly a
powerful factoras it has been proved repeatedly
that hunger is one of the most potent political
weapons known to man.i
THE ELECTION of top candidates Stock-
meyer, Nohl and Vos, was probably less a
result of fraternity support than the victory
of Brown. Although widely endorsed by dif-
ferent groups, the essence of Stockmeyer and
Nohl's appeal is their ability to establish rap-
port with any given audience.
Both are good extempore speakers, par-
ticularly Stockmeyer. Both have an unexcited,
moderate approach to the issues which sooths
the apprehensions of conservatives who are
afraid the Council will go off the deep end
in its consideration of "off-campus" issues,
swithout shatterin the hopes of liberals who
are anxious to hive such issues considered.
]OS' ELECTION came as no surprise, but
demonstrated what a good knowledge of
the art of campaigning caA do for a new-
comer n campus. Vos, in addition to the
support he received from his fraternity and
the backing of ,WFC (which got him votes
from fraternities which otherwise would not
have known him at all), picked up consider-
able support from the same uncommitted
group which supported Stockmeyer and Nohl.
He did this by virtue of being able to be all
things to all factions and documented his
sincerity with his voting record.
G'Sell, the only engineering student running
for SGC was assisted by a special eltion of
the Michigan Technic which proclaimed that
it was about time the engineering students
were represented on the Council. This tactic
picked up a tremendous vote in East Quad-
rangle which combined with a low ranking
on the winning IFC ballots, and sufficed to
elect him.
SUPPORT for the Voice candidates is much
more difficult to pinpoint, since it cannot
be attributed to any definite type of housing
or school. On the whole, the Voice vote is in-
dependent, but it does not come from the
quads in substantial amount.
Voice party itself numbers between 50 and
100 nominal members who can be counted on
to "sit tight and vote right" (i.e. left) al-
though they do not do much active campaign-
ing. In addition, a nebulous group of "liberals"
associated with such activities as Challenge,
Americans Committed to World Responsibility,
the Folklore Society and The Daily who know
each other fairly well, although they are
not formally organized, are very effective at
stirring up the "latent liberalism" in acquaint-
ances.
This group is markedly non-affiliate, but is
otherwise very diverse. Its strongest support
comes from the apartment-league-co-op set
with notable backing in the women's resi-
dence halls. In recent elections, Voice has
also received a surprising degree of support,
though generally tacit and expressed only on
the ballot, of sorority members.

IT IS QUITE APPARENT that the election
was not decided on issues. The final result
is largely a function of which group can get
out the largest vote. The fraternities, with a
good head start in sheer numerical strength,
were also aided by better organization.
It is important to notice, however, that all
the major issues discussed during the cam-
Editorial Staff
JOHN ROBERTS, Editor

paign were raised by Voice. By coming out
with a concrete platform, Voice forced all
the other candidates into a defensive position
which most of them maintained throughout
the campaign.
The biggest issue was whether the Council
should discuss the so - called "off - campus"
issues-the most cited examples being the
telegrams to Attorney General Robert Ken-
nedy and Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett
regarding violence following attempts at Negro
voter registration in the South.
WHAT VOICE had in mind by off-campus
issues was something much more exten-
sive, as anyone who really listened to Robert
Ross realired. Voice expounded a concept of
the student which, although it has been ex-
pressed by earlier SGC candidates, has never
been put so succinctly and forcefully and
has never before been so essential to the entire
platform.
The Voice platform rests on the basic as-
sumption that the student must "make him-
self and his education relevant to the world"
and from this premise all the other issues
stem naturally. Voice supporters knew that
they were voting for off-campus issues. They
were also voting for a deadline on the sub-
mission of sorority and fraternity member-
ship clauses and a complete overhauling of
the campus judiciary system.
FRATERNITY BACKERS on the whole were
voting against the "wild-eyed radicals" as
much as for brothers and the system. There
was no real question of a fraternity cause,
since even the IFC candidates agreed on the
necessity of eliminating bias clauses and most
of them, including Stockmeyer and Noh, came
out publicly for a time limit if they are not
submitted in a reasonable period of time.
There are now three Voice candidates on
the Council plus Daily Editor John Roberts,
who can be counted a member of their camp
when it comes time to vote, and Bea Nemlaha
and Susan Stillerman who have supported the
liberal stand during several recent Council
controversies.
This, along with support from other ran-
dom members on various issues, is generally
enough to give the liberals a majority on
actions such as preventing censorship of The
Daily, although it does not provide them with
enough of a majority to pass legislation like
Brian Glick's proposal for more public execu-
tive sessions.
THE NEXT FEW Council sessions should
prove an interesting revelation about sev-
eral of the candidates who, up to the elections,
really said nothing more than that they
thought SGC should consider on-campus is-
sues before off-campus issues and that what
the Council needed most was some friendly
communication with the student body and
faculty.
Whether they are really pro anything re-
mains to be seen, particularly in the case of
Vos. Vos has been at a disadvantage from the
beginning because he is new to campus and
because he joined the Council too late to
consider any issue on grounds other than its
probable effect on his election.
He has made liberals think he is a liberal,
and conservatives think he is a conservative.
Perhaps he has not done this deliberately-
in which case, now that the pressure is off
for a year, it is time for him to hop off the
fence and into the fray.
THE ISSUES which should prove most con-
troversial in the coming weeks will be
executive sessions and off-campus issues.
A motion by Vos is now in effect which says
that the Council may report out of executive
session motions, amendments, recorded ab-
stentions and roll-call votes by majority
vote. The same applies to criteria used
to appoint students to posts the Council must
fill.
Vos' motion was a substitution for one by
Brian Glick which had said the Council must
report out after every executive session.
IF STOCKMEYER and G'Sell were sincere in
their pleas for greater Council-campus con-
tact, they should also be in sympathy with
reporting out executive session procedings.
If this is the case, the Council could con-

ceivably pass a motion similar to Glick's
original proposal, but this would necessitate
at least three votes from the "uncommitted"
stockpile.
There will probably be lough going on any
strong off-campus proposals. But some de-
cisive action will probably be taken by the
beginning of December if all the membership
clauses are not submitted to Vice-President
Lewis.
THE LOSS of Kenneth McEldowney will be
a sharp blow to the liberal cause, but since
the two most vocal Voice candidates made
such a strong showing, it can hardly be in-
terpreted as a "mandate from the people" to

To the Editor:
IN AN EDITORIAL on the Ann
Arbor Human Relations Com-
mission Mr. Harrah says the fol-
lowing: "Certainly a city does not
have the right to interfere in the
renting of an apartment or dwell-
ing, just because the landlord does
not want to have a Negro tenant.
Certainly that is the landlord's
perogative, however unfair and
unjust it may be."
This statement is a masterpiece
of misrepresentation of the facts.
The question is not that "some
landlord just does not want to
have a Negro tenant," while an-
other landlord maybe does not
want to have a baldheaded tenant.
We are not dealing here with the
personal whims of some particular
landlords. But we are rather faced
with a well organized conspiracy
to keep Negroes out of decent
neighborhoods.
In fact, this conspiracy does not
confine itself to discrimination in
housing. The Negro encounters re-
strictions in practically every field
of life, whether it be in restau-
rants, in hotels, or in resorts, in
some parts of the country even
in all recreational activities-and
most important in jobs thus se-
verely restricting his economic op-
portunities. This anti-Negro con-
spiracy is being carried out with
efficiency and ruthlessness and, if
necessary, even with physical bru-
tality, lawlessness, and defiance
of the courts.
To break up and completely
eliminate this criminal conspiracy
is not merely the right but the
very duty of government. It should
be apparent to everyone that the
days of the suppression of the
colored races are numbered the
world over. The question is no
longer whether discrimination will
end, but rather whether the per-
petrators of this archaic way of
life have enough sense to yield
gracefully.
-Ernest G. Fontheim
Radiation Laboratory
NAACP Duty.. .
To the Editor:
IN MR. HARRAH'S editorials
concerning the local NAACP,
chief claim is that the Ann Arbor
Human Relations Commission
ought not to exist. His attack on
the local chapter is, by his own
admission, dependent on this
claim; for he admits "if the HRC's
delegated purpose is proper" then
the NAACP's complaints are well-
taken.
He impugns the Ann Arbor City
Council's sincerity and good faith
saying that "one suspects" that
the Commission's ineffectiveness
"was not unplanned or unhoped
for by the City Council." As the
Council was "never too keen on
the idea . .. in the first place."
No doubt he is aware that the
Council which originally estab-
lished the Commission was dif-
ferently composed than the present
Council, and was presided over
by Prof. Samuel Eldersveld, then
Mayor of Ann Arbor.
** *
WHAT ARE Mr. Harrah's argu-
ments against the HRC?
He claims that the Commission
has the power to "harass citizens
and taxpayers." So has the police
department, but only for cause.
Everything depends on the pur-
poses for which the power to act
is vested in a public agency, and
the protections afforded indivi-
duals in the exercise of those
powers.
Addressing himself to the scope
and nature of the Commission's
powers, Mr. Harrah has these
musings to offer. First, he deplores
the Commission's power to inter-
fere in the sale and rental of
housing. For any citizen "must
hazard the danger that a prospec-

tie landlord will notcare to rent
to him-for no concrete reason."
Then he suggests that "racial feel-
ings cannot be legislated." Finally
he suggests that a governmental
body should serve the entire con-
stituency.
* * *
WHETHER or not racial feelings
can be affected by legislation need
not be debated. That discrimina-
tory actions can be affected is
certain. The question is whether
they should be affected.
I do not know precisely what
Mr. Harrah means by "serve the
entire constituency," but the Com-
mission is at least no worse off in
this regard than the city or state
welfare department or traffic de-
partment, or health department.
Not everyone is always in need of
welfare, better roads, or medical
aid, but anyone might be in need,
and some will never need it.
Is Mr. Harrah suggesting that
every governmental agency which
does not serve every person equal-
ly all the time ought to be abol-
ished? If not, where does one draw
the line.
To bar a person from buying or
renting a home, to bar him from
schools or churches or employ-
ment or bus terminals, not "for
no concrete reason," but for the
very concrete reason that his skin
is brown .or black or yellow, is to
treat him contemptuously; to
treat him like a thing and not a
human being. That is, and always
will be, the ultimate grounds of
public concern in this area. No
man should be required to hazard
discrimination on the basis of
such considerations if there are
reasonable and effective ways to
prevent such behavior.
Unfortunately, the Human Re-
lations Commission, far from hav-
ing such powers of interference,
have virtually no powers-which
makes Mr. Harrah's harangue all
the more puzzling.
* s r
MR. HARRAH'S final argument
is that the Human Relations Com-
mission has become an open for-
um for the miost part of the Negro
population in the city.
Mr. Harrah does not deny that
there is in Ann Arbor a wide-
spread pattern of segregation in
housing, of consequent, though
less complete, segregation in edu-
cation; of discrimination in em-
ployment. Why then should public
funds not be spent to give Negroes
affected by such action an oppor-
tunity to air their grievances, to
voice their legislative demands, to
insist that the agencies estab-
lished to deal with these problems
live up to the spirit as well as the
letter of their meager powers?
Why does he deny to those so
often treated like mere things the
basic right of protest before a pub-
lic agency specially constituted to
deal with the problems that arise
because certain portions of the 10-
cal populace systematically, and
in gross ways, refuse to treat oth-
ers with the decency and respect
to which any human being is en-
titled?
Does Mr. Harrah really believe
that the public's concern with the
problem of racial discrimination
should be no greater than it should
be with the prevention of cruelty
to animals?
AS FOR THE sincerity and his-
torical effectiveness of the local
chapter of the NAACP, these are
matters which Mr. Harrah is ob-
viously ill-equipped to judge. He
picks one sentence uttered on one
evening, quotes it out of all pos-
sible contexts, draws illegitimate
inferences from it not only about
the person who uttered the re-
mark, but about the organization
of which he is a member. This at-
tack is unfair and unjust.
It would be as if, having over-

heard some remark made by Mr.
Harrah in circumstances concern-
ing which one had minimal knowl-
edge, one inferred that he has all
sorts of unattractive qualities and
then to impute each to the Daily
in a radio broadcast. To do that
would surely be to treat the Daily
in a contemptuously disrespectful
and unfair way.
-Prof. Arnold S. Kaufman,
NAACP Executive Board
Freshman Women.. ..
To the Editor:
AFTER SIX WEEKS of being
subjected to the unique wo-
men's rules for freshmen, I am
glad to see an overt plea for fresh-
men women's rights. Judith Op-
penheim's brilliantly worded edi-
torial which appeared last Satur-
day has been outspokenly praised
by the freshmen women in Stock-
well Hall. We freshmen continu-
ally discuss our comparative lack
of freedom and privacy, and we
as yet cannot sanction the vague,
faulty logic that is presented as
the basis for freshmen regula-
tions.
Very few upperclass women,
however, show concern for the
plight of the freshmen. Could they
have forgotten so quickly that they
once were not allowed in men's
apartments, and that they could
not signout until twelve o'clock
on any week night?
These same upperclass women
control the main centers of wo-
men's expressed opinion and au-
thority, namely the uncommunica-
tive Assembly Dormitory Council
and the even more obscure, to
freshmen women that is, Women's
Senate. I asked a few of the offi-
cers of ADC if they planned to
discuss the abolishment of the
freshmen apartment rule, and they
told me that ADC was not pres-
ently and 'most likely would not
in the future discuss this problem;
the Regents, they said, would
never approve the ruling anyhow.
If this is an example of the
apathetic attitude upperclass wo-
men hold towards freshmen wo-
men and their rights as mature
students of this university, then
we freshmen are faced with a
titanic task even to assert formally
our complaints, much less obtain
positive action. We freshmen wo-
men need the interest and support
of upperclassmen, and I thank
Judith Oppenheim and The Daily
for this editorial.
-Diane Kewley,'65
Algeria...
To the Editor:
W EDNESDAY, NOV. 1, was the
anniversary of the beginning
of the struggle for Algerian in-
dependence. It has been seven
years since the fighting began. In
that time atrocities which shocked
the world were committed by a
nation which should have learned
better after her experience with
the Gestapo.
But the real problem lies before
Algeria. Her people are tired, poor,
anxious for an end to their strug-
gles. Her students are spread
throughout the world.hA good
many are in Tunisia; these stu-
dents are poorly dressed, poorly
fed, miserably housed. They are
refugees of a war that should be
over.
One of the greatest tragedies
that we at the University are
responsible for is our total lack
of interest and awareness in the
Algerian struggle. Wednesday
passed without comment, or sup-
port. What remains is but little,
but we can still do something.
THE INTERNATIONAL Student
Conference in which the United
States National Student Associa-
tion participates has circulated
coupon books all around the world.
For 25 cents students can contri-

bute to a fund for Algerian refugee
students.AThe African Students
and the Arab Club will be selling
these at the International Fair at
the Michigan Union on Nov. 16
and 11.
There is more, much more that
can be done. We must understand
that our foreign policy must
change if we are to maintain the
friendship of the North African
nations whom we now forsake in
favor of France. And once we
understand that, we must act on
our common commitment to a new
foreign policy. For too long Ameri-
can students have neglected their
responsibilities; their nation is
embarked on a disastrous policy
that helps the cause of colonialism
in North Africa. We must work
for an-end to this, and in doing so
help the achievement of Algerian
independence.f
-Peter Signorelli, '63
-Robert Ross, '63
DAILY OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial

By MICHAEL HARRAH
Daily Staff Writer
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
should learn a few lessons from
its debacle at the polls in the
past few weeks, but judging from
the past there is reason to doubt
it.
Four things should be apparent:
Republicans must present a unique
philosophical image. It takes more
than non-partisan glamour can-
didates to win, campaigning goes
on all the time (not-just 30 days
before an election) and there is
no substitute for truly partisan
politics.
These four factors go into win-
ning elections and the GOP hasn't
practiced them with any vigor
since the days of Calvin Coolidge
-and they haven't won many elec-
tions since then either.
* 4* *
FIRST THING, they must ere-
ate an image of the Republican
Party that is different from that
of the Democrats. As things stand
right now their candidates cam-
paign on platforms just like their
Democratic opponents, only not
quite so liberal. Their stands are
based on Democratic principles--
increased governmental control
and watered down welfare-statism.
In short, they give the voters
no choice. One can little blame
them for picking the most liberal
of two liberals. After all,. if you're
going to capsize the canoe, you
might just as well go all the way.
If this is indeed the path the
GOP wishes to pursue, then it
better get over on the left side
of the Democratic Party, and be
far more liberal than their op-
ponents.
* . *
SECOND, they must remember
that the people are no longer
electing Dwight Eisenhower. They
are voting now for, say, James
Mitchell. Eisenhower was an Il-
lustrious war general; Mitchell
was an affable but colorless sec-
retary of labor. Eisenhower would
not be running New Jersey; Mit-
chell would.
Mitchell's opponent, Richard
Hughes campaigned for the jot,
of New Jersey's governor, with
little help from President Ken-
nedy; Mitchell campaigneci as a
former secretary of labor beloved
by Ike. It's little wonder that New
Jersey voters selected the man
most interested in running New
Jersey.
THIRD, .Republicans tend to
Irag out the old election machinery
just before the deadline. In many,
many vital places, no party or-
ganization actually exists between
campaigns.
No local workers keep in touch
with the voters, persuading them,
informing them. Especially in a
time of Democratic control, this
is extremely necessary for reten-
tion of party loyalty.
*M * *
MOST IMPORTANT, Republi-

cans must remember that before
all else they are Republicans-
and proud of it. When they are
in power there should be abso-
lutely no political excuse for ap-
pointing a Democrat to any post,
no matter how inconsequential.
One might say "what if the
Democrat is the best man for the
job." It is quite hard to believe
that, in a party as large of the
GOP, there is not someone emi-
nently qualified to hold every
available office.
And what's more, appointing a
Democrat simply denies that job
to a loyal Republican, who won't
work so hard to win next election.
* * *
SOMEHOW, GOP strategists
have been duped into thinking
that partisan politics are dis-
tasteful to the public, so they
employ them as little as possible,
while the Democrats rightly ex-
ploit them to the fullest.
President Eisenhower himself
was the worst offender. During his
eight years in office, he had little
use for partisan politics. He avoid-
ed such dirty business assiduously.
He was just as likely to appoint
a Democrat as a Republican.
It sounds hollow for Ike to be
worried about the GOP now, when
he can do little to help. He didn't
care a hoot for eight long years,
when he could have done some-
thing. Javits, Rockefeller, and
Mitchell must be whipped into
line right along with Gold Water,
Bridges, and Tower. Party leaders
must decide in which direction the
GOP is going. Then dissenters
can shut up or get out.
* * *
SOMEWHERE along the way,
the Republicans have lost the con-
cept of partisan politics. There
should be no doubt in any Repub-
lican's mind that philosophy con-
trary to his own is unqualified to
influence the government. Else
why do we bother with political
philosophy at all?
And this brings Us around the
circle again. If there is no such
thing as the Republican point of
view, how can it be expressed? If
it is but a muddied version of
the Democrats' program, no won-
der voters make the clearer choice.
Republicans must start handling
politics on a fulltime basis for
Republicans only. Then and only
then will the people look on the
GOP as a real political party, and
not just a hitch-hiker on Demo-
cratic coattails.
* * *
LAST WEEK'S Democratic vic-
tories prove nothing except that
Republicans weren't too clever.
Perhaps If they went back to the
rugged individualism, coupled with
hard - hitting, fiercely partisan
politics that elected Teddy Roose-
velt-they might emerge 'as some-
thing unique and definite.
As things stand now the Repub-
lican Party is nothing in particular
to everyone- in general-that isn't
very inspiring.

'I

A

x

AT THE STATE:
Fanny -Scenery
Lo Dullness
"FANNY," starring loveable old Maurice Chevalier, loveable old
Charles Boyer and loveable young Leslie Caron, is a sometimes
amusing and sometimes monotonous story of life in Marseilles.
Miss Caron and Horst Buchholz portray the young lovers, but
the venerable Chevalier winds up marrying Fanny as Horst fulfills
his lifelong desire to sail the seven seas. Fanny is promptly blessed
with a son, which naturally gives rise to the kind of situation in
which Hollywood revels.
"Fanny" is a picture without a villain, without a meaningful
plot and, unfortunately, without much excitement. Boyer and Che-
valier take turns pulling nonchalantly at the viewer's heart-strings
while Miss Caron does her best to make an appealing figure of a
character who is given little substance by the script. Mr. Buchholz
has a nice smile and would undoubtedly have been a popular sailor
had he stayed out at sea.
The film's good moments, although much too widely spaced,
do offer some entertainment. Chevalier is given a meaty opportunity
for characterization as Fanny's ancient husband, and makes a
pretty good thing of it. Boyer, as the blustering father of Fanny's
beau, is also effective in spots, and Leslie is easy to look at if
not too much more.
*. * * *
EVEN A HIGHLY professional cast can offer only a limited
amount of interest if not supported by an adequate story line, how-
ever, and for interminable periods the movie skips merrily along



-Daily-Archie ader
PREVIEW:
Bach Orchestration
Premieres Tonight
. S. BACH'S "The Art of the Fugue" is the last major work the
composer wrote. It is a collection of fugues and canons unified
by theemployment of a single subject or theme. Because of the
extraordinary skill and variety of contrapuntal writing found in
the work, it is regarded as the ultimate model of counterpoint.
However, because Bach wrote it in open score with no indication
of performance medium, "The Art of the Fugue" has not been uni-
versally accepted as music to be performed. Tonight at 8:30 in Hill
Aud., the University Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Prof. Hans
T. David, will attempt to prove that it is a delight to the listener,
as well as the student of counterpoint.
* * * *
THE PERFORMANCE will reveal Prof. David not only as a
conductor, but also as a scholar and orchestrator. The original
publication of the score did not appear until after Bach's death.
The individual fugues and canons were in an order which did not
likely follow the composer's intentions. Following overall principles
of organization found in other large-scale works of Bach, Prof.
David has arranged the fugues and canons into a symmetric unity.
The orchestra tonight will not sound lush and romantic. In his
orchestration, Prof. David has followed Bach's own practice by
a - 11 ,Au..,.fac,.,+-a+, ofr ty twnnthere isa : chaniUP f

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