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April 07, 1964 - Image 4

Resource type:
The Michigan Daily, 1964-04-07

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hr fiir4tgatn Bally
Sevinty-Third Year
Truth Will Prevail"
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in at reprints.

Goulart: A Bit of Everything

Britain, France Take
New Look at Red Trade

Johnson's War on Poverty:
Total Annihilation

erty is exactly that. It isn't a war to
aid the poor; it's a war to wipe them out.
Traditionally there have been three
ways to fight poverty. The first is through
direct welfare payments to those whose
income falls below the subsistence level.
University of Chicago economist Milton
Friedman has estimated that a govern-
ment program which supplemented the
incomes of the 20 per cent of the nation's
families and individuals who earn less
than $3000 a year, so as to raise them to
the lowest incomes of the rest, would cost
less than half of what the government is
now spending on direct welfare payments
and programs of all kinds.
But Congress looks more than a little
untavorably upon the obvious giveaway
of public money, and elements within it
and the executive branch undoubtedly
would be unhappy to see such programs as
the farm subsidy and public housing
programs dropped so that such a give-
away program could be afforded without
drastic budget increases.
A possibility for financing such a give-
away would be to up social scurity bene-
fits to the estimated $3000 subsistence
level. But this would require that present
payments quadruple-again a prospect
unlikely to be met with open congressional
SECOND traditional method of at-
tacking poverty has been to subsidize
the poor in a more indirect fashion
through such programs as low-cost hous-
ing, medical, aid to the aged and the
food-stamp plan
But such projects also meet with the
charge of free government handouts and
face an additional charge of "socialism."
So again Congress can be expected to say
-HETHIRD APPROACH to solving the
poverty problem begins from a differ-
ent viewpoint. It calls for measures de-
signed to expand the economy, and it
rests on the premise that poverty can be
ended by finding everyone a job.
How the Hell...
introduced in our fight against the
Communist conspirators in South Viet
Nam. The object of the first has been to
further the divinely-inspired system of
Free Enterprise in the land of the little
Southeast Asians. How? Premier Nguyen
KlXa h has resolved to establish a stock
market in his backward country. As one
obscure, left-wing anarchistic journal
puts it, "This should make it easier for
the peasantry to buy some good common
The second innovation has as its pur-
pose to further the development of that
unique Western and democratic value-
Truth. Instead of showering napalm
bombs on villages full of suspected Viet
Cong, our Freedom Fighters now plan to
enter the villages and give the natives
lie-detector tests to find out if they are
Communists. (No kidding!) There are
rumors of plans to use ordeal-by-fire
tests on those who don't understand the
word "Communist."
NOW WITH STRATEGY like this, how
the hell can we lose?
Ehe x tkia Daily

Acting Editorial Staff
R. NEIL BERKSON ................... Editor
KENNETH WINTER ............... Managing Editor
BDWARD HERSTEIN ............. Editorial Director
ANN QWIRTZMAN .............. Personnel Director
MICHAEL SATTINGER .... Associate Managing Editor
JOHN KENNY........... Assistant Managing Editor
DEBORAH BEATTIE ...... Associate Editorial Director
LOUISE LIND ........ Assistant Editorial Director in
Charge of the Magazine
Acting Sports Staff
BILL BULt'ARD ..................... Sports Editor
TOM ROWLAND .............. Associate sports Editor
GARY WINER ............ Associate Sports Editor
CHARLES TOWLE ........ Contributing Sports Editor
Acting Business Staff
JONATHON R. WHITE ........... Business Manager
JAY GAMPEL .......... Associate Business Manager
JUDY GOLDSTEIN .............. Finance Manager
BARtBARA JOHNSTON ............ Personnel Manager

However, a recent article in the New
Republic totally disproves this premise.
"The fact is that only six per cent of all
poor families are headed by a man or
woman with a job that pays less than
$3000 a year. Another 44 per cent are
headed by a man or woman too old,. too
sick, too busy with children or too apa-
thetic to hold a regular job.
"The situation is dramatized by a sta-
tistic: there are about four million unem-
ployed in America, but there are about
seven million men and 13 million women
who are earning less than $3000 a year."
FURTHERMORE, the measures needed
to expand the economy to solve the
poverty problems are staggering. The
President's 1964 Manpower Report shows
that expansion of private demand since
1957 hasnot created a single new job. All
new jobs since 1957 have resulted from ex-
panded employment in government and
non-profit organizations, or private ex-
pansion sparked by government spend-
It would take a great deal more than
the tax cut and the $75 million Johnson
has asked be allocated for increasing "the
number of good permanent jobs open
to the poor" to expand the economy
enough to end low wages and unemploy-
of the three traditional ones. Instead
Johnson is asking that $887 million be
spent, again to quote the New Republic,
"on education, training and character
building. (His program) assumes that,the
poor are poor not because the economy is
mismanaged but because the poor them-
selves have something wrong with them.
They live in the wrong places and won't
move. They have the wrong skills-or no
skills at all.. .They have too little educa-
tion and won't go back to school. They
have the wrong personality traits or bad
health. They are too profligate to save
when their earning power is high, and so
have nothing left to supplement their
inadequate relief or Social Security bene-
fits. They are too short-sighted to use
contraceptives, and wind up with un-
wanted children.
"WHAT HAS BEEN launched is there-
'fore not just a war on poverty but a
war on the poor, aiming to change them
beyond all recognition. The aim is not
just to provide them with a lower-middle
class standard of living, but also with the
lower-middle class virtues, such as they
The success of such a plan certainly is
doubtful. Even if the poor no longer act
poor, where will they get the higher-
paying jobs they need? Where will any
more jobs be created for them?
BUT IN A SENSE, the financial success
of the program is not the major issue.
The real question is whether the govern-
ment has any business trying to force
upon one class the values of another-
and to wipe out the first class in the
Paul Goodman,s in "Growing Up Ab-
surd," argues that some people want to
be poor, and he makes a strong case. But,
he says, it's hard these days to be "decent-
ly poor"-to stay out of society's prover-
bial rat-race if you want to. Johnson's
War on Poverty could well make it total-
ly impossible.
Acting Editorial Director

PRESIDENT JOHNSON, according to the
Associated Press, called the military
revolt which ousted Brazilian President
Joao Goulart an effort "to resolve (eco-
nomic and political) difficulties within
the framework of constitutional democra-
cy and without civil strife."
Secretary of State Rusk, the AP said,
"pictured the ouster . . . as a victory for
constitutional democracy in Brazil." He
"said that Brazil's armed forces have
shown, over the last several years, that
they are basically democratic."
The AP itself threw into one of its
tnrie ~ nn T-tr Il n " n ++,i~.ihtytna nv, .4t

EDITOR'S NOTE: Stephen Ber-
kowit~z is a junior in the Politi-
cal Science Honors Program who
has read extensively in the field
of Latin American affairs.
This is the first of a two-part
series on the recent coup d'etat
which ousted Brazilian President
Joao Goulart.
F THE ATTITUDE adopted by
the United States toward the
rightist usurpation of power in
Brazil may be taken as a measure
of the level of thought which the
Johnson administration is going to
bring to bear in the realm of
foreign affairs, the chronicle of
American diplomacy for the next
several years promises to be one
of the most uninspired in history.
With the election of John F.
Kennedy in 1960, the American
public was promised some sort
of reappraisal of its traditional
role in world affairs. The Ken-
nedy administration fell far short
of any systematic reevaluation, but
it represented a change in at least
the morphology, if not the posture,
of American diplomacy. The Peace
Corps, the Alliance for Progress
and other innovations of the Ken-
nedy regime signified, in terms of
the image-if nothing else-a more
enlightened attitude on the part
of this government toward its role
in world affairs.
The Brazilian episode marks a
retrenchment-a retreat into the
foreign politics of the past; the
reinvigoration of the diplomacy
of The Ugly American. In the next
few weeks and months the Ameri-
can public is going to be asked to
accept a potpourri of misinforma-
tion about the coup in Brazil, to
condone the mockery which has
been made of constitutional gov-
ernment there and to endorse a
holy crusade which the Brazilian
right is about to conduct against
its opposition.
* * *
JOAO GOULART may be re-
corded in the annals of American
journalism as the man with the
most confused public image. The
American mass media-the best as
well as'the worst of them-have
presented to the American public
a pap of misinformation about his
regime that is scarcely believable.
The New York Times of Sunday,
April 6, 1964, variously describes
Goulart as "ambitious, hard-
driving, adroit," "a millionaire
landowner who got his start in
politics as a protege of the late
dictator, Getulio Vargas," an op-
portunist about to install himself
in office as "the head of a syn-
dicalist state" (as per Mussolini,
Peron, etc.) with the support of
the Communist party, which
would then use him as "a stepping
stone to power." It describes his
regime as "hopelessly inept,"
"leftist leaning" and tending to-
ward "leftist extremism."
The coup was designed to
"maintain the democratic frame-
work" in Brazil against Goulart
who had built up a popular fol-
lowing among workers, peasants,
enlisted men and noncommis-
sioned army officers.
Yet, in spite of the seemingly
self-apparent ludicrousness of a
military insurrection to protect
"constitutional forms," this is the
story which the American public
will be asked to buy.
* * *
LET US, on the basis of these
statements, reconstruct the blue-
print for a Goulart-led takeover
in Brazil-the rationale given for
his ouster:
Goulart, the millionaire, leftist-
leaning, adroit and ambitious
Communist dupe, was trying with
the aid of his hopelessly inept ad-
ministration to establish a syn-
dicalist state (like Mussolini). He
was doing this by building up a
popular following and by under-
mining the army, which instituted
a military coup to preserve democ-
racy, constitutional forms and
traditional Brazilian institutions.

* * *
WHAT ARE the relevant facts
of life in Brazil?
First, as indicated by the de-
velopments in the U.S.-Panama
rift, an almost limitless jungle of
semantic undergrowth serves as a
barrier to an adequate appraisal
on the part of the United States

of the subtleties of Latin Ameri-
can politics. This barrier is by no
means insuperable, but it would
seem to vitiate against the snap-
judgment, the black and white
comparison and the simple solu-
Despite this, however, the Amer-
ican press and, to some extent
at least, the United States gov-
ernment, -seems to be caught up
in the Communist-Leftists-Pro-
gressive-Liberal name game.
In Brazil-and this is true
(with notable exceptions) to vary-
ing degrees throughout the rest
of Latin America-the terminol-
ogy of political discourse is highly
involuted. Political parties in Bra-
zil have long been known for
their highly volatile and sectarian
For the most part they are
poorly organized.
GOULART DREW much of his
support from the Brazilian Labor
Party which was begun by ex-
dictator Vargas and subscribes to
a hodgepodge of views ranging
from the left to the right. Its pre-
cise role in Brazil's future is un-
clear, but there are strong in-
dications that it enjoys a good
deal (some sources say an in-
creasing amount) of popular sup-
Both proponents and opponents
of the Brazilian Communist party
claim a large role for it in the
country's political life. In its hey-
day (after World War II) it was
well-organized, fairly unified and
In recent years, however, the
party has fragmented over the
issue of cooperation with, versus
violence toward, the government.
Many of the guerrillas presently
active in the northeastern portion
of the country, a very arid, almost
desert-like area with a long his-
tory of government failure in land
reclamation, are pro-violence Fi-
delistas whodeserted the party
proper. In addition, there seems
to be a nuclear group of highly
sectarian Trotskyists (their exact
number has been the subject of
the wildest speculation) organ-
izing around the area's economic
problems. This guerrilla activity
existed before, and has continued
through, the Goulart regime.
IN ASSESSING the role played
by so-called "Communist in-
fluence" in the Goulart govern-
Pathos, Not
At the State Theatre
"SOLDIER In The Rain" is an-
other of the victims of the
Hollywood ad agencies. Billed as
a rollicking "Fun-Filled Comedy"
in the tradition of recent Army
film farces, "Soldier" enjoys rather
the warmth and pathos of "Mr.
The film deals with that crea-
ture known as the Army peacetime
regular-the man who enlists and
makes the army his career. Jackie
Gleason is hauntingly vibrant as
Sgt. Maxwell Slaughter, the fat-
boy who found a true home in the
service. Steve McQueen is Eustis
Clay, whose ambition is to make a
million dollars off one of his too-
wild schemes. Together the two
men join their lives searching for
Well not really, because Blake
Edwards seems to have been ham-
strung between producing a really
decent and honest film about the
so-called misfits who find real
meaning and usefulness in the
Army, and turning out another in
the "Francis Joins the . . ." series.

The result is an uneven collage of
belly laughs and pathos, subtlety
and slapstick.
Conclusion: go see "Soldier In
The Rain" (ignoring the adver-
tising). Then read the book for
clarity. Together, a very moving
drama evolves.
-Hugh Holland

ment, several factors ought to be
borne in mind:
First, the role of the Communist
party itself is anomalous in the
sense that the party line is highly
nationalistic and hence anti-
Yanqui, but is opposed to trans-
cending the formal machinery of
parliamentary government.
Second, the Communist-labeling
which has gone on in the Ameri-
can press-and which has been
indulged in to some extent by
various American officials-is
rather meaningless in Latin Amer-
ica. Many of the people who the
United States counts among its
stauchest supporters in Latin
America (among them Romolo
Betancourt and Victor Raul Haya
de la Torre) as well aspeople
among both the pro- and anti-
Goulart forces, were at one time
or another Communist party mem-
Third, many of the persons who
apparently engineered then Co p
d'etat opposed Goulart's predeces-
sor, Janio da Silva Quadros 'on
the same ground.
* * *
FURTHERMORE, during the
1961 presidential crisis (which will
be discussed further in the second
part of this series) many of these
persons-among them Gov. Carlos
Lacerda of the state of Guana-
bara (containing Rio de Janeiro)
-virulently opposed Goulart's
succession to the presidency. Re-
tired Marshal Henrique Teixeira
Lott, who had been a presidential
candidate along with Quadros and
Goulart in the preceeding cam-
paign, was arrested at that time
on a charge of "making an in-
flammatory statement" after he
inferred that War Minister Odilio
Denys was attempting to block
Goulart's assumption of the presi-
Goulart, no matter what his
personal proclivities might have
been, was forced to seek support
from the left. The confusion which
surrounded Goulart's government
may, in part, have arisen from an
unwillingness on the part of the
military to allow Goulart to build
up a following independent of the
IN SUMMARY, then, three basic
conclusions ought to be drawn
from even the most superficial
analysis of the Brazilian political
First, the United States ought
to seek to avoid reacting to the
semantics, as opposed to the ac-
tualities, of a particular situation.
It is apparent from the highly per-
sonalist nature of Brazilian poli-
tics or, more specifically, the lack
of a well-defined political spec-
trum, that charges of "Commun-
ism" per se-or the characteriza-
tion of a man's political beliefs on
the ba.sis of one element in the
spectrum of his political support
-are relatively meaningless. In
the lasti presidential election, Lott
was supported by the Communist
party, the nationalists and the
neo-fascists. It is necessary to
analyze charges and counter
charges as to Goulart's' political
beliefs within the context of Bra-
zilian politics.
Second, given the history of op-
position to Goulart on the part
of those involved in the coup,
charges of ineptitude fall some-
what flat.
Third, given the assumption that
the CIA kept President Johnson at
least as well informed as the New
York Times, it should have been
clear to Johnson that the Brazilian
situation is one in which wise
men fear to tread. Thus American
haste in praising the leaders of the
coup seems ill timed.
* * *
FINALLY, if the statement at-
tributed by the New York Times
to Thomas C. Mann, White House
advisor and assistant secretary of
state for inter-American affairs,
to the effect that in the future no

distinction will be made between
democratic and authoritarian re-
gimes in our Latin American di-
plomacy is correct, and if the
Brazilian episode is to be taken as
indicative of the line which the
administration's policy will follow,
America may be in for a disturbed
sleep in the near future.

Daily Correspondent
BILTHOVEN Holland - The
meeting between President
Lyndon B. Johnson and Sir Alec
Douglas-Home was conducted in
full agreement to disagree about
one point:mBritain's trade with
American observers we-e quick
to conclude that Britain was in-
terested only in business. They
maintained that Britain apparent-
ly saw a license to trade with
Cuba because Canada had been
engaged in wheat deals with Cuba
and Red China for years.
The American viewpoint was
that such expansionist and sub-
versive countries as Red China
and Cuba should not be given the
advantage of trade with Western
countries. The declared Com-
munist objectives of overthrow of
the Free World by force and sub-
versive action ought not be aided.
Such action ought to be crushed
in its beginnings, and blockades
ought to be applied to brake eco-
nomic expansion as much as pos-
THIS IS the traditional Ameri-
can policy towards any Commun-
ist country. No doubt, however, it
was heavily dented by President
John F. Kennedy's okay for a
wheat deal with Russia. Following
the partial test-ban treaty and
renewed heavy Canadian wheat
sales to Communist countries, it
had become obvious that a change
had to be made. The U.S. eco-
nomic boycott of Russia was in-
efficient and ineffective. There
was no sense any more in de-
priving American business of a
well-deserved share in the flow of
gold from the East.
The English and French, as well
as Canadian policies carry just
one step farther. Their more
realistic-tothem-outlook ac-
knowledges not only the impos-
sibility of a similar total boycott
of Cuba, which is already render-
ed impossible by the non-commit-
ted and neutral nations; the gen-
eral new policy says that it is
more secure to keep Communists
well-fed and happy, rather than
to provoke them under arms by
imposing hunger.
*, * *
United States Department of Agri-
culture reveals that by the year
2000, all parts of the world, ex-
cept North America, Australia-
New Zealand and Western Europe
will be constantly hungry, unless
food output is drastically increas-
ed in the next few years. The
probability is high that, if things
continue as they promise to, more
people will starve than ever before,
and, therefore, more people than
ever will inevitably turn Commun-
ist in their last hope. It cannot
be expected that they will lie
down and die--on the contrary,
they will fight for food, they will
bring more war, inevitably, unless
drasticmeasures are taken. The
West will have to do all it nan to
keep Communists well-fed- ul-
timately to save its own skin.
Such reasoning is not new, put
it is only relatively recently that
the French and British have
adopted the policy of "a fat Com-
munist is less dangerous than a
skinny one." France is as rigidly
opposed to Communism as the
U.S. But she feels that ignoring a
major danger to the Western
world will help in the future no
more than it has in the past. She
wants to come to grips with the
N * *
THE HOPE that a "fat Com-
munist" is less expansionist and
less radical is today more than a
mere theory. The Russians, living
in comparative wealth, have quite
openly changed the tune; what
used to be "down with the capital-
ists" is now "peaceful coexistence."
And when Khrushchev announced
his new agricultural program, no-

body could overlook the new in-
centives given to the individual by
its new bonus system. Lenin would
have turned over in his grave.
However, some major dangers
inherent in such closer contacts
with the enemy should not be

left out of consideration. Western
defense must not fade away until
proven to be unnecessary. It is
definitely wrong to assume that
"fat Communist is no danger at
all." For the same reason, the
West must never become as depen-
dent upon Communist trade part-
ners as the East is presently upon
the West. Business can be pros-
perous without complete depend-
ence on one partner.
* *
HOME'S THEORY may appear
more plausible in this light. It
may appear indeed that one of
the main tasks of theWest in the
near future will be to guide the
Communists back to personnal in-
centive, and, through this, to
wealth and food, so as to avert
an otherwise inevitable war.
To the Editor
omy edict of "light's out" in the
White House has brought to my
mind a modest intellectual ques-
tion. If one had an elephant or
hippopotamus in Ann Arbor, would
it be necessary to label it with
large red iridescent letters on
either side, LEPHANT or HIP-
I live directly across the street
from the Michigan Stadium; each
night as that fiery red ball we
call the sun goes down in the west,
the artificially produced fiery neon
counterpart flashes in the east
over the press box, proclaiming it
to be-surprise-MICHIGAN STA-
I don't know how much it costs
the University to ignite 30 letters
is written twice) and I've never
stayed awake long enough to know
when the switch is extinguished;
but whatever the cost, it does
seem a bit superfluous. What else
could that scooped-out, wire-
fenced enclosure be? I suspect that
even travelers, who would not be
as enlightened as Ann Arbor folks,
could make a fair guess at the
function of so abstract a con-
struction. Since most football
games that I have attended have
been in the bright of noonday, the
neon would seem to beckon no one
that has lost his way.
haps I am too short-sighted. Per-
haps the sign needs to be spiced
up by emitting a rainbow of fot-
balls on the half hour or per-
haps, it would be beneficial to
attach neon letters proclaiming
the functions of other buildings.
At night, central campus could be
ablaze with CHEMISTRY in sul-
phur maize, GRADUATE LI-
BRARY in Monday blue, NA-
TURAL SCIENCE in tree green,
and just between those stately
pillars, ANGELL HALL in stadium
red. Yet, does one need to paint
an elephant?
-Loretta Prentice, '57N
Charges Sports Bias
To the Editor:
sports? The Michigan basket-
ball team comes in third in the
NCAA championships in Kansas
City. In your first paper after va-
cation, this team gets a whole
page of articles and pictures in
the sports section plus pictures on
the first page.
But the hockey team that wins
the only NCAA championship this
year at Michigan, gets only a
small article and two shots of two
players. At least a team picture
should have been used noting the

hockey team as "Champs."
Or are you saving this space
for Jim Berger to write another
of his obnoxious articles about the
hockey team being "cheese cake
-Joe Craig




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