Sem ty-Third Year
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Truth Will Prevail"
........._..._
Editorials printed in Th Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in at; reprints.
SUNDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1964 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL SATTINGER
Short-Range Loss May Yield
Long-Range Benefits
NOW THAT ALL the excitement about that the State both has an extensive
locating the proposed NASA electron- pool of scientific and technical manpow-
ics center has subsided a bit, the real er and that manpower resources will con-
truth about Southeastern Michigan's tinue to be a chief Michigan asset.
campaign for the bid can be told. The It reported a healthy interaction of
simple fact is that Michigan made its the industry-University community - an
move with its eye focused more on fu- interaction which produced the Michigan
ture federal programs than on the pres- presentation. It underscored the area's
ently pending center. triumvirate of strong educational insti-
By placing its name before Washington tutions with excellent graduate pro-
in an impressive presentation, the state grams.
gave itself the potent kick upstairs that Finally, it demonstrated that the rap-
may reap rich benefits in future federal idly-growing Michigan industrial region
research programs-although it failed to is oriented toward electronics and has
win the $50 million center in the imme- an appreciation of science-based tech-
diate offing. nology.
Thus, the presentation did as much-
or more-than Michigan officials could BUT, ASIDE from the presentation it-
have hoped for. self, it is the spirit of cooperation
the presentation engendered among edu-
DRAWN TOGETHER by the prospect of cators, businessmen and industry leaders
landing the NASA bid, state educa- that will win Michigan future laurels-
tors, industry leaders and government of- and important federal research programs.
ficials made a mass attack on the NASA University administrators who helped
defenses. Over 100 of them backed Gov. prepare the proposal confess that they
George Romney and 40 other persons who never really expected to receive the
presented Michigan's proposal to NASA. NASA bid. They explain the Michigan
Others kept the letters of support pour- presentation largely as an effort to rally
ing into Washington. ' the state's industrial and educational
They failed in their immediate goal. forces-"a worthwhile end in itself."
The NASA bid went to Boston.
But, while the center was lost, praise WASHINGTON cannot long continue to
for Michigan was won. James A. Webb, ignore the research potentiality of
NASA administrator, called Michigan's Michigan and the Midwest in general, as
presentation "excellent." Michael Rad- it has done in the past, continually pass-
ock, director of University relations, re- ing by this region to concentrate elec-
ported one Washington official as saying tronics research firms on the East and
that the Michigan presentation was "the West coasts.
most impressive concentration of power" After Michigan's highly successful
he had seen at any of the NASA hear- Washington presentation, second looks
ings. at future research projects for the Mid-
The Michigan presentation was indeed not-too-distant future.
impressive. It quoted figures to prove -LOUISE LIND
UNDERSCORE:
Trading with the East
"Maybe It's In Code"
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WOMEN & CHILDREN FIRST:
A Court jesterr
By DICK POLLINGER
A FRIEND of mine had a summer job at a law firm and has sent
me this manuscript, which he discovered in the files of one of
the senior partners, who is something of a popular author.
MY COURT IN LIFE
By Luis Nizzer
AMONG ALL the perversions of which the human spirit is capable,
perhaps there is none more heinous than name-calling. This philo-
sophical fact is not widely known outside of the hallowed walls of
our universities, and it helped me to win one of the most important
law cases in all history.
Comte du Pommes du Terre came into my office quite by accident;
he was looking for the men's room down the hall. When, however,
I learned that he had been slandered, I lost no time. I explained
to him that I never ordinarially accepted slander cases, that they
were impossible to win, and I roughly sketched out the heroic pro-
portions of my task were I to represent him.
"When I clean the Agean Stables of the law," I explained to the
Comte, "I don't count the horses." He seemed to understand; well
I would soon fix that. Especially when I found out that the Comte
was the richest man in all Europe, I could sense that ageless tempest
begin again in my stomach. A pilot is often said to fly by the seat
of his pants. Well, that's nothing.
"But I don't want you to represent me," the Comte replied.
Armed with this simple psychological fact, I proceeded to research the
case.
MY CLIENT, it appeared, had been in a great deal of trouble
one night and his wife had begun to scream at him. A servant,
overhearing the quarrel, had called therCompte a "fruitcake"
(apparently an Italian locution of derogation). Here, at last, was
a fact which we could use and use again. But my success would
ringe largely on the degree to which the statement was false. I was
going to have to prove (brilliantly) that my client was, in fact, not
a fruitcake.
Now it is said that when one peels an onion, he is the first to
cry. Similarly, when a lawyer prepares a case for trial, he is the
first to understand it. It would have taken 60 or 70 years of grueling
effort to prepare the case the way I really wanted it prepared. So
instead, I took a few trips to Italy, and did some other colorful
things, and culminated my efforts by lookingdup "fruitcake" in the
Webster pocket dictionary.
I will let you in on a little secret: I keep several of these
"pockets" on my desk at all times. This not only gives the client the
impression that he is speaking to a learned man, but also gives me
a chance to look up any big words he uses while they are still fresh
in my mind. I have often found that I can use an occasional one later
in my court argument. This impresses the judge. Appearances are
important in the law.
SINCE THE DEFINITION of "fruitcake" whicr I wanted was not
in the pocket dictionary, I had my secretary type one out and I
glued it in at the appropriate spot. How was this cunning ploy to be
used? The testimony speaks for itself:
NIZZER: Mr. Capuccino, did you or did you not call the Comte
a "fruitcake?"
ANSWER: I did.
Q: Answer yes or no.
A: Yes.
Q: Can you deny, (I always like to use the term "deny" when
I can, it has the force of the ages), that it says here in the dictionary
that fruitcake means "noble prince?"
A: But this dictionary has been doctored!
THIS WAS THE MOMENT I had been waiting for. There is one
moment when a lion smells his spoor, big game hunters have told me,
and during an intense cross examination, I am the lion of the
courtroom. Anyone who bothers me, including the judge, is liable
to get clawed or bitten or worse.
"Mister Capuccino," I growled, raising myself to my full height
(4 feet 8 inches) "I am asking the questions here! (a quote from
somewhere). Answer yes or no! Does THIS DICTIONARY define
"fruitcake" as "noble prince" or not?
A: "Yes, sir, but ..
NIZZER: "Then you have, in fact, called the Comte a "noble
prince," and since that is, of course, the truth (at this point I waved
my glasses through the air wildly as a gesture of truth-I never pass
up a chance), THERE IS . . . (I slowed down for emphasis) . . .NO
SLANDER!!
A GREAT UPROAR arose in the jury box. The Judges were
laughing. The Comte was crying. It was then that I realized that
I had proved the case for the other side
PHILOSOPHICALLY, however, I have always ,regarded the in-
cident as a personal victory. "After all," I later explained to my client,
"the case was won on the basis of my research, and even if I won
it for the wrong side, still, I won the case."
Strange are the ways of European nobility. I had to attach his
American bank account to get payment for my fees.
KRENEK:
Order Versus Chance
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR:
U.S. Should Relinquish Canal
WITH THE NUCLEAR DETENTE and
Gen. de Gaulle's daring move toward
recognition of Communist China, the
time has come for a major assessment
of our trade policies with the Commu-
nist bloc.
In the past, the attitude of the West
has been one of hesitance., In the future
-the near future -- this policy must
change to one of willingness. We must be
willing to trade with the Communists and
to give them credit if they ask for it with-
in reasonable economic bounds.
Four major arguments can be marsh-
aled in favor of this viewpoint; three of
them are practical, the fourth ideolog-
ical.
THE FIRST ARGUMENT is from an eco-
nomic standpoint. Since the end of
World. War II, the United States gold
supply has dwindled from $24 billion to
$16 billion. This has been in spite of the
tact that we have maintained a favorable
balance of trade. There are no signifi-
cant trends apparent or, indeed, possible
toward lessening of these security ex-
penses and private investments abroad.
There is only one solution: make even
more favorable our balance of trade.
The surest way to do this is to trade
with the Communists. They need our ma-
chinery, our consumer products, and
above all our agricultural products much
more than we need theirs. Thus any
trade with them will result in, a positive
payment balance. And if we are to trade
with them, it is only logical to give them
credit-this will encourage them to trade
even more with us, and in the end will
result in more capital for us.
TfHE SECOND ARGUMENT in favor of
East-West trade is also of an econom-
ic nature. Increased trade will result in
a decrease in the danger of inflation.
An appropriate case in point is last
month, during which the cost of living
went up two-tenths of one per cent in the
United States. A good amount of this was
due to a large increase in the price of
sugar, which at present is selling for ten
cents a pound.
Cuba is at present selling sugar to
Russia at six cents a pound. Russia, which
produces enough sugar for her own needs,
is merely peddling the sugar she gets
Khrushchev would be rid of an annoying
economic problem, and everybody would
be happier all the way around.
And this brings us to our third point.
Everybody would be happier all the way
around. If we began to trade more free-
ly with the Communists-all Commu-
nists, even Red China-we would con-
tribute immeasurably to lessening of the
tensions and bitterness that have marked
our relations with the East for almost 20
years. For when we look at it impartially,
Castro, for example, has very good rea-
son to be bitter. In the four years of his
rule-which, whether we want to believe
it or not, has the backing of the major-
ity of his people-he has been isolated
from the trade of the Western Hemi-
sphere, invaded by a foreign power, and,
on top of it all, struck by the worst hur-
ricane to hit the Western Hemisphere in
this century.
AS A LIBERAL DEMOCRAT, I do not
necessarily approve of Castro's meth-
ods of government in Cuba. But the
United States, a liberal democracy, must
face reality. If the United States contin-
ues to isolate Castro, we will increase not
only his bitterness but that of Russia,
which must bail out his isolated and
floundering economy.
Beyond any doubt, these reasons alone
justify a liberalization of trade with the
Communists. But let us consider one more
point. It is this: If we refuse to trade
with the Communists or give them cred-
it, we are acknowledging a cringing fear
of them. This is not a military fear-for
that would be and is justified-it is an
economic fear.
FOR IF WE RESTRAIN our trade with
the East, and in doing so all but tacit-
ly admit that their system is superior to
ours, we cannot deny the possibility that
the Communists, through their own vi-
tality and through occasional trade with
us-a bus to Cuba here, a shipment of
wheat to Russia there-will eventually
catch up to us, and indeed, surpass us.
Our government is taking the right
step in trying to open up trade with the
Russians. What is now needed is a deep-
ening and a broadening of our efforts.
We must deepen them to include not only
agricultural products but also consumer
To the Editor:
AN EXCELLENT SUGGESTION,
Mr. Harrah. We should leave
Panama. But not to demonstrate
how dependent Panama is on the
UnitedStates economically or poli-
tically, not to show our strength
so that other' countries will "play
nice," but because we have no
right being in the Canal Zone
under the present conditions. The
contract should be ripped up or
renewed if the Panamanians are
willing to negotiate.
In 1904 Roosevelt quickly nego-
tiated the contract under condi-
tions that have since changed
radically. The Panamanians were
in no position to refuse in 1904.
The terms were most liberal but
the expiration date was _not in
keeping with this "altruism" of
Roosevelt.
OF COURSE the Panarnaian
dispute wastnot causedbysthe
refusal of the United States to
meet the demands of a rent in-
crease. It is far more involved.
They want us out of their terri-
tory, and from the way in which
our army acted one can easily see
why. But now instead of continu-
ing to criticize Harrah's editorial,
let me say how I think the situa-
tion can be relieved.
1) We should rid the zone of
our paranoidal military forces.
They have no right to have guns
there. Who are they protecting?
Themselves? The troops are no
longer necessary for the canal is
not a strategic military route.
2) If it is possible to negotiate
with the Panamanians, then by all
means we should. But let us not
determine this for a few months.
3) If we can't negotiate, we
should turn the canal over to the
Panamanians. We should give
them aid until they can run the
canal efficiently.
The economic aid can be deter-
mined by the same inefficient way
it is handled for South America.
I would hope, though, that a more
useful means of distribution of
wealth could be determined, but
this is doubtful since we are faced
ourselves with the situation Har-
rah so clearly described as being
uniquely Panamanian.
4) After we leave, and if nego-
tiations prove unsuccessful, then
we could build another canal if
the canal is no longer made acces-
sible for our ships.
, , ,
ALSO, it has not been deter-
mined accurately who was hysteri-
cal and aggressive in the incident.
Let us not presuppose the United
States is innocent until there is
further information available.
This situation is by no means
"nonsense,"snor should it be
thought of as a "politicians' play
toy." The situation is serious un-
less one considers human lives
mere toys.
There is no reason why our
foreign policy cannot coincide for
the best interests of both Panama
and the United States. In handling
this problem we cannot afford to
be vengeful, as Harrah suggests,
nor of course can we be passive.
However, we cannot afford to exert
naked power for its own glorifying
self. We cannot be avaricious cap-
italists, as Harrah would have us
be.
If the Panamanian's can "forget
us" by having us leave, then surely
we have not given them much
to remember.
-Thomas Friedman, '66
Prize..
To the Editor:
I WAS quite amazed when I saw
your original misprint of a
$100,000 prize in the William
Warner Bishop contest for the
best personal library owned by an
undergraduate; the reduction to
$100 was an improvement, but
there still remains some question
about this award.
First of all there are adminis-
trative questions: How are the
judges to know that the library
is the student's own, or that it is
of any vintage? (It seems worth-
while to spend $100 to beef up
one's library just to have the new
books paid for by the benificent
contest people.) But these ques-
tions are insignificant in compari-
son to the question of the whole
value of such a contest.
I WOULD like to know what
merit there is in the mere posses-
sion of a large library other than
the middle class virtue of being
able to afford it. Such possession
is not even an indicator of the
ability to select a library since
the names of the "best" books in
every field arercommon knowledge
to any undergraduate who has
taken an introductory course in
that field.
Suppose the student owns a sig-
nificantly large, well-balanced li-
brary. Has he read the books?
Does'he have a better apprecia-
tion of the printed word than the
student who does his reading at
the expense of the University and
public libraries? The whole contest
strangely resembles an advertise-
ment for the publishing house
that contributes the prizes.
-William Sklar, '64
G.M. Profits . .
To the Editor:
PHILIP SUTIN'S EDITORIAL
concerning General Motors was
a very shallow analysis of the
situation. I grant that $1,592 mil-
lion is a large and impressive
profit. However, this figure by it-
self does not tell the whole story.
For the year 1963, General
Motors showed a profit of $5.56 per
share of common stock. While this
figure is not quite as impressive
as GM's net income, it does have
more meaning, as profits can now
be compared with those of other
American corporations.
Many such corporations do have
similarly large profits . . . Accord-
ing to Mr. Sutin's theory, all of
these concerns should reduce their
product or service prices and raise
the wages of their employees. Such
a policy of arbitrarily limiting the
profits of any concern because
(and I quote Mr. Sutin) "This
profit . . . is doing little of any-
thing that is socially useful" is
contrary to the democratic system
of free enterprise. I cannot see
calling a corporation's profit "out-
sized" any time that it becomes
successful.
FURTHERMORE, I must take
strong exception to Mr. Sutin's
statement that GM's profit is not
doing anything that is socially
useful. It can hardly be said that
the dividends paid to GM stock-
holders do not provide some con-
tribution to the American econ-
omy. In addition, I must ask Mr.
Sutin in which economics class he
learned that it was the respon-
sibility of a corporation t be con-
cerned with the social benefits of
its profits.
... In 1963, General Motors em-
ployed nearly 483,000 workers
within the United States. These
workers earned a $4.3 billion dollar
payroll. Certainly this payroll pro-
vided a notable stimulation to the
economy and therefore must be
considered "socially useful."
Finally, Mr. Sutin gave no men-
tion of the charitable contribu-
tions and other "socially useful"
acts of General Motors. No Ameri-
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"! D4
on't Know How YOU Feel, But
It's Making ME Nervous"
Sa
V.
MUSIC and musical thought of
Ernst Krenek, emminent
American composer, was the sub-
ject of last night's Contemporary
Music Festival concert.
The program opened with the
"Seventh String Quartet" which
was composed in 1944. The work is
in five movements played without
pause. The thematic material of
the second through fifth move-
ments is derived from that of the
first. This procedure gives a
readily perceptible sense of struc-
tural unity.
The Stanley Quartet played the
work beautifully, displaying its
usual high standards of precision,
balance, warmth of tone, ensemble
and impeccable musicianship.
SOPRANO Janice Harsanyi and
a faculty student instrumental en-
semble performed the next work
on the program, "Sestina." Com-
posed in 1957, the work is based
on, an original poem written in
twelfth century sestina style. The
text ponders the "implications of
the idea governing the musical
construction of the work." This
form of poetry consists of six
stanzas of six lines of blank verse
each and hinges upon six key
words which appear at the end of
the individual lines. These key
words are rotated in a systematic
way. This principle of rotation in
turn determines the order of the
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plus sensitive accompaniment by
the ensemble made for an excel-
lent performance. Particularly
noteworthy was Miss Harsanyi's
remarkable consistency of tone
quality, throughout the zange of
her often disjunct part.
"The paradox of ultimate neces-
sity's causing unpredictable chance
is the topic of 'Sestina'." This
paradox in general and the com-
position of "Sestina" in particular
was the topic of Krenek's post-
intermission talk.
Krenek feels that virtually com-
plete serialization, such as "Ses-
tina's," leaves more room for
chance than less strictly determin-
ed forms. The modern composer's
real work is done in the pre-
notation stage when the composi-
tional formulae are set up.
-John Farrer
Peace
. PEACE is not that hypo-
critical propaganda aimed
at lulling the adversary to sleep
and concealing one's own prepara-
tion for ware. Peace does not con-
sist in pacifist rhetoric that re-
fuses the indispensable patience
and for which tiresome negotia-
tions are the only efficacious
means.
It is not based merely on the
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