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July 20, 1968 - Image 4

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Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications
420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.

Campus

Activity...

Vetnam

SATURDAY, JULY 20, 1968

NIGHT EDITOR: JOHN GRAY

Praise for the Regents...

THE REGENTS have taken a significant
step toward convincing the Univer-r
sity community that they are interested
in responsible student participation in
the University decision-making process.
Their judgment yesterday to postpone
action on three proposed bylaw revisions,
while a joint student-faculty commit-
tee has time- to reach agreement on the
complex issues of University conduct, was
a mature decision which avoided a po-
tentially explosive confrontation.
Hopefully, this action will set the tone
for all future discussions between the
Regents and the University community
on these and other issues affecting both
faculty and student lives. The postpone-
ment action indicates the Regents' per-
ception of the student community has
changed significantly. They have shown
respect for the student viewpoint. They
have demonstrated that mutual trust can
exist between some administrators and
students. The faith of the Hatcher Com-
mission in tri-partite representation has
been upheld.
INDEED, these don't appear to be the
same Regents who just two years ago
gave. Vice President for Student Affairs
Richard L. Cutler expanded disciplinary
powers, which he then arbitrarily exer-
cised. Nor do they seem to be the same
Regents who many claim hysterically
forced President Robben Fleming into
drafting the distasteful revised bylaw on,
the Office of Student Services.
Ironically, it is Fleming's role through-
out this whole crisis which is unclear
and disturbing. His originally intransi-
gent position on the bylaw controversy
may have been a facade, while behind
the scenes he was persuading the Regents
to have faith in the student-faculty by-
law committee. Or Fleming himself may
have been the instigator behind the
events of the past two weeks. It would
seem, however, that he is just too politic-
ally sophisticated to force a confronta-
tion situation when both students and
faculty are diligently working to reach
an agreement with the administration.
In fact, the wording of the proposed by-

law seemed almost as if it were intended
to arouse the united faculty-student op-
position which surfaced.
THE BYWORD of the Fleming adminis-
tration so'"far has been "keep the lines
of communication open and we can reach
agreement." And to date it has worked.
In addition, the initiation of open meet-
\ngs exposes Regents to opinion which
they heretofore had rarely confronted.
Their actions cannot now be taken in
ignorance of student views, in contrast
with past situations. The constructive
nature of Thursday's open hearing was a
major factor in the Regents' decision.
The disagreements over the University
Council, the Committee on Communica-
tions, and the Office of Student Services
bylaw are not over. And tlis controversial
question may not be settled through ne-
gotiations and compromise. But when
meetings with administrators and stu-
dents begin again, the ground will have
been laid for mutual trust and, hopefully,
eventual agreement.
To preclude the possibility of such fa-
vorable actions before presenting one's
case and without leaving flexibility for
both sides to change is to invite violence.
It cannot be denied that the Regents
have the authority to govern a state-.
owned and state-financed education in-
stitution and to make rules and regula-
tions regarding conduct on University
property.
RUT, IT MUST be argued that without
student participation and cooperation
the Regents cannot hope to legitimize
their laws governing the University. Sta-
bility is derived from mutual community
trust with the establishment of effective
channels for the redress of 'grievances by
any segment of society.
The achievement of student rights is
a long political process of negotiation,
bargaining, mediation and compromise.
Unfortunately, compromise is essential
in a world where absolute moral stand-
ards simply don't exist.
-MARK LEVIN
Editor

By STEVE D'ARAZIEN
College Press Service
SAIGON - This generation of
Vietnamese students is quite
unlike its current American coun-
terpart. It is largely a silent gen-
eration, closely resembling the
generation that prevailed in
America in the 1950's.
The political consciousness
which SDS wants to encourage in
the United States is not present
here. Nguyen Thi Xuan Huong, a
bright 17-year-old student at the
Faculty of Law (a college degree is
not required for legal study) was
asked why she opposes the Nation-
al Liberation Front.
"Because they take away your
freedom," she commented. When
someone observed that she had
no freedom, she tried another
tack: "Because they take away
your money."
That is a conditioned response
In many Vietnamese students. The
truth only comes from personal
exposure to the reality of the war.
Some months later Miss Huong
reported she had seen American
soldiers shoot an old woman and
a child. "I knew they were not VC.
I wanted to yell 'Americans go
home,' but they might have shot
me," she told me.
AMONG THE MAJORITY of
Vietnamese students, there was
a preference for Robert Kennedy
in the upcoming American elec-
tions, but many of the students
had a very limited acquaintance
with the Senator's views.
Primarily he was favored be-
cause his brother was a favorite
here, for policies which had quite
different effects on the Vietnam-
ese government than Sen. Kenne-
dy's would have. (The Vietnam-
ese government regarded Bobby
Kennedy with a contempt rivaling
that held for Mao Tse Tung.)
The preference for Kennedy re-
flected a yearning for peace based
on a revulsion against the destruc-
tion of Vietnam and opposition to
the continued killing of innocent
people. But there is a strong strain
of anti-Communism among Viet-
namese students which causes
them to be wary of suggestion of
a coalition government: The de-
sire for peace and the desire not
to compromise are contradictory,
but the contradiction is common
to the United States also.
TWO TENDENCIES are pecu-
liar to Vietnamese students - ro-
manticism and disinterest in pol-
itics.
The Vietnamese students are
fond of listening to sad songs
about the tragedy of war and un-
fulfilled love. They are anti-war
songs' (and are therefore banned
by the government as detrimental
to public morale) but they are
not activist songs like Phil Ochs'
"I Ain't Marchin' Anymore."
The expressed feeling is one of
passive resignation, of acceptance
of a "cruel fate" and an inability
to change anything. '.the defiance
of the anti-war movement in the
United States is not to be found
among these students.
(This romantic element in the
Vietnamese personality is clearly
demonstrated in the national epic,
the Kim-Van-Kieu, an absurdly
melodramatic work about the
tragedy of young love.
THE APOLITICAL attitude of
the students is the same attitude
that has characterized the Asian
peasants (and ghettoized blacks
in the U.S.) for centuries. This is
a land which has been ruled, for
centuries by a mandarin elite. Un-
like the United States, there is no
tradition of popular government
on a national scale.
Religion also plays a role. In
V i e t n a m varying degrees of
Buddhism, Confucianism and

Taoism mingle with traditional
ancestor worship and animism.
The central thrust of Buddhism
is inward, to achieve renunciation
and personal nirvana. Recently
the militant Buddhists have been
emphasizing an other-directed so-
cial gospel strain present in
Buddhism and this aspect of the
religion holds possibilities for
"radicalizing" the Vietnamese.
Neither Taoism, nor Confucian-
ism (which emphasizes personal
morality and obedience to family
and state) advance the develop-
ment of popular government in
Vietnam.
FOR SOME OF the students,
the silence is a function of their
tacit agreement with the Viet-
namese government. An identity
of interests exists between these
students and the government.
Like the government, the view-
point of these students is a func-
tion of their class. The Vietnamese
class system is mnuch .more rigid
than its American counterpart be-
cause of the Vietnamese tradition
of mandarin rule. Education still
remains the privilege of the rich
in Vietnam.
Until recently, Vietnamese stu-
dents have been draft deferred. As
members of the Vietnamese elite,
many of the students were auto-
matically granted military com-
missions, if they were unable to
be further deferred as govern-

the newspapers and at the movies,
blaring from loudspeakers into the
city streets and at mandatory
government rallies.
ALL OF TE media are govern-
ment controlled. News unfavorable
to the government is censored
from the press. Even President
Johnson's speeches - when he
talks 'about negotiations - are
censored, as attested to by patches
of white scattered throughout the
papers (Negotiation is a bad word
here.)
Objective accounts of the recent
history of Vietnam are unavail-
able at bookstores in Saigon. Pos-
session of books expressing a
"neutralist" viewpoint can lead to
arrest as a subversive. Law 10-59,
which outlaws Communism and
Neutralism, as loosely interpreted
by military courts, makes serious
discussion of politics impossible.
South Vietnam is, indeed, a po-
lice state. The situation here has
not been liberalized since Diem
took over in 1954. Public assembly
is strictly regulated. Anti-Com-
munist organizations, designed to
route out pro-Communist elements
within the student body of the
universities, have been formed by
the government.
IN THE PAST, anti-Communist
crusades and public denunciation"
campaigns eliminated much of
the opposition to the government.
Things have been quiet since then.
Students know that political In-
volvement is very risky,
So most of the Vietnamese stu-
dents have resigned themselves, to
self-imposed silence and have
closed their minds. The exclusion
of honorable dissent in Vietnam
has polarized the society into vis-
ible supporters of the government
and their clandestine opposition.
The opposition breaks down into
two categories, the militant
Buddhists and the NLF. The
young people are only nominally
students. As in the United States,
the leadership is frequently made
up 'of non-students. You cannot
go underground and remain in the
universities, which are closely
watched in Vietnam.
AMONG STUDENTS there is,
probably . more -support for the
Buddhist opposition, although it
is impossible to make a census.
The Buddhists oppose the current
government, would establish a
broad coalition and taketheir
chances with NLF participation in
the government.
In fact, many of the militant
Buddhist leaders are currently in
jail. The rest of these students
are underground, replete with new
names and false identity cards.
The student Buddhists can re-
main close to the universities be-
cause they are not actually at war
with the government. They still
have friends in school and do still
get together and talk politics.
...and
By WALTER GRANT
College Press Service
W ASHINGTON - During the
1964 Presidential campaign,
President Johnson stressed that
he wanted "this era to go down
in history as a period when young
people and the government be-
longed to each other."
The President, at the time, had
considerable support from stu-
dents, and his statement was a
plea for more young people to get.
on his bandwagon. Johnson's op-
ponent, ultra-conservative Barry
Goldwater, also thought it was
essential to have student sup-
port, and he rallied more than
30,000 members of the Young
Americans for Freedom and

100,000 members from the high
school Young Republicans to his
cause.
Today, it is clear that President
Johnson's ambition to involve
young people in government has
not been realized. In fact, during
the last four years young people,
have become more alienated from
the political process than ever be-
fore. Had Goldwater been elected,
the same probably would be true,
perhaps to an even greater extent.
BUT A NEW Presidential cam-
paign is underway; the candidates
again are trying to sell them-
selves to the student population,
and young volunteers again are
playing a central role in the cam-
paigns. Student involvement in
politics was a major news story
almost every day during the pri-
maries this spring when Sen.
Eugene McCarthy and the late.
Sen. Robert Kennedy, with the
help of students, piled up thou-
sands of votes against President
Johnson. Now, as both the Demo-
cratic and Republican conven-
tions approach, all of the candi-
dates, major and minor, are de-
pending on students to demon-
strate that they have widespread
popular support.
Even third party candidate
George Wallace has a small army
of loyal student followers. Last

Students who join the NLF, on
the other hand, rapidly lose allĀ°
contact with the university popu-
lation as they undergo the trans-
formation from students to sol-
diers.
"If you speak against the war,
you must speak against the VC,"
said Nguyen Van Chuong, a third
year English student at the Fac-
ulty of Pedagogy, University of
Hue.
Chuong typifies the iinority of
students who express strong ideo-
logical opposition to Communism.
He said he was pleased to receive
the military training the South
Vietnamese government is requir-
ing of all university students. He
thought "all the students are glad
to have it."
The Hue attack:had rallied the
people against the NLF, Chuong
said. "Now we must do our duty,"
he resolved. .
CHUONG'S interpretation of
the events in South Vietnam is
not that different from Dean
Dlusk's. He believes the NLF is a
creature of Hanoi and that North
Vietnam's attempt to fulifll the
Geneva Accords by means of mili-
tary force constitutes aggression.
Chuong's 'teacher of political
science had been I.Milton Sacks,
a prominent right-wing American
socialist, an extreme hawk and
frequent public advocate of Pres-
ident Johnson's policies.
"I am not pro-American and I
am not anti-American. I am a
nationalist," Chuong said.
Like many Vietnamese of late,
Chuong fears a unilateral Ameri-
can settlement in Vietnam which
will not take into account what he
perceives as the interests, of this
country. "I am angry because
Johnson didn't mention the gov-
ernment (of South Vietnam)
when he stopped bombing the -
North," he said.
' HE ASKED ME what I thought -
of the commonly held story that,
America made a deal with the
NLF during Tet and gave the NLF
24 hours in which to attempt the
overthrow of the South Vietnam-'
ese government without American
interference. He said the U.S. Ma-
rines did not enter Hue until the
fifth day of the fighting. I.re-
minded him that they had to
fight their way in, the roads be-'
ing blocked. I said I thought it
was nonsense.
When asked if he had any
friends who had joined the NLF,
he replied he had two. They had
been fellow members of the Eng-
lish-speaking club at the Univer-
sity of Hue. Chuong's two friends,
had markedly different views from
his, and he said he did not know
if they were Communists. They
strongly opposed the Saigon gov-
ernment, the corruption, and the
American presence.
Chuong blamed the Americans
for most of the corruption which,
he said, came in response to the

influx of large amounts of Amer-
ican capital.
Chuong was not unsophisticat-
ed. He knew the administration's
arguments well. It is impossible to
tell how many Vietnamese'. stu-
dents would sound so much like
the U.S. government, probably
very few.
HIS INTERPRETATION of the
Vietnam war, though, was sharply
challenged by a young militant
Buddhist. When I told her of my
conversation with Chuong, she
said, "There are good anti-Com-
munists who are anti-Communist
not because they are corrupt, but
because they are historically
aware of the abuses and cruelty in
North Vietnam."
As a Buddhist, she could not
Join the NLF. "They are' too
cruel," she emphasized. But be-
cause she believes eventual recon-
ciliation with' the NLF is neces-
sary, she is in contact with mem-
bers of the Front.
MAI IS A thin, intense, nervous
girl. She spoke rapidly, giving a
condensed version of her views:
"I can only. say what I see with
my eyes, what the majority of
young Vietnamese believe.",,
She said she believed between
70 and 80 per cent of the Viet-
namese students would agree with
her.
"My country is a small coun-
try," she went on. "We were un-
der the oppression of the French.
Many young revolutionary people
tried to save the 'country, but
could not. Many young Vietnam-
ese believe in Ho Chi Minh. They
believe in using Communism to
save the country.
"They believe they must use no
hate toward the poor people who
are the majority. Many good cap-
italists and nationalists joined'
this movement (the Viet Minh).
They are not Communists.
"AFTER THE Geneva Accords,
the non-Communists went to
South Vietnam. Also some colon-
ialist supporters. In the North the
government was controlled by the
Party. In the South some people
used freedom to be corrupt.
"Diem was good, but his family
A the Ngo's) were bad. They killed
many patriots.
"The NLF was planned in
Hanoi. They enticed many good
people who were non-Communists
to join them. They are very,
strong, so we must -speak with
them. -
"It is because the policy of
South Vietnam and the United
States is so bad that the Front
can entice many good persons..
"IN VIETNAM if two parties
fight each . other the party with
the foreign troops will leave. You
see, we lived for 1,000 years un-
der the Chinese. All the Vietnam-'
ese are against foreigners. The
NLF has no foreign (non-Viet-
namese) troops.

"The NLF tactic is to cause the
U.S. to destroy homes. They don't
permit the people to leave. It is
so cruel, but it is the way of peo-
ple who have no airplanes, no
tanks."
Mai agreed with those who -be-
lieve the Tet offensive had an ad-
verse effect on* support for the
Front among the Vietnamese peo-
ple. "Since Tet, people don't be-
lieve anyone - not the Ameri-
cans, not the government, not the
NLF," she said.
ASKED WHY 'SO many stu-
dents are apolitical, she said, "We
live in a very bad atmosphere.
Everyone is suspicious. Everyone
hears only the philosophy of the
government."
"People in Saigon are not very
Vietnamese. Before they were
French. Now they are American,"
she said, referring to Saigon stu-
dents. "And students are not
really representative of the Viet-
namese people," who, Mai noted,
were mostly peasants.
"At least 50 of my friends have
joined the NLF. They are very
bright students. They believe we
must fight colonialism. They are
not Communists and,: if it be-
comes necessary once the Ameri-
cans are gone, they will fight the
Communists," Mai said. "Before
they joined the NLF they had
open minds. Now their minds are
closed."
MAI BELIEVES 'another coup.:
d'etat represents a atical way
out for the United States. While
the current -,government is- quite
intransigent about negotiations
and in its refusal to talk to the
enemy, the NbF. a new govern-
ment could do this.
Mai gave me a list of names,
which she asked me not to reveal,
of men who could make up a co-
alition.
"This group is very popular. The
Front does not say this group -is
bad. It says they are weak. It re-
spects them and would work with
them," Mal said. She believes in a
coalition situation, these non-
Communists could balance the
Communist influence of the Front.
OF COURSE, as was the case
in 1963, American help is needed
if there is to be a coup. Mai said
she has discussed this with the
Front, and they agreed.
The present military govern-
ment is unrepresentative. Its sup-
port comes from Northern Cacho-
lics, landowners and war profit-
eers. A coup could break through
the barrier to peace by providing
a government which would nego-
tiate with the dissidents. -
If the United States does not
adopt this, or another way out of
Vietnam, Mai, who 'predicted the
second wave attack on Saigon a
month before the mortars rained
upon us, predicts only continued
warfare and the final'destruction
of her country.

... and brickbats
for student leaders'

in

the good o' U.SA.

THE STUDENTS won their battle with
the Regents yesterday, but the ad-
ministration has already won the war.
Contrary to popular opinion, there has
never been a struggle for "student pow-
er" on this campus. Student power, in
reality, means the desire for real student
control over their own lives and over
every aspect of the machinery by which
conduct is regulated. But this desire has
always been subordinate to the belief
'that .student life can be good enough if
the Regents can only be persuaded to
take an "enlightened" position.
Back in November of 1966, when Stu-
dent Government Council "broke away"
from the Office of Student Affairs, its
members expressed the position that OSA
control of student conduct was illegiti-
mate. But these same members and their
successors have continued to go before
the administration, and now the Regents,
asking them to accept this position.
GIVEN THE fact that the Regents be-
lieve they have the legal responsibil-
ity for student conduct, Regental ap-
proval of student self-determination is
realistically unthinkable; but beyond,
this, it is also contrary to everything that
"self-determination" means.
How can SGC claim that it has ulti-
mate control over student conduct and
then turn around and "request" that the
Regents - supposedly illegitimate -
grant SGC the right to continue its ac-
tivities? If they really believed in the 11-
ilegitimacy of Regental authority, the
absurdity of such a request would be
clear.
The drive for student power is a drive
to make students equal members of the
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Michigan
420 Maynard St.. Ann Arbor, Michigan. 48104.
Daily except Sunday and Monday during regular
summer sss.Ill-

university community. But one does not
have to get down on bended knee before,
an equal and plead with him to be rea-
sonable.
SGC already has rules governing stu-
dent conduct, and a student court al-
ready exists; there is no need for any-
one to have to "look into" the question
of conduct and discipline. And yet, the
whole justification for asking the Re-
gents to delay passage of the OSA re-
structuring was predicated on the as-
sumption that Regental action now would
hamper the work of the ad hoc group
that is considering exactly that question.
THE PROBLEM is that these so-called
"student leaders" have never fully
thought out what student self-determin-
ation means. They have taken upon
themselves the responsibility of govern-
ing student life, and yet "- like a child
asking a grownup for permission to leave
the table - they have continually turned
to the administration for approval of
their program.
The Regents' decision is an expression
of good faith in the ;student leaders' abil-
ity to work cooperatively with the admin-
istration. But the student leaders should
examine what that good faith expression
means. Would the Regents have been so
willing to cooperate if SGC had stood up
for its own rules, and refused to agree
with the demand that these rules be put
into bylaw form?
SGC agreed long ago to the position
of Joint Judiciary Council that rules
made under the influence of the admin-
istration should not be enforced upon
students. Why do they now turn around
and participate in drafting Regental by-
laws?
THE STUDENTS - placated - see no
need for a confrontation next fall.
They have succeeded in convincing the
Regents that the way to keep the campus

many college fans, a lot more
than we realized earlier."
ALTHOUGH MOST of the can-
didates' staffs are reluctant to es-
timate how many students are
working for them, most observers
agree that McCarthy still has the
largest body of student volunteers.
The emphasis on students in the
McCarthy campaign has decreas-
ed, however, because McCarthy is
trying to demonstrate that he is
not merely a spokesman for
young radicals, but that he ap-
peals to businessmen, educators,
poor people, and almost all other
segments of society.
Sam Brown, the Harvard divin-
ity student who managed McCar-
thy's student canvassing in the
primaries, said, "We have come to
realize that the student distine-
tion is not a real one. Younger
people are capable of doing all the
things other people are capable
of doing. What we actually have
is a group of volunteers for Mc-
Carthy in which, students are an
important part."
In the next few weeks before
the Democratic convention,,- Mc-
Carthy's supporters will be trying
to persuade delegates to the con-
vention that McCarthy has pop-
ular support. Brown said thou-
sands of young people across the
country will be circulating peti-
tions of endorsement and organ-
izing mass meetings on the local
level to demonstrate McCarthy's
widespread popularity.
Brown thinks more students are
working for McCarthy now than
during the prnaries,"but it's not
so, evident because we don't have
the massive concentrations."
VICE PRESIDENT Hubert
Humphrey, the leading Demo-
cratic candidate, is trying despe-
rately to gain support from large
numbers of young people. His
problem is that he is considered
too liberal by conservatives, and
at the same time he is rejected
by many liberal and radical stu-

ing, 'and expansion of the Peace
Corps.
"Our greatest difficulty is ig-
norance," said Davis. "Students
simply do not know anything
about the Vice President other
than about his stand on Vietnam,
and most of that is misinforma-
tion. We want to present the rec-
ord of this man, which really has
been fairly radical."
Davis said he could not esti-
mate the number of young people
supporting Humphrey, but he
added that "theamount of stu-
dent support has increased five-
fold within the last two weeks."
United Democrats for Humphrey
issued a news release this week
saying it has 150 workers with an
average age of under 35.
ON THE Republican side, New
York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller is
making the biggest play for stu-
dent support. Bob Harris, nation-
al chairman of the New Majority
for Rockefeller, a group composed
of young people under 27, esti-
mates that - more than 50,000
young people presently are "ac-
tually working" for Rockefeller.
"Our basic program is one of
canvassing and street corner' pe-
titioning," Harris said. Student
groups in the nation's major cities
are going into neighborhoods,
passing out Rockefeller literature,
and attempting to sell -Rocke-
feller to the public on a grass
roots, person-to-person basis. "We
lave an extensive program reach-
ing into the black neighborhoods,"
Harris said. "We are attempting
to reach and bring black young
people into the-campaign. There
has been very, very little of this
by any of the candidates, except
maybe by Kennedy."
Members of the New Majority
also are organizing a massive let-
ter-writing campaign to the dele-
gates to the Republican conven-
tion. The students are trying to
sell the theory that Rockefeller
is the' only Republican candidate
with enough support to win in

every college campus in the coun-
try when school opens in the fall."
Allen says the Nixon strategy goes
far beyond the convention.
CALIFORNIA GOY. Ronald
Reagan, the unannounced Repub-
lican candidate, also has student
supporters. "We have about 1,000
members ($1 each for member-
ship dues), and we think that's
pretty good for a non-candidate,"
said Bruce Weinrod, executifve di-
rector of Students for Reagan.
"We have chapters on .about 200
campuses." Weinrod said at least
300, and probably more, students
for Reagan will attend the Re-
publican convention to show there
is widespread support for Rea-
gan's nomination.
In addition to the thousands of
students who are participating in
the Presidential campaign, how-
ever, thousands more are not in-
volved. Many of these find Me-
Carthy unacceptable, and the
other candidates even more so.
Some supported Kennedy, but
have dropped -out since - the as-
sassination.
JIM FLUG, student coordinator
for Kennedy during the primaries,
says he thinks most of the Ken-
nedy students have picked up
other projects. "A lot of students
who helped us are . working for
gun control legislation,-or just
trying to keep the momentum
going in terms of working for the
Ideals Sen. Kennedy worked for."
Both McCarthy's and Rocke-
feller's student leaders claim
many of Kennedy's followers are
helping them,
OF ALL THE student organ-
izations which have been formed
-.in support of presidential candi-
dates, the group working for for-
mer Minnesota Gov. Harold Stas-
sen may be the most unique. 'I
used to work for McCarthy," says
Christopher Simpson, a volunteer
worker for Students for Stassen,
"but they didn't give me much to
do and it was all busy work. But

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