1
Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom
Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan
under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications
420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich.
News Phone: 764-0552
Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1968
NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX
The last resort
THREE WEEKS AFTER the assas-
sination of Robert Kennedy, our
perception of this year's race for the
Presidency has become distressingly
clear. Issues have been polarized and
crystallized, alignments and pledges of
support have stiffened. Politics in the
Democrtic Party and in the nation have
reached a crucial point.
While Kennedy was still in the race,
the issue of personality politics domi-
nated the Democratic contest. The
positions of Kennedy and McCarthy
were so close as to be indistinguishable
It was a question of who you liked of
these two men that dominated the
primaries: the blacks and the blue-
collar workers liked Kennedy, the well-
to-do and the students chose Mc-
Carthy. You hardly ever heard anyone
discuss whether the basically mutual
programs of the two men were right
or not-that issue was settled, though
perhaps blurred by personality ques-
tions in the minds of some voters.
But Kennedy's death has destroyed
that issue and, in the meantime, has
all but settled another-Hubert Hum-
phrey, apologist for the administration
and favorite of the party loyalists,
seems to have the nomination sewed
up.
O THOSE who would rather not rec-
ognize the real workings of the
American political system, Humphrey's
success so far is a surprise, if not a
shock. McCarthy and Kennedy con-
sistently won 80 per cent of the Dem-
ocratic vote in primaries in which both
were entered, running each time
against a stand-in for the Johnson ad-
ministration (the Johnson-Humphrey
administration, as the vice-president
is now fond of calling It).
Some might have argued that this
-DANIEL OKRENT
Summer Co-Editor
-NEAL BRUSS
Magazine Editor
-PAT O'DONOHUE
News Editor
-ALISON SYMROSKI
Assoc. Magazine Editor
-HOWARD KOHN
Exec. Sports Editor
--ROGER RAPOPORT
Editor, 1967-68
-JOHN LOTTIER
Assoc. Editorial Director, 1967-68
-CLARK NORTON
Sports Editor, 1967-68
-ELIZABETH WISSMAN
Arts Editor, 1966-67
-JOHN GRAY
-STEVE NISSEN
-THOMAS R. COPI
-FRED LaBOUR
-PHILIP BLOCK
-FRITZ LYON
was largely due to the Kennedy's per-
sonal magnetism. But in New York,
after the first shock of the assassina-
tion had passed, McCarthy rolled to a
stunning victory-alone-and carried
a relatively unknown former city coun-
cilman with him to a Senatorial nom-
ination.
The issue is now clear. For years, and
particularly since the Vietnam War has
pushed the disenchanted to particular-
ly grave acts of defiance, the young
and the dissatisfied have been urged to
stay within the system, to channel their
frustrations through existing institu-
tions-they have been instructed that
they cannot win the game by breaking
the rules.
McCarthy's campaign has been char-
acterized as a Children's Crusade, and
it is. The students have built McCarthy,
they have sold the nation on the goals
of a newly-enlightened youth. The
people have demonstrated their sup-
port for these hopes by voting for
McCarthy - or Kennedy - time after
time.
THE STUDENTS played the game and
won.
But now the rules have been chan-
ged. Hubert Humphrey and the "reg-
ulars" still control the Democratic
Party.
Not in recent years has there been
such a graphic demonstration that
there is no recourse whatsoever for
serious dissent within the structure of
the American legal-political system.
If Hubert Humphrey is nominated in
August, we will resign from the system
that has shown us we cannot win. We
will be forced to carry our dissent
through another system altogether.
We hope you will join us on the bar-
ricades.
-STEVE WILDSTROM
Managing Editor
-WALLACE IMMEN
News Editor
-LUCY KENNEDY
Personnel Director
-DAVID WEIR
Sports Editor
-ANDY SACKS
Photo Editor
-MICHAEL HEFFER
City Editor, 1967-68
-LISSA MATROSS
Arts Editor, 1967-68
-HARVEY WASSERMAN
Editorial Director, 1966-67
-ROBERT JOHNSTON
Editor, 1965-66
-RON LANDSMAN
-STUART GANNES
-KEN KELLEY
-ANN MUNSTER
-R. A. PERRY
-RICHARD KELLER SIMON
1468. The Register
an ribneSndicate
- --
Modera tes
By WALTER GRANT
College Press Service
WASHINGTON - During the
historic 1963 March on
Washington, John Lewis, who was
then chairman of the Student
Nonviolent Coordinating Commit-
tee, was forced to tone down his
prepared speech because leaders
of the demonstration considered
it too militant.
When thousands of people
marched on the nation's Capital
this week to demonstrate their
solidarity with the goals of the
Poor People's Campaign, leaders
of SNCC, which is considered even f
more militant now, were not rep-
resented among the long list of
speakers. Neither were leaders of
the Congress of Racial Equality, .
or other groups associated with
the "black power" philosophy.
Instead, all of the speakers rep-
resented such moderate organiza-
tions as the Southern Christian ;
Leadership Conference, which is
sponsoring the campaign, and the
National Association for the Ad-
vancement of Colored People.
These moderate organizations
havs faced stiff competition in
recent years for the loyalty of
black people. Many have become
convinced that their tactics have
not workedsand therefore are no
longer realistic.
INDEED, EVEN the moderate
leaders of the "Solidarity Day" '
demonstration indicated that they,
too, have serious doubts about the
usefulness of their tactics. But
they were willing to give it one
last try in hopes that white Amer- and lou
ica finally would agree to listen, peared o
before the going gets rough. marchers
Mrs. Martin Luther King Jr., their feel
the widow of the man who cham- make lit
pioned the nonviolent tactics of will have
the civil rights movement, labeled phrey a
the march "a last chance" to solve Novembe
the problems of black people
"nonviolently," and to "save the IaIP
nation and the world from de- as he w
struction." years ag
Whitney M. Young Jr., the di- the spea
rector of the National Urban the steps
League, said, "This may be the lastthsep
march which is nonviolent and and, fol
which brings blacks and whites meras ai
together. The nation and the Con- graphers,
gress must listen to us now be- the spel
fore it is too late; before the handin
prophets of violence replace the has alwa
prophets of peace and justice."
This theme was repeated over Giving
and over again to make sure that the Whit
no one in Congress, no politician, to come
no white suburbanite would miss moves in
it. It was repeated not as a threat, group of
but as mere recognition of the dessert w
fact that times have changed and After I
poor people are no longer willing left, a s
to sit back and hope, while their Mexican-
plight remains unchanged. tacked t
rally was
MOST OF THE more than want the
50,000 persons who participated in the ghett
the demonstration. did not feel where e
like they were accomplishing any- he said.
thing. The number of students at
the march was suprisingly small, THE P
far less than the 25,000 predicted even Mc
by student leaders. About half of the heroe
the marchers were black people: heroes ar
the rest members of the middle John F.]
class who merely wanted to show Martin L
they sympathize with the poor ert F. K
and think something should be four assa
done for them. however.
But the mood was one of pes- signs ho
simism. The marchers, both poor and give
and rich, seemed to realize there Some o
is little chance that Congress will participa
be truly responsive to the goals People'sC
of the Poor People Campaign, by Dr. K.
despite the token amount of prog- of paying
ress already made. They seemed
to realize there is little chance The m
that the government will quit days bef
last chance
,WALTER SHAPIRO-R
The view from
the barricades
(First of Two Parts)
ELSEWHERE on this page there is a major editorial reflecting the
feelings of many current and former members of The Daily staff.
The only problem with their declaration of principle is that
they have fallen victim to some of the subtle allures of the McCarthy
campaign.
SINCE ITS INCEPTION, McCarthy's quest for the nomination
has all but claimed to be a moral rather than a political movement.
Despite this aura of purity, it can be argued that even last Novem-
ber McCarthy's candidacy seemed likely to be in his long range politi-
cal interest. But as a consequence of this moral spectre, the McCarthy
forces regard the upcoming battle in Chicago as a titanic clash of
principlesHadMcCarthy obtained the vice-presidential nomination he so
zealously coveted in 1964, it is unlikely that any of his alleged dif-
ferences of principle with Hubert Humphrey could be discerned today.
THE BASIS of Eugene McCarthy's white knight image is, of
course, his opposition to the unbearable carnage in Vietnam. And it
is very true that, if elected, Eugene McCarthy would quickly extricate
this country from the morass in Southeast Asia. But if you believe
Bill Moyers and James Reston, so would Hubert Humphrey.
More significantly, it is unlikely that the next President, whoever
he may be, can long continue the fighting in view of the well estab-
lished and influential forces now lined up against the war - much
of the Wall Street financial community, the foreign bankers who
have great influence on the stability of the dollar, and a large num-
ber of moderates in both major parties. After all, we have tried and
failed with everything else in Vietnam. Someone soon is going to
have to try getting out, if only from a shortage of untested alternatives.
AND ASIDE FROM Vietnam, it is hard to detect any major policy
differences between the two Minnesota liberals. McCarthy clearly has
not used Vietnam as a springboard for a critique of the broad principles
of American foreign policy.
McCarthy, who has yet to make a major address on the inflam-
matory problems of the cities, and Humphrey, advocate of a new urban
Marshall Plan, are both captives of the liberal philosophy of solving
social problems. Both Minnesota Democrats see the urban problems
as questions of money rather than power.
But the black community does not just want a bigger share of our
affluence. They demand control over their own destinies, and the
institutions and funds ostensibly designed to serve them. And neither
Humphrey nor McCarthy have given any indication that they recog-
nize this.
MANY WHO are not enthusiastic about the rather limpid Min-
nesota Senator, nonetheless support him because of the intense ideal-
ism of the "Children's Crusade" which has mobilized in McCarthy's
behalf.
But this movement can only have influence at the behest of
McCarthy. And the only reason these dedicated students and their
adult compatriots loom so important in the McCarthy campaign right
now is because the maverick senator has such little organizational
support.
BUT ON THE off-chance that McCarthy gets the nomination, his
whole campaign would be transformed by the influx of party profes-
sionals girding for the big fight against Richard Nixon.'Without pub-
licly repudiating these stuaent volunteers, McCarthy would steadily
relegate them to the background and come to rely more and more
heavily on professional advisors. No matter what the sanguine be-
lieve, Robert Lowell will not be his choice for Secretary of State.
And if, as seems far more likely, McCarthy is overwhelmed in
Chicsgo, the indefatigible crusader could probably defuse a large
segment of his f6llowers with a few short talks about the joys of party
loyalty and the grim spectre of Richard Nixon in the White House.
AS THE CONVENTION draws near with its seemingly preordained
conclusion and the primaries become a fond but hazy memory, a grow-
ing sense of despair is overtaking the McCarthy partisans. But those
who advertise the Chicago Convention as the last test of the respon-
siveness of the American political system, conveniently forget that
a man very much of that system is mounting the challenge.
The despair should not be over Humphrey's apparent nomination.
Instead the hopelessness should be generated by the fact that in
selecting the Vice-President, the Democrats will have probably made
their best choice since 1956. Humphrey is not the worst the two party
system has to offer, in many ways he is one of the best. And therein
lies the impossibility of working within existing political structures.
IT IS SCARCE comfort to the cynics and the Cassandras -
all of whom are somewhat entitled to shout, "I told you so" -that
we are swiftly returning to the same mood of frustration that McCarthy
capitalized on last October. In fact there is some merit to the argu-
ment that the cause is stronger because the system was tested once
more and it seems to have failed again.
Thus while I dismiss as misguided the ultimatum to the Demo-
cratic Party to nominate McCarthy in Chicago, I heartily endorse
the threat to abandon the political system if rebuffed.
I cannot criticize the use of the anarchistic slogan "To the bar-
ricades" in a metaphorical sense, to signify a feeling of "to hell
with the unresponsive American political system."
But what does disturb me greatly is the sanguine faith of so many
that Eugene McCarthy is what his posters advertise him to be. ,
There's nothing wrong with the cry, "To the barricades." The
only question is when. I say let's go now - before the Democratic
Convention.
BENEATH THIS romantic cry there are some vitally important
unanswered questions about where do we go from here. How do we
-the disenchanted, the doubters, the critics, and the radicals-
reconcile ourselves once again to our powerlessness to change an un-
heeding society gone mad.
The unfortunate legacy of the McCarthy campaign is that all
these questions have been put aside by too many for a major effort
to work within the existing political apparatus.
Now as the dimensions of that failure are beginning to become
evident - despite some dramatic victories - it is time to again
start thinking about the alternatives abandoned so foolishly long
before New Hampshire.
*
4v
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"Mirror, mirror..."
I!!
i
d ovation when he ap-
n the scene. But the
seemed to realize that
ings about the candidates
tle difference. They still
to choose between Hum-
nd Richard Nixon come
r,
HREY PLAYED the game
ould have played it five
.While McCarthy stayed
ackground and listened to
kers, Humphrey climbed
of the Lincoln Memorial,
lowed by television ca-
nd a dozen or so photo-
made his way around
kers' platform, shaking
lapping backs, and re-
the poor people that he
ys been their friend.
the street directions to
e House, he invited some
and visit him when he
there. He also invited a
black children to have
with him that night.
Humphrey and McCarthy
peaker representing the
-Americans bitterly at-
he politicians, saying the
not staged for them. "We
rm to come and see us in
to, not up here on stage
verybody can see them,"
OLITICIANS of the day,
Carthy, indeed are not
es of the poor blacks. The
re all dead, among them
Kennedy, Malcolm X, Dr.
uther King Jr., and Rob-
ennedy. Memories of the
assinated men linger on,
Pictures, buttons, and
noring them were sold
m away.
f the marchers said they
ted only because the Poor
Campaign was conceived
ing, and it was their way
a final tribute to him.
arch was held only five
ore the permit for the
A
traffic, and later threw rocks and
bottles at police who tried to break
up their protest. The police
brought out their clubs and tear
gas, and the war was on again.
Finally, after the campsite was
closed, hundreds were arrested and
jailed.
White America has been given
its final notice.
Rev. Abernathy
Letters to the Editor
4
*
Patterns
To the Editor:
It is hoped that the gun mur-
ders of President Kennedy, Sen.
Kennedy and Martin Luther King
will put on end to the bad old
American tradition, dating back
to frontier days and conditions,
of making private citizens one
man armies, armed for domestic
war. We hone that they will also
of political killings has increased
with the growing tensions of
foreign and civil war. Probably
over a hundred European, Asiatic
African and Latin American
statesmen and public figures
have been killed in the past half
century.
In at least two respects we
Americans have, indeed, been for-
tunate. One is that the murders
demned-Mrs. Surratt add Dr.
Mudd). Some rash anti-anarchist
legislation followed Czolgosz's
murder of McKinley, but it most-
remained a dead letter. Oswald
was apparently a Castroist, but
his crime did not lead to any
change in our Cuban policy.
Contrast this with the massacre
of the Girondins to avenge Marat,
of the anti-Stalinists to avenge