1 Seventy-seven years of editorial freedom Edited and managed by students of the University of Michigan under authority of Board in Control of Student Publications 420 Maynard St., Ann Arbor, Mich. News Phone: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily exp ress the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, JUNE 27, 1968 NIGHT EDITOR: HENRY GRIX The last resort THREE WEEKS AFTER the assas- sination of Robert Kennedy, our perception of this year's race for the Presidency has become distressingly clear. Issues have been polarized and crystallized, alignments and pledges of support have stiffened. Politics in the Democrtic Party and in the nation have reached a crucial point. While Kennedy was still in the race, the issue of personality politics domi- nated the Democratic contest. The positions of Kennedy and McCarthy were so close as to be indistinguishable It was a question of who you liked of these two men that dominated the primaries: the blacks and the blue- collar workers liked Kennedy, the well- to-do and the students chose Mc- Carthy. You hardly ever heard anyone discuss whether the basically mutual programs of the two men were right or not-that issue was settled, though perhaps blurred by personality ques- tions in the minds of some voters. But Kennedy's death has destroyed that issue and, in the meantime, has all but settled another-Hubert Hum- phrey, apologist for the administration and favorite of the party loyalists, seems to have the nomination sewed up. O THOSE who would rather not rec- ognize the real workings of the American political system, Humphrey's success so far is a surprise, if not a shock. McCarthy and Kennedy con- sistently won 80 per cent of the Dem- ocratic vote in primaries in which both were entered, running each time against a stand-in for the Johnson ad- ministration (the Johnson-Humphrey administration, as the vice-president is now fond of calling It). Some might have argued that this -DANIEL OKRENT Summer Co-Editor -NEAL BRUSS Magazine Editor -PAT O'DONOHUE News Editor -ALISON SYMROSKI Assoc. Magazine Editor -HOWARD KOHN Exec. Sports Editor --ROGER RAPOPORT Editor, 1967-68 -JOHN LOTTIER Assoc. Editorial Director, 1967-68 -CLARK NORTON Sports Editor, 1967-68 -ELIZABETH WISSMAN Arts Editor, 1966-67 -JOHN GRAY -STEVE NISSEN -THOMAS R. COPI -FRED LaBOUR -PHILIP BLOCK -FRITZ LYON was largely due to the Kennedy's per- sonal magnetism. But in New York, after the first shock of the assassina- tion had passed, McCarthy rolled to a stunning victory-alone-and carried a relatively unknown former city coun- cilman with him to a Senatorial nom- ination. The issue is now clear. For years, and particularly since the Vietnam War has pushed the disenchanted to particular- ly grave acts of defiance, the young and the dissatisfied have been urged to stay within the system, to channel their frustrations through existing institu- tions-they have been instructed that they cannot win the game by breaking the rules. McCarthy's campaign has been char- acterized as a Children's Crusade, and it is. The students have built McCarthy, they have sold the nation on the goals of a newly-enlightened youth. The people have demonstrated their sup- port for these hopes by voting for McCarthy - or Kennedy - time after time. THE STUDENTS played the game and won. But now the rules have been chan- ged. Hubert Humphrey and the "reg- ulars" still control the Democratic Party. Not in recent years has there been such a graphic demonstration that there is no recourse whatsoever for serious dissent within the structure of the American legal-political system. If Hubert Humphrey is nominated in August, we will resign from the system that has shown us we cannot win. We will be forced to carry our dissent through another system altogether. We hope you will join us on the bar- ricades. -STEVE WILDSTROM Managing Editor -WALLACE IMMEN News Editor -LUCY KENNEDY Personnel Director -DAVID WEIR Sports Editor -ANDY SACKS Photo Editor -MICHAEL HEFFER City Editor, 1967-68 -LISSA MATROSS Arts Editor, 1967-68 -HARVEY WASSERMAN Editorial Director, 1966-67 -ROBERT JOHNSTON Editor, 1965-66 -RON LANDSMAN -STUART GANNES -KEN KELLEY -ANN MUNSTER -R. A. PERRY -RICHARD KELLER SIMON 1468. The Register an ribneSndicate - -- Modera tes By WALTER GRANT College Press Service WASHINGTON - During the historic 1963 March on Washington, John Lewis, who was then chairman of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Commit- tee, was forced to tone down his prepared speech because leaders of the demonstration considered it too militant. When thousands of people marched on the nation's Capital this week to demonstrate their solidarity with the goals of the Poor People's Campaign, leaders of SNCC, which is considered even f more militant now, were not rep- resented among the long list of speakers. Neither were leaders of the Congress of Racial Equality, . or other groups associated with the "black power" philosophy. Instead, all of the speakers rep- resented such moderate organiza- tions as the Southern Christian ; Leadership Conference, which is sponsoring the campaign, and the National Association for the Ad- vancement of Colored People. These moderate organizations havs faced stiff competition in recent years for the loyalty of black people. Many have become convinced that their tactics have not workedsand therefore are no longer realistic. INDEED, EVEN the moderate leaders of the "Solidarity Day" ' demonstration indicated that they, too, have serious doubts about the usefulness of their tactics. But they were willing to give it one last try in hopes that white Amer- and lou ica finally would agree to listen, peared o before the going gets rough. marchers Mrs. Martin Luther King Jr., their feel the widow of the man who cham- make lit pioned the nonviolent tactics of will have the civil rights movement, labeled phrey a the march "a last chance" to solve Novembe the problems of black people "nonviolently," and to "save the IaIP nation and the world from de- as he w struction." years ag Whitney M. Young Jr., the di- the spea rector of the National Urban the steps League, said, "This may be the lastthsep march which is nonviolent and and, fol which brings blacks and whites meras ai together. The nation and the Con- graphers, gress must listen to us now be- the spel fore it is too late; before the handin prophets of violence replace the has alwa prophets of peace and justice." This theme was repeated over Giving and over again to make sure that the Whit no one in Congress, no politician, to come no white suburbanite would miss moves in it. It was repeated not as a threat, group of but as mere recognition of the dessert w fact that times have changed and After I poor people are no longer willing left, a s to sit back and hope, while their Mexican- plight remains unchanged. tacked t rally was MOST OF THE more than want the 50,000 persons who participated in the ghett the demonstration. did not feel where e like they were accomplishing any- he said. thing. The number of students at the march was suprisingly small, THE P far less than the 25,000 predicted even Mc by student leaders. About half of the heroe the marchers were black people: heroes ar the rest members of the middle John F.] class who merely wanted to show Martin L they sympathize with the poor ert F. K and think something should be four assa done for them. however. But the mood was one of pes- signs ho simism. The marchers, both poor and give and rich, seemed to realize there Some o is little chance that Congress will participa be truly responsive to the goals People'sC of the Poor People Campaign, by Dr. K. despite the token amount of prog- of paying ress already made. They seemed to realize there is little chance The m that the government will quit days bef last chance ,WALTER SHAPIRO-R The view from the barricades (First of Two Parts) ELSEWHERE on this page there is a major editorial reflecting the feelings of many current and former members of The Daily staff. The only problem with their declaration of principle is that they have fallen victim to some of the subtle allures of the McCarthy campaign. SINCE ITS INCEPTION, McCarthy's quest for the nomination has all but claimed to be a moral rather than a political movement. Despite this aura of purity, it can be argued that even last Novem- ber McCarthy's candidacy seemed likely to be in his long range politi- cal interest. But as a consequence of this moral spectre, the McCarthy forces regard the upcoming battle in Chicago as a titanic clash of principlesHadMcCarthy obtained the vice-presidential nomination he so zealously coveted in 1964, it is unlikely that any of his alleged dif- ferences of principle with Hubert Humphrey could be discerned today. THE BASIS of Eugene McCarthy's white knight image is, of course, his opposition to the unbearable carnage in Vietnam. And it is very true that, if elected, Eugene McCarthy would quickly extricate this country from the morass in Southeast Asia. But if you believe Bill Moyers and James Reston, so would Hubert Humphrey. More significantly, it is unlikely that the next President, whoever he may be, can long continue the fighting in view of the well estab- lished and influential forces now lined up against the war - much of the Wall Street financial community, the foreign bankers who have great influence on the stability of the dollar, and a large num- ber of moderates in both major parties. After all, we have tried and failed with everything else in Vietnam. Someone soon is going to have to try getting out, if only from a shortage of untested alternatives. AND ASIDE FROM Vietnam, it is hard to detect any major policy differences between the two Minnesota liberals. McCarthy clearly has not used Vietnam as a springboard for a critique of the broad principles of American foreign policy. McCarthy, who has yet to make a major address on the inflam- matory problems of the cities, and Humphrey, advocate of a new urban Marshall Plan, are both captives of the liberal philosophy of solving social problems. Both Minnesota Democrats see the urban problems as questions of money rather than power. But the black community does not just want a bigger share of our affluence. They demand control over their own destinies, and the institutions and funds ostensibly designed to serve them. And neither Humphrey nor McCarthy have given any indication that they recog- nize this. MANY WHO are not enthusiastic about the rather limpid Min- nesota Senator, nonetheless support him because of the intense ideal- ism of the "Children's Crusade" which has mobilized in McCarthy's behalf. But this movement can only have influence at the behest of McCarthy. And the only reason these dedicated students and their adult compatriots loom so important in the McCarthy campaign right now is because the maverick senator has such little organizational support. BUT ON THE off-chance that McCarthy gets the nomination, his whole campaign would be transformed by the influx of party profes- sionals girding for the big fight against Richard Nixon.'Without pub- licly repudiating these stuaent volunteers, McCarthy would steadily relegate them to the background and come to rely more and more heavily on professional advisors. No matter what the sanguine be- lieve, Robert Lowell will not be his choice for Secretary of State. And if, as seems far more likely, McCarthy is overwhelmed in Chicsgo, the indefatigible crusader could probably defuse a large segment of his f6llowers with a few short talks about the joys of party loyalty and the grim spectre of Richard Nixon in the White House. AS THE CONVENTION draws near with its seemingly preordained conclusion and the primaries become a fond but hazy memory, a grow- ing sense of despair is overtaking the McCarthy partisans. But those who advertise the Chicago Convention as the last test of the respon- siveness of the American political system, conveniently forget that a man very much of that system is mounting the challenge. The despair should not be over Humphrey's apparent nomination. Instead the hopelessness should be generated by the fact that in selecting the Vice-President, the Democrats will have probably made their best choice since 1956. Humphrey is not the worst the two party system has to offer, in many ways he is one of the best. And therein lies the impossibility of working within existing political structures. IT IS SCARCE comfort to the cynics and the Cassandras - all of whom are somewhat entitled to shout, "I told you so" -that we are swiftly returning to the same mood of frustration that McCarthy capitalized on last October. In fact there is some merit to the argu- ment that the cause is stronger because the system was tested once more and it seems to have failed again. Thus while I dismiss as misguided the ultimatum to the Demo- cratic Party to nominate McCarthy in Chicago, I heartily endorse the threat to abandon the political system if rebuffed. I cannot criticize the use of the anarchistic slogan "To the bar- ricades" in a metaphorical sense, to signify a feeling of "to hell with the unresponsive American political system." But what does disturb me greatly is the sanguine faith of so many that Eugene McCarthy is what his posters advertise him to be. , There's nothing wrong with the cry, "To the barricades." The only question is when. I say let's go now - before the Democratic Convention. BENEATH THIS romantic cry there are some vitally important unanswered questions about where do we go from here. How do we -the disenchanted, the doubters, the critics, and the radicals- reconcile ourselves once again to our powerlessness to change an un- heeding society gone mad. The unfortunate legacy of the McCarthy campaign is that all these questions have been put aside by too many for a major effort to work within the existing political apparatus. Now as the dimensions of that failure are beginning to become evident - despite some dramatic victories - it is time to again start thinking about the alternatives abandoned so foolishly long before New Hampshire. * 4v 4 "Mirror, mirror..." I!! i d ovation when he ap- n the scene. But the seemed to realize that ings about the candidates tle difference. They still to choose between Hum- nd Richard Nixon come r, HREY PLAYED the game ould have played it five .While McCarthy stayed ackground and listened to kers, Humphrey climbed of the Lincoln Memorial, lowed by television ca- nd a dozen or so photo- made his way around kers' platform, shaking lapping backs, and re- the poor people that he ys been their friend. the street directions to e House, he invited some and visit him when he there. He also invited a black children to have with him that night. Humphrey and McCarthy peaker representing the -Americans bitterly at- he politicians, saying the not staged for them. "We rm to come and see us in to, not up here on stage verybody can see them," OLITICIANS of the day, Carthy, indeed are not es of the poor blacks. The re all dead, among them Kennedy, Malcolm X, Dr. uther King Jr., and Rob- ennedy. Memories of the assinated men linger on, Pictures, buttons, and noring them were sold m away. f the marchers said they ted only because the Poor Campaign was conceived ing, and it was their way a final tribute to him. arch was held only five ore the permit for the A traffic, and later threw rocks and bottles at police who tried to break up their protest. The police brought out their clubs and tear gas, and the war was on again. Finally, after the campsite was closed, hundreds were arrested and jailed. White America has been given its final notice. Rev. Abernathy Letters to the Editor 4 * Patterns To the Editor: It is hoped that the gun mur- ders of President Kennedy, Sen. Kennedy and Martin Luther King will put on end to the bad old American tradition, dating back to frontier days and conditions, of making private citizens one man armies, armed for domestic war. We hone that they will also of political killings has increased with the growing tensions of foreign and civil war. Probably over a hundred European, Asiatic African and Latin American statesmen and public figures have been killed in the past half century. In at least two respects we Americans have, indeed, been for- tunate. One is that the murders demned-Mrs. Surratt add Dr. Mudd). Some rash anti-anarchist legislation followed Czolgosz's murder of McKinley, but it most- remained a dead letter. Oswald was apparently a Castroist, but his crime did not lead to any change in our Cuban policy. Contrast this with the massacre of the Girondins to avenge Marat, of the anti-Stalinists to avenge