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November 01, 1960 - Image 4

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Publication:
The Michigan Daily, 1960-11-01

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3je A.ir atgz BaiIy
Seventy-First Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNiVERSTrY OF MICHIGAN
en Opinions Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PuBLICATIONs
ruth W Pr e STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241
itorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus be noted in all reprints.

Algerian Sands

AT HILL AUDITORIUM:
Van Cliburn Progr(
Overly Romantic

W1

LISZT'S SONATA IN B minor incorporates two major ideas opposite
both In mood and dynamic level: To play such a work well
requires tremendous imagination and considerable control, for there
is so much repetition of the central ideas that the artist must-vary
his treatment of each thematic statement in order to sustain interest.
He must not attain his maximum peak each time a high dramatic
level is indicated; the work must be allowed to grow and build upon
itself so that the final fortissimo is greater than the first, and so that
the work is not merely a collection of pianos and fortes; otherwise
there is no feeling of structural unity. Van Cliburn can play brilliantly;

NOVEMBER 1, 1960

NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW HAWLEY

I

Alternatives to Comprehensives:
seminars, Interdisciplinary Study

is
,,
, _

,.

I

7ITH THE inevitability of the equinoxes,
and at about the same times of year,
cussion of comprehensives are with us again.
e Lit School Steering Committee has spent
other couple of months around their big
>le in Dean Robertson's office saying to each
aer: "We want to integrate knowledge"
:d "But would it be practical" and generally
ling virtuous about the educational advance
y are planning to advocate.
Everyone is thoroughly aware of most of
advantages, and a few of the difficulties,
comprehensives. A Lit School Steering Coin-
ttee member said last year that comprehen-
es would be advancing towards the "ideal
as of the University."
PHI IS AN uncertain proposition at best,
and it clearly doesn't reflect the Univer-
y's actual orientation. Comprehensives, as
has been said before, are best suited to
atmosphere of the small college, where
erchange of ideas among the entire student
dy is easy and continual, where there is a
ified ideal of education which is accepted
h the entrance fee.
But the University has no unified ideal,
n within the confines of the Lit school. We
e a group as diverse in needs as we are in
als, a fragmented group which is heading
ire for individual independence than towards
ity.
[n an atmosphere like this, comprehen-
es are Impractical, except on the very limited
sis in which they are already employed-in
e various honors programs in the literary
lege.
ATHER THAN TRYING to imitate the
succesful methods of "integration of know-

ledge" which were formulated by and applied
to a very different type of college, the Uni-
versity must find new ways to encourage the
student to synthesize the facts he accumulates
over four years.
If money is no object, an ideal way would
be through a series of senior seminars, dealing
with one subject through history, or cutting
through a broad, interdisciplinary, section of
a single era. If these were conducted on a small
enough scale, with few students in each class,
they could benefit the individual student im-
measurably, without the total reorientation
and grading difficulties which would be neces-
sary for comprehensives.
If senior seminars would be too expensive,
the University could reach a partial solution
by greatly expanding its present program of
interdisciplinary courses. There is no reason
why the course in the Renaissance should be
limited to College Honors students, who are
usually freshmen and sophomores, when regu-
lar literary college juniors and seniors, who
have had some of the history, some of the
art, some of the philosophy of the period
already, and could thus benefit from a synthe-
sis of the three, and addition of more.
CERTAINLY, THE college experience should
not be merely a matter of collecting facts.
But it is essential that the college recognize
that the University is not Swarthmore, in edu-
cational atmosphere or in aims.y
There is no magic formula in which you just
,add students and produce educated men. The
University must solve its educational problems
in its own way,allowing for its deficiencies and
recognizing its benefits.
-FAITH WEINSTEIN

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he can produce a beautifully sing-
ing melodic line. Liszt's B minor
sonata embodies a careful blend
of the gentle and the traumatic.
Van Cliburn, by not completely
preparing the listener for the con-
trast and by not releasing him
from the harshness of quick
change, did not live up to the
demands of the work.
Perhaps the most fortunate
selection on last night's program
was the Samuel Barber sonata.
The pianist graced this piece with
what was probably his best work
of the evening. The second move-
ment, which opens with a delight-
ful music-box effect, was clearly
and delicately played; the third
movement, more tragic in con-
cept, was sensitively contrasted
to the jovial second.,
ONE NEEDS TO SAY LITTLE
about Rachmaninoff; the world
was brought up on Rachmaninoff.
Each person holds peculiar views
about his works: to some they are
over-lush and tiresome; others
are able to bathe in the luxurious
sounds and be refreshed. Van
Clibdrn is quite at home with
Rachmaninoff.
These reviewers feel that in
order for one to be a great pianist,
one must have a certain range of
abilities-a range that does not
exclude music composed before
1800. In this respect, Mr. Cliburri's
greatest failing is shown.
A program that contains two
grandiose romatic works is not
balanced; moreover, it can even
become boring.
Ars ltnga, vita brevis.
-.Charlotte Davis
-Fred Shaen

!./

LETTERS:
Note Mock
Election
To The Editor:
TODAY University of Michigan
students will be given the op-
portunity to cast their ballot in
the Big Ten Mock Election. We of
the University of Michigan Young
Democrats feel that this is an
invaluable experience for college
students who will eventually de-
cide our nation's future.
We wish to thank the Michigan
Daily; Student Government Coun-
cil, 'and Junior Interfraternity
Council for supporting this ac-
tivity. When we were informed
of this program, we immediately
agreed to share the responsibility
for the conduct of such a poll. We
were extremely disappointed that
the Young Republicans of the
University of Michigan did not
share our enthusiasm for this
project and that they saw fit to
oppose it. Because of their refusal
to cooperate, Junior Interfratern-
ity Council agreed to conduct this
poll in a bipartisan manner.
We hope that all University
students, Democrat, Republican, or
Independent, will today exercise
their rights as future voters in
a Democratic society.
-Mary Ryan, chairman,
Young Democrats
-Brian Glick, representative
to the State Central Com-
mittee of the Young
Democrats
Pleased.
To The Editor:
GENERALY,people write to
The Daily when they are an-
noyed about something. I am writ-
ing this time because I am very
much pleased with two things.
First, the admirable student and
faculty response to Chester Bow-
le's suggestion of an enlarged and
developed United Nations civil ser-
vice. As Professor Boulding so
rightly pointed out in his letter,
the long-range policy against war
must lie in developing the "world
'community".
Again, let me commend your
editorial in favor of permitting
Communists to speak to students
on the campus. Communism, being
false, is best met by exposing it
to the light and air of free dis-
cussion.
-Preston Slossofi

FREEDOM OF THE PRESS:
Student Newspapers and Autonomy

itterness Behind Voting Restrictions

VERY FOUR YEARS a very special part of
.the civil rights controversy comes to light
ad looms larger on the scene as the election
awa closer,
It is the question of voting restrictions in
e South-literacy tests and poll taxes.
The Negro never should have been a second-
ass citizen. He was the unfortunate victim
circumstances, and he simply got caught
the switches. There are still restrictions on
mthern Negroes in spite of constitutional
mendments assuring them freedom, citizen-
uip, and the vote. They feel that one of the
ain restrictions placed upon them is literacy
sts and poll taxes.
HE TEST OF voting competence is a real
problem. Originally, after the slaves were
eed, the Negroes could well have been classed
ith the innocents, for they knew relatively
tle. They had been shielded and protected
om the world (some would say oppressed)
r generations, working without any respon-
bilty whatsoever on the Southern planta-
ons.
Suddenly, they were thrust into society -
hard society where they would have to fend
)r themselves, Now they were on their own,
ad, not being too skilled in self-provision, they
I prey to any who came along.
Bogus politicians during the reconstruction
iok advantage of this. They promised the
egro much, asking only his vote in return.
ow could the Negro be expected to properly
'aluate his new-found voting power when he
ad no concept of what it entailed?
PHIS CONTROL worked well for the carpet-
baggers during the reconstruction period,
r only the Negroes could vote in the South,
ie whites being under penalty for their seces-
on.
The radical Republicans in Congress imposed
arsh measures on the Southerners, paying
o attention to pleas from Abraham Lincoln
r Andrew Johnson. The reconstruction was
ng and hard for many in the South, and
hen it finally was brought to a close by a
mpathetic Federal administration (Ruther-
rd B. Hayes), the Southerners could not
isily accept the Republican Party again.
HE NEGRO HAD been the innocent tool
in these measures. The carpetbaggers had
ed him to impose their will on the hostile
outh. When Southern states were returned to
outhern hands once more, the Southerners
orked to insure that they would never be
umiliated again.
Deliberately, they set about making it' ex-
emely difficult for the Negro to ever vote
gain. They capitalized on his illiteracy and
rpo sed a literacy test. They capitalized on his
overty and imposed a poll tax.
At the same 'time, however, an economic
roblem had settled into the South. The "poor;
bites" had been getting by on a little money,
nd now the Negro was thrust onto the scene
nd he was taking away the jobs, for he
ould work for less pay.
This was a real threat, and the poor white'

harbored a hatred for the Negro, because
his security was in jeopardy. He was spurred
into voting Democratic, against the Negro who
supposedly voted Republican, in order to save
his own position.
CONSEQUENTLY, the Negro became rele-
gated to a second-class position in the
society. The political system made it virtually
impossible for him to vote, and the party in
power made it virtually impossible for him
to find a decent job, and he was powerless
to do anything about it.
Today this situation, by and large, remains.
The Southerners know, in their hearts, that
the Negro deserves his right and that they
shouldn't obstruct it. But, the fear has been
bred into every Southerner that, should the
Negro be allowed his vote, the whites would be
toppled from power. They envision Negro
governments and Negroes being employed,
while whites go without jobs.
This is not a pleasant thought to a
Southerner, and he thus does all in his power
to prevent it. This is why the Southern white
governments will not lift their voting restric-
tions.
T HE SOUTHERN states give many reasons
for their restrictive measures. Yet, these
reasons are not important. It is the motive
behind them that is significant. The motivation
is simple: the Southerners see their supremacy
in danger.
However, they are now running into trouble.
The rest of the Democratic Party has deserted
them by endorsing an aggressive civil rights
policy. They would stand alone in Congress
to defend states' rights, were it not for the!
help from a most unlikely source-the Repub-
lican Party.
A Dixiecrat-Republican coalition has now
successfully blocked civil rights legislation in
a couple of sessions, but for entirely different
reasons. The Southerners are defending their
material supremacy under the guise of states'
rights, as always. But the Republicans are
defending the principle of states' rights, not
necessarily segregation.
THUS, A DEADLOCK prevails. Voting rights,
and restrictions thereon, are only a part
of this deadlock. The whole picture is a ques-
tion of civil rights and who determines them.
It is not a question that can be settled by
mandate. There remains a bitterness that has
been building up for over a century, and it
will not go away overnight. The solution lies
in a compromise, one which will not force
an injustice on either side.
To be certain, there were, and still are, other
contributing factors to the question. Yet, they
are all secondary to the bitterness that had
built up, or they came as a result of it.
This compromise seems to much to hope for,
but it will one day present itself, and the
nation will wonder why it hadn't been dis-
covered before.

(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
first of three articles on freedom of
the student prfss.)
By JUDITH OPPENHEIM
Daily Staff Writer
A RECENT series of explosions
involving editors of student
publications and various govern-
ing bodies on several American
campuses has called attention to
the fact that "freedom of the
press" is no longer an axiomatic
phrase, but requires careful defini-
tion and examination.
In a speech, "What Do We Mean
by Freedom of the Press?" pre-
sented at the fifth annual Stu-
dent Editorial Affairs Conference
last August, editor Neal Johnson
of the Chicago Maroon said:
The formulation of a de-
facto definition of freedom of
the school press is most difi-
cult. Is a paper which never
exercises its freedom' to criti-
cise free? Is a paper which
prohibits itself from venturing
off the safe and familiar
ground of the perhaps soggy
campus free? Is a paper which
is constrained to write only
upon specified topics free if it
can write freely upon these
topics? Does a school editor
have peculiar and special re-
sponsibilities to his dean?
Who does own the newspaper?
These are not new questions, but
finding answers for them has sud-
denly become a pressing issue.
* * *
,THE EXTENT TO which a stu-
dent press can be concerned with
its freedom depends on two fac-
tors, the scope and aim of the
press itself and the nature of its
control.
Where the college newspaper is
nothing more than an "extra-
curricular activity" designed to
provide wholesome employment
for a student's free time it seldom
runs into any censorship problems.
It reports on campus social and
athletic activities, non-controver-
sial (or at any rate innocuous)
campus news and little else.
Editorials in such publications
are usually of the high school
"Let's - Not - Put - Gum - In - The-
Water-Cooler" variety or, if per-
taining to more abstract topics,
are so general and idealistic that
they could not possibly arouse
comment,
COLLEGE PAPERS published
under direct control of the jour-
nalism school usually enjoy a
similar peaceful relationship with
campus governing agencies.
They are concerned with train-
Ing future journalists, and hence
their emphasis is more on style
than content.
A third class of student news-
paper, however, is neither limited
in Its scope to campus affairs nor
published under direct faculty
supervision. The aim of such
papers is usually to present full
coverage and analysis of inter-
national, national, and local news.
* * *

degree of common outlook by the
succeeding generations of an
editorial staff.
.f * *
IN ADDITION, college journa-
lists tend to hold predominantly
liberal views on the world at large
and particularly the importance
of the role of the student both in
the campus community and in
national and international move-
ments.
Consequently the editors of such
publications feel obligated to offer
their readers comhplete and un-
censored coverage on matters ex-
tending beyond mere immediate
concern.
They regard it a natural func-
tion of the student press to be
present at policy-making confer-
ences of the university adminis-
tration and, when matters of
direct concern to the student are
involved, to comment upon policy.
They feel compelled to take
stands in controversies regarding
the student movement and world
affairs, and to criticize any ac-
tions they consider contrary to the

interests of freedom and demo-
cratic' progress.
* * *
THE STUDENT government
organizations on many campuses
present an interesting foil to the.
newspapers in being composed
more largely of conservatives (al-
though many are extremely sym-
pathetic with the aims and views
of thenstudent press) andrneces-
sarily concerned with the repute.-
,tions of their schools and the
maintenance of order and decorum
among the students.
The seeds of discord are inherent
in any such combination of forces.
Student government and univer-
sity administrations, no matter
how sincere their respect for a
campus newspaper, are wary of
possible criticism and of reper-
cussions from outside sources.
When they feel the n5ewspaper
has overstepped its bounds, their
natural reaction is to impose re-
strictions on the liberty of the
press by denying it access to of-
ficial information and forbidding
comment on important campus
and off-campus issues.

DA)L
OFFICIAL
BULLETIN
The Daily official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The
Michigan Daily assumes no editorial
responsibility. Notices should be
sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to
Room 3519 Administration Building,
before 2 p.m. two days preceding
publication.
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1
General Notices
The Literary College Steering Com-
mittee is sponsoring 'an open student-
faculty discussion on the wisdom of
requiring comprehensive examinations .
The meeting will be held in the Multi-
purpose Room of the Undergraduate
Library on Tues., Nov. 1, at 7:30 p.m.
All interested students and faculty are
cordially invited to attend.
Regents' Meeting: Friday, November
(Continued on Page 8)

VOTING RESTRICTIONS:

B
A
HET
or nt
won't b
will be1
a crazy-
ranging
dities tt
And not

Franchise Lmitedious Statutes
y ROGER GREENE the state just 54 days. They'll get applicants (but not whites) to section of the state cons
ssociated Press a special ballot, listing only the write long portions of the Con- and copy another paragr
'HER THEY want to or presidential tickets. stitution. handwriting. This test is
ot, a number of Americans New York's Gov. Nelson A. Alaska -- Voters must be able for those who can show prc
e voting next week. They Rockefeller says millions of Ameri- to speak or to read English. own property worth $300,
barred from the polls by cans move annually and should Arizona - Must be able to read Virginia - Must apply
quilt of state election laws not be penalized by being denied the Constitution in English "in a handwriting "without aic
from long-forgotten od- an opportunity to vote. He'd make mannerdshowing he is neither gestion or memorandum
o discrimination statutes. It a matter of national' policy, prompted por reciting from presence of the registrati
all of toare in the All but four of the 50 states memory" and sign name. ficer," stating name, age
t al ftoeaei h
o.o.A#9 * * * place, residence; occupati

titution
raph in
waived
oof they
in own
d, sug-
in the
ion of-
, birth-
on, etc.

South.
These are some of the odd-ball
restrictions turned up in a nation-
wide Associated Press survey of
voting qualifications - some of
them hotly controversial-imposed
by various states.
Seven states specifically outlaw
the ballot to paupers or those who
reside in an "alinshojise."1 They
are California, Maine, New Hamp-
shire, Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia
and West Virginia.
Twenty-eight states forbid lun-
atics or "idiots" to vote, while
Michigan has no sanity test and
thus makes it theoretically pos-
sible for a mental hospital patient
to ballot. In 1950 T. Edward Aho
was nominated for the office of
Marquette County Treasurer a
few weeks after being declared
insane by the countyprobate
Judge, He was not elected.
Two states, Florida and Wis-
consin, lower the voting boom on
those who make an election bet.
Florida even bars anyone who is
"interested in any wager depend-
ing on the result of any election.
It doesn't define what it means
by "interested."
FOR THE FIRST time this
year, all away-from-home U.S.
military personnel may vote in
a presidential election by absentee
ballot. Pennsylvania and South
Carolina recently, changed their

seL a minunum voting ageoz z .
Hawaii's limit is 20, Alaska's 19,.
while Georgia and Kentucky agree
on 18.'
A slow-use trend toward lower-
ing the voting age has sputtered
more or less spasmodically ever
since World War I when the
federal government drafted 18-
year-olds into uniform and touch-
ed off the cry, "If they're old
enough to fight, they're old
enough to vote."
The same cry was repeated in
World War II, but not much has
been done about it.
Among others, voters in Louisi-
ana and North Dakota have de-
feated numerous efforts in recent
years to lower the voting age
from 21 to 18. In Idaho, voters
pasodoad uo 8 -AoN So 41q 1&
constitutional amendment to cut
the age barrier from 21 to 19.
* * *
BY FAR THE biggest .storm
over voting requirements has
blown up around the question of
so-called "literacy tests" which
have served as a traditional wea-
pon to discourage Negroes from
voting.
At least 20 states - seven of
them below the Mason-Dixon line
-have some form of test designed
to find out whether the would-be
voter can read and/or write.
In Illinois, by contrast, the
voter doesn't have to know how
to read, and if he can't write his

CALIFORNIA - Read the Con-
stitution in English and write
name.
Connecticut - Read the Con-,
stitution or any section of state
statutes in English,
Delaware - Read and write in
English, but those born before
1900 need not be literate to vote.
Georgia - Understand the
duties and obligations of citizen-
ship, or read and write a section
of the state or federal constitu-
tion. If unable to read and write,
applicant must answer correctly
20 to 30 prescribed questions pro-
pounded by county board of 'regis.-
trars.,
Hawaii - Read and write either
English or Hawaiian.
Louisiana - Read and write,
either in English or native tongue,
or, if unable to do so, must give'
"a reasonable interpretation" of
a section of the federal or state
constitution.
Maine - Read the state con-.
stitution in English and write
own name.
Massachusetts - Pass a test on
reading and interpreting the con-
stitution to the satisflction of the
circuit court clerk, plus a test on
the duties of citizenship given by
the clerk.
New Hampshire - Writing and
reading test, almost never used.
' * * *
NEW YORK - Read and write

Registrar may also require appli-
cant to answer, under oath, any
questions affecting qualifications,
* * *

AT LEAST TWO states, Ala-
bama and Louisiana, have sought
to bar the ballot to partners in
common-law marriage and parents
of illegitimate children. Louisiana
votes on the matter next month.
Alabama's legislature killed a
similar proposal.
Three states - Washington,
Minnesota and New Mexico-have
laws restricting the franehise -of
Indians.
In Minnesota, the state con-
stitution technically forbids the
ballot to "persons of Indian blood
. . . who have not adopted the
language, customs and habits of
civilization." However, the state's
attorney general has ruled Indians
may vote if they meet other rou-
tine conditions.
In New Mexico, the state con-
stitution still bars Indians not
taxed from voting, but a three-
judge federal court ruled in 1948
that they may vote.
S* * *
IN IDAHO, THE state constitu-
tion still bars Chinese and other
Orientals from voting unless they
were born in this country. The
provision stems back to the early
gold rush days. .
Idaho's Secretary of State
Arnold Williams says the law

N

YET, THIS solution
one group. It is a
vidual citizen. The s

rannot+ be forcrsAbyv any

ua..'v4 ~c 'k't~~' ~y t 1'. THEIR EDITORIAL boards are
a problem for each indi- usually selected by means of a self-
olution itself lies wholly perpetuating staff hierarchy rang-

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