3je A.ir atgz BaiIy Seventy-First Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNiVERSTrY OF MICHIGAN en Opinions Are Free UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PuBLICATIONs ruth W Pr e STUDENT PUBLICATIONS BLDG. * ANN ARBOR, MICH. * Phone NO 2-3241 itorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This mus be noted in all reprints. Algerian Sands AT HILL AUDITORIUM: Van Cliburn Progr( Overly Romantic W1 LISZT'S SONATA IN B minor incorporates two major ideas opposite both In mood and dynamic level: To play such a work well requires tremendous imagination and considerable control, for there is so much repetition of the central ideas that the artist must-vary his treatment of each thematic statement in order to sustain interest. He must not attain his maximum peak each time a high dramatic level is indicated; the work must be allowed to grow and build upon itself so that the final fortissimo is greater than the first, and so that the work is not merely a collection of pianos and fortes; otherwise there is no feeling of structural unity. Van Cliburn can play brilliantly; NOVEMBER 1, 1960 NIGHT EDITOR: ANDREW HAWLEY I Alternatives to Comprehensives: seminars, Interdisciplinary Study is ,, , _ ,. I 7ITH THE inevitability of the equinoxes, and at about the same times of year, cussion of comprehensives are with us again. e Lit School Steering Committee has spent other couple of months around their big >le in Dean Robertson's office saying to each aer: "We want to integrate knowledge" :d "But would it be practical" and generally ling virtuous about the educational advance y are planning to advocate. Everyone is thoroughly aware of most of advantages, and a few of the difficulties, comprehensives. A Lit School Steering Coin- ttee member said last year that comprehen- es would be advancing towards the "ideal as of the University." PHI IS AN uncertain proposition at best, and it clearly doesn't reflect the Univer- y's actual orientation. Comprehensives, as has been said before, are best suited to atmosphere of the small college, where erchange of ideas among the entire student dy is easy and continual, where there is a ified ideal of education which is accepted h the entrance fee. But the University has no unified ideal, n within the confines of the Lit school. We e a group as diverse in needs as we are in als, a fragmented group which is heading ire for individual independence than towards ity. [n an atmosphere like this, comprehen- es are Impractical, except on the very limited sis in which they are already employed-in e various honors programs in the literary lege. ATHER THAN TRYING to imitate the succesful methods of "integration of know- ledge" which were formulated by and applied to a very different type of college, the Uni- versity must find new ways to encourage the student to synthesize the facts he accumulates over four years. If money is no object, an ideal way would be through a series of senior seminars, dealing with one subject through history, or cutting through a broad, interdisciplinary, section of a single era. If these were conducted on a small enough scale, with few students in each class, they could benefit the individual student im- measurably, without the total reorientation and grading difficulties which would be neces- sary for comprehensives. If senior seminars would be too expensive, the University could reach a partial solution by greatly expanding its present program of interdisciplinary courses. There is no reason why the course in the Renaissance should be limited to College Honors students, who are usually freshmen and sophomores, when regu- lar literary college juniors and seniors, who have had some of the history, some of the art, some of the philosophy of the period already, and could thus benefit from a synthe- sis of the three, and addition of more. CERTAINLY, THE college experience should not be merely a matter of collecting facts. But it is essential that the college recognize that the University is not Swarthmore, in edu- cational atmosphere or in aims.y There is no magic formula in which you just ,add students and produce educated men. The University must solve its educational problems in its own way,allowing for its deficiencies and recognizing its benefits. -FAITH WEINSTEIN rk I ,, 1 r" i . .'"'- b ' "T -. ,yyg '. 1. - I'+ T..rMF +, .. p ^f to , " . YY" _,y u Y ' y -. Y ,.Y 1' '. , i i r t ' M . ~Y }; ?F , k -Y. i " '1:: _ _ :y N , t: . f r } ys y fj .. _ ..It 1 . . '.i'" ,." r'uff' . !' + ., "4 . Y < rSe= .fit F ^" .a " { . - . Leaf /. ~ 'y x - ~ .s e c; . j " W l I(pn6 ' t +. iC,,.,t,,K iN pprt'-c . .. ... . he can produce a beautifully sing- ing melodic line. Liszt's B minor sonata embodies a careful blend of the gentle and the traumatic. Van Cliburn, by not completely preparing the listener for the con- trast and by not releasing him from the harshness of quick change, did not live up to the demands of the work. Perhaps the most fortunate selection on last night's program was the Samuel Barber sonata. The pianist graced this piece with what was probably his best work of the evening. The second move- ment, which opens with a delight- ful music-box effect, was clearly and delicately played; the third movement, more tragic in con- cept, was sensitively contrasted to the jovial second., ONE NEEDS TO SAY LITTLE about Rachmaninoff; the world was brought up on Rachmaninoff. Each person holds peculiar views about his works: to some they are over-lush and tiresome; others are able to bathe in the luxurious sounds and be refreshed. Van Clibdrn is quite at home with Rachmaninoff. These reviewers feel that in order for one to be a great pianist, one must have a certain range of abilities-a range that does not exclude music composed before 1800. In this respect, Mr. Cliburri's greatest failing is shown. A program that contains two grandiose romatic works is not balanced; moreover, it can even become boring. Ars ltnga, vita brevis. -.Charlotte Davis -Fred Shaen !./ LETTERS: Note Mock Election To The Editor: TODAY University of Michigan students will be given the op- portunity to cast their ballot in the Big Ten Mock Election. We of the University of Michigan Young Democrats feel that this is an invaluable experience for college students who will eventually de- cide our nation's future. We wish to thank the Michigan Daily; Student Government Coun- cil, 'and Junior Interfraternity Council for supporting this ac- tivity. When we were informed of this program, we immediately agreed to share the responsibility for the conduct of such a poll. We were extremely disappointed that the Young Republicans of the University of Michigan did not share our enthusiasm for this project and that they saw fit to oppose it. Because of their refusal to cooperate, Junior Interfratern- ity Council agreed to conduct this poll in a bipartisan manner. We hope that all University students, Democrat, Republican, or Independent, will today exercise their rights as future voters in a Democratic society. -Mary Ryan, chairman, Young Democrats -Brian Glick, representative to the State Central Com- mittee of the Young Democrats Pleased. To The Editor: GENERALY,people write to The Daily when they are an- noyed about something. I am writ- ing this time because I am very much pleased with two things. First, the admirable student and faculty response to Chester Bow- le's suggestion of an enlarged and developed United Nations civil ser- vice. As Professor Boulding so rightly pointed out in his letter, the long-range policy against war must lie in developing the "world 'community". Again, let me commend your editorial in favor of permitting Communists to speak to students on the campus. Communism, being false, is best met by exposing it to the light and air of free dis- cussion. -Preston Slossofi FREEDOM OF THE PRESS: Student Newspapers and Autonomy itterness Behind Voting Restrictions VERY FOUR YEARS a very special part of .the civil rights controversy comes to light ad looms larger on the scene as the election awa closer, It is the question of voting restrictions in e South-literacy tests and poll taxes. The Negro never should have been a second- ass citizen. He was the unfortunate victim circumstances, and he simply got caught the switches. There are still restrictions on mthern Negroes in spite of constitutional mendments assuring them freedom, citizen- uip, and the vote. They feel that one of the ain restrictions placed upon them is literacy sts and poll taxes. HE TEST OF voting competence is a real problem. Originally, after the slaves were eed, the Negroes could well have been classed ith the innocents, for they knew relatively tle. They had been shielded and protected om the world (some would say oppressed) r generations, working without any respon- bilty whatsoever on the Southern planta- ons. Suddenly, they were thrust into society - hard society where they would have to fend )r themselves, Now they were on their own, ad, not being too skilled in self-provision, they I prey to any who came along. Bogus politicians during the reconstruction iok advantage of this. They promised the egro much, asking only his vote in return. ow could the Negro be expected to properly 'aluate his new-found voting power when he ad no concept of what it entailed? PHIS CONTROL worked well for the carpet- baggers during the reconstruction period, r only the Negroes could vote in the South, ie whites being under penalty for their seces- on. The radical Republicans in Congress imposed arsh measures on the Southerners, paying o attention to pleas from Abraham Lincoln r Andrew Johnson. The reconstruction was ng and hard for many in the South, and hen it finally was brought to a close by a mpathetic Federal administration (Ruther- rd B. Hayes), the Southerners could not isily accept the Republican Party again. HE NEGRO HAD been the innocent tool in these measures. The carpetbaggers had ed him to impose their will on the hostile outh. When Southern states were returned to outhern hands once more, the Southerners orked to insure that they would never be umiliated again. Deliberately, they set about making it' ex- emely difficult for the Negro to ever vote gain. They capitalized on his illiteracy and rpo sed a literacy test. They capitalized on his overty and imposed a poll tax. At the same 'time, however, an economic roblem had settled into the South. The "poor; bites" had been getting by on a little money, nd now the Negro was thrust onto the scene nd he was taking away the jobs, for he ould work for less pay. This was a real threat, and the poor white' harbored a hatred for the Negro, because his security was in jeopardy. He was spurred into voting Democratic, against the Negro who supposedly voted Republican, in order to save his own position. CONSEQUENTLY, the Negro became rele- gated to a second-class position in the society. The political system made it virtually impossible for him to vote, and the party in power made it virtually impossible for him to find a decent job, and he was powerless to do anything about it. Today this situation, by and large, remains. The Southerners know, in their hearts, that the Negro deserves his right and that they shouldn't obstruct it. But, the fear has been bred into every Southerner that, should the Negro be allowed his vote, the whites would be toppled from power. They envision Negro governments and Negroes being employed, while whites go without jobs. This is not a pleasant thought to a Southerner, and he thus does all in his power to prevent it. This is why the Southern white governments will not lift their voting restric- tions. T HE SOUTHERN states give many reasons for their restrictive measures. Yet, these reasons are not important. It is the motive behind them that is significant. The motivation is simple: the Southerners see their supremacy in danger. However, they are now running into trouble. The rest of the Democratic Party has deserted them by endorsing an aggressive civil rights policy. They would stand alone in Congress to defend states' rights, were it not for the! help from a most unlikely source-the Repub- lican Party. A Dixiecrat-Republican coalition has now successfully blocked civil rights legislation in a couple of sessions, but for entirely different reasons. The Southerners are defending their material supremacy under the guise of states' rights, as always. But the Republicans are defending the principle of states' rights, not necessarily segregation. THUS, A DEADLOCK prevails. Voting rights, and restrictions thereon, are only a part of this deadlock. The whole picture is a ques- tion of civil rights and who determines them. It is not a question that can be settled by mandate. There remains a bitterness that has been building up for over a century, and it will not go away overnight. The solution lies in a compromise, one which will not force an injustice on either side. To be certain, there were, and still are, other contributing factors to the question. Yet, they are all secondary to the bitterness that had built up, or they came as a result of it. This compromise seems to much to hope for, but it will one day present itself, and the nation will wonder why it hadn't been dis- covered before. (EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the first of three articles on freedom of the student prfss.) By JUDITH OPPENHEIM Daily Staff Writer A RECENT series of explosions involving editors of student publications and various govern- ing bodies on several American campuses has called attention to the fact that "freedom of the press" is no longer an axiomatic phrase, but requires careful defini- tion and examination. In a speech, "What Do We Mean by Freedom of the Press?" pre- sented at the fifth annual Stu- dent Editorial Affairs Conference last August, editor Neal Johnson of the Chicago Maroon said: The formulation of a de- facto definition of freedom of the school press is most difi- cult. Is a paper which never exercises its freedom' to criti- cise free? Is a paper which prohibits itself from venturing off the safe and familiar ground of the perhaps soggy campus free? Is a paper which is constrained to write only upon specified topics free if it can write freely upon these topics? Does a school editor have peculiar and special re- sponsibilities to his dean? Who does own the newspaper? These are not new questions, but finding answers for them has sud- denly become a pressing issue. * * * ,THE EXTENT TO which a stu- dent press can be concerned with its freedom depends on two fac- tors, the scope and aim of the press itself and the nature of its control. Where the college newspaper is nothing more than an "extra- curricular activity" designed to provide wholesome employment for a student's free time it seldom runs into any censorship problems. It reports on campus social and athletic activities, non-controver- sial (or at any rate innocuous) campus news and little else. Editorials in such publications are usually of the high school "Let's - Not - Put - Gum - In - The- Water-Cooler" variety or, if per- taining to more abstract topics, are so general and idealistic that they could not possibly arouse comment, COLLEGE PAPERS published under direct control of the jour- nalism school usually enjoy a similar peaceful relationship with campus governing agencies. They are concerned with train- Ing future journalists, and hence their emphasis is more on style than content. A third class of student news- paper, however, is neither limited in Its scope to campus affairs nor published under direct faculty supervision. The aim of such papers is usually to present full coverage and analysis of inter- national, national, and local news. * * * degree of common outlook by the succeeding generations of an editorial staff. .f * * IN ADDITION, college journa- lists tend to hold predominantly liberal views on the world at large and particularly the importance of the role of the student both in the campus community and in national and international move- ments. Consequently the editors of such publications feel obligated to offer their readers comhplete and un- censored coverage on matters ex- tending beyond mere immediate concern. They regard it a natural func- tion of the student press to be present at policy-making confer- ences of the university adminis- tration and, when matters of direct concern to the student are involved, to comment upon policy. They feel compelled to take stands in controversies regarding the student movement and world affairs, and to criticize any ac- tions they consider contrary to the interests of freedom and demo- cratic' progress. * * * THE STUDENT government organizations on many campuses present an interesting foil to the. newspapers in being composed more largely of conservatives (al- though many are extremely sym- pathetic with the aims and views of thenstudent press) andrneces- sarily concerned with the repute.- ,tions of their schools and the maintenance of order and decorum among the students. The seeds of discord are inherent in any such combination of forces. Student government and univer- sity administrations, no matter how sincere their respect for a campus newspaper, are wary of possible criticism and of reper- cussions from outside sources. When they feel the n5ewspaper has overstepped its bounds, their natural reaction is to impose re- strictions on the liberty of the press by denying it access to of- ficial information and forbidding comment on important campus and off-campus issues. DA)L OFFICIAL BULLETIN The Daily official Bulletin is an official publication of The Univer- sity of Michigan for which The Michigan Daily assumes no editorial responsibility. Notices should be sent in TYPEWRITTEN form to Room 3519 Administration Building, before 2 p.m. two days preceding publication. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 1 General Notices The Literary College Steering Com- mittee is sponsoring 'an open student- faculty discussion on the wisdom of requiring comprehensive examinations . The meeting will be held in the Multi- purpose Room of the Undergraduate Library on Tues., Nov. 1, at 7:30 p.m. All interested students and faculty are cordially invited to attend. Regents' Meeting: Friday, November (Continued on Page 8) VOTING RESTRICTIONS: B A HET or nt won't b will be1 a crazy- ranging dities tt And not Franchise Lmitedious Statutes y ROGER GREENE the state just 54 days. They'll get applicants (but not whites) to section of the state cons ssociated Press a special ballot, listing only the write long portions of the Con- and copy another paragr 'HER THEY want to or presidential tickets. stitution. handwriting. This test is ot, a number of Americans New York's Gov. Nelson A. Alaska -- Voters must be able for those who can show prc e voting next week. They Rockefeller says millions of Ameri- to speak or to read English. own property worth $300, barred from the polls by cans move annually and should Arizona - Must be able to read Virginia - Must apply quilt of state election laws not be penalized by being denied the Constitution in English "in a handwriting "without aic from long-forgotten od- an opportunity to vote. He'd make mannerdshowing he is neither gestion or memorandum o discrimination statutes. It a matter of national' policy, prompted por reciting from presence of the registrati all of toare in the All but four of the 50 states memory" and sign name. ficer," stating name, age t al ftoeaei h o.o.A#9 * * * place, residence; occupati titution raph in waived oof they in own d, sug- in the ion of- , birth- on, etc. South. These are some of the odd-ball restrictions turned up in a nation- wide Associated Press survey of voting qualifications - some of them hotly controversial-imposed by various states. Seven states specifically outlaw the ballot to paupers or those who reside in an "alinshojise."1 They are California, Maine, New Hamp- shire, Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia and West Virginia. Twenty-eight states forbid lun- atics or "idiots" to vote, while Michigan has no sanity test and thus makes it theoretically pos- sible for a mental hospital patient to ballot. In 1950 T. Edward Aho was nominated for the office of Marquette County Treasurer a few weeks after being declared insane by the countyprobate Judge, He was not elected. Two states, Florida and Wis- consin, lower the voting boom on those who make an election bet. Florida even bars anyone who is "interested in any wager depend- ing on the result of any election. It doesn't define what it means by "interested." FOR THE FIRST time this year, all away-from-home U.S. military personnel may vote in a presidential election by absentee ballot. Pennsylvania and South Carolina recently, changed their seL a minunum voting ageoz z . Hawaii's limit is 20, Alaska's 19,. while Georgia and Kentucky agree on 18.' A slow-use trend toward lower- ing the voting age has sputtered more or less spasmodically ever since World War I when the federal government drafted 18- year-olds into uniform and touch- ed off the cry, "If they're old enough to fight, they're old enough to vote." The same cry was repeated in World War II, but not much has been done about it. Among others, voters in Louisi- ana and North Dakota have de- feated numerous efforts in recent years to lower the voting age from 21 to 18. In Idaho, voters pasodoad uo 8 -AoN So 41q 1& constitutional amendment to cut the age barrier from 21 to 19. * * * BY FAR THE biggest .storm over voting requirements has blown up around the question of so-called "literacy tests" which have served as a traditional wea- pon to discourage Negroes from voting. At least 20 states - seven of them below the Mason-Dixon line -have some form of test designed to find out whether the would-be voter can read and/or write. In Illinois, by contrast, the voter doesn't have to know how to read, and if he can't write his CALIFORNIA - Read the Con- stitution in English and write name. Connecticut - Read the Con-, stitution or any section of state statutes in English, Delaware - Read and write in English, but those born before 1900 need not be literate to vote. Georgia - Understand the duties and obligations of citizen- ship, or read and write a section of the state or federal constitu- tion. If unable to read and write, applicant must answer correctly 20 to 30 prescribed questions pro- pounded by county board of 'regis.- trars., Hawaii - Read and write either English or Hawaiian. Louisiana - Read and write, either in English or native tongue, or, if unable to do so, must give' "a reasonable interpretation" of a section of the federal or state constitution. Maine - Read the state con-. stitution in English and write own name. Massachusetts - Pass a test on reading and interpreting the con- stitution to the satisflction of the circuit court clerk, plus a test on the duties of citizenship given by the clerk. New Hampshire - Writing and reading test, almost never used. ' * * * NEW YORK - Read and write Registrar may also require appli- cant to answer, under oath, any questions affecting qualifications, * * * AT LEAST TWO states, Ala- bama and Louisiana, have sought to bar the ballot to partners in common-law marriage and parents of illegitimate children. Louisiana votes on the matter next month. Alabama's legislature killed a similar proposal. Three states - Washington, Minnesota and New Mexico-have laws restricting the franehise -of Indians. In Minnesota, the state con- stitution technically forbids the ballot to "persons of Indian blood . . . who have not adopted the language, customs and habits of civilization." However, the state's attorney general has ruled Indians may vote if they meet other rou- tine conditions. In New Mexico, the state con- stitution still bars Indians not taxed from voting, but a three- judge federal court ruled in 1948 that they may vote. S* * * IN IDAHO, THE state constitu- tion still bars Chinese and other Orientals from voting unless they were born in this country. The provision stems back to the early gold rush days. . Idaho's Secretary of State Arnold Williams says the law N YET, THIS solution one group. It is a vidual citizen. The s rannot+ be forcrsAbyv any ua..'v4 ~c 'k't~~' ~y t 1'. THEIR EDITORIAL boards are a problem for each indi- usually selected by means of a self- olution itself lies wholly perpetuating staff hierarchy rang-