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Y, SEPTEMBER 23, 1960
NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL BURNS
Oak Park School Board
Locks Horns With Dilemma
A SCRUTINY of the motives behind the de-
cisions which led to the Carver school district
dilemma discussed in yesterday's Daily reveals
a ring of hypocritical thinking broken at the
center by a multi-faceted stone, every phase
of which presents a grave practical problem.
Oak Park originally refused on two distinct
grounds to accept 24 ninth grade students
from the all-Negro Carver district. The first
reason for not accepting the students was
financial and physical. Oak Park maintained it
could not afford to support 24 additional stu-
dents (since tuition for Carver senior high
students in the Detroit schools has not been
paid for some time it is unlikely that Oak
. Park would ever actually have received the
tuition for these 24.) And even if money itself
were not an issue, the Oak Park schools are
now so overcrowded that even the elementary
schools are on halfday sessions.
TE SECOND REASON for refusing admit-
tance to the Carver students was that this
would be only a stop-gap solution, since an
eighth grade class would continue to graduate
from Carver every year.
The real answer was . the mass resignation
of the Carver school board which could mean
the dissolution of the district and its an-
nexation to a neighboring school system (Oak
Park or Ferndale) which includes kindergarten
through the 12th grade.
The Oak Park school board emphatically ur-
ged the resignation of the Carver board as a
moral obligation to the children of the district.
It declared that Oak Park was only too ready
to accept any Carver children assigned to its
)schools once the Carver district officially
dissolved.
The Carver board did resign, after a long
weary meeting in the Carver High School
auditorium, on the stifling, hot night of Sept.
9. Now, barring the unlikely chance that five
qualified electors will run for the Carver
xschool board before Oct. 26, thereby re-
estabishing the district, one of three possible
courses will be taken in regard to Carver. All
of the students now in Carver may be sent
to Ferndale, all of them may be sent to1
Oak Park; or they may be divided between
the two districts.
QAK PARK ,appears to be acting on the as-
sumption that it will receive all of the
Carver students, and somehow the action does1
not seem consistent with Oak Park's earlier
protestations of joyful willingness to accept
the students once they were officially directed]
to do so.
Petitions to the Oak Park Board of Educa-
tion are being circulated by citizens who earlier
supported the board in urging a permanent
and moral solution to the problem.
MAX LERNER..mm mmj
,oKhrushchev As
ATEVER else may be said for or against
thrushchev, there can be little doubt that hei
Is an event-creating leader. His foray into thec
U.S., on this second but uninvited visit, is whol-r
*y- different from the first in mood and aim.I
The first was held at the heyday of the Campt
David era and breathed its spirit. In contrastF
this visit has a bleakness of mood, along withc
its ambitious and puzzling design, which marksr
the current state of world tensions.
Eisenhower, who is an event-reacting ratherr
than an event-creating leader, has by thisc
move only added to the drama of the visit.t
Similarly, the hotel boycott of Castro and hisI
troupe has played into the hands of this leaderb
Who, with all his brash egocentricism, knowsx
how to exploit his situation. His irate movef
from a lush hotel suite to the relatively modest
quarters in Harlem will make an impression ona
the African delegation and feed the color re-
sentments against America all over the world.t
'But these are minor matters compared witha
the big ones. Khrushchev had reasons for want-o
ing a gathering of the world leaders at thisr
time, and he wanted to shine with ,a specialg
refulgence of his own in this dramatic UN
setting. The question is why he timed his
move as he did. What motives lay behind the
move?p
THE FIRST version is that, after smashingo
all the peace crockery at Paris, Khrush- E
ehev may now want to pick up some of the i
pieces. Put differently, he may have gone too h
far in acting like a Stalin or a Mao Tse-tung, e
and in the process he may have alienated a
number of uncommitted world leaders- a
This sort of abrupt change is anything but t
an unusual tactic in the treasury of Commu- e
nist behavior, where it is called "zig-zagging." p
Nor need we assume, with the English psychol-
ogist Sargent, that this is merely a way of .
brainwashing a democratic world. Sargent e
haq argued that the alternations of soft and e
The petitions urge the board to take all
possible steps to keep the Carver students out
of the Oak Park schools. The old problem of
crowding is reiterated. It is pointed out that
a difference of $13,000 exists between the
annual tax bases supporting the Oak Park
student and the Carver student. It is certainly
obvious that if Oak Park tax payers had to
assume the burden of educating an additional
800 youngsters, existing expenditures for sup-
plies and space would have to be drastically
reduced at a time when they would be needed
more than ever to accommodate the new
students.
FINALLY, are the viewpoints of three groups
to be considered in this situation. For the
Carver students, admission to Oak Park would
be an immeasurable improvement over the
present situation. For Oak Park students, there
is a priceless lesson which probably outweighs
the financial disadvantages they will face.
The Oak Park school board and adult
citizens, however, are left in a spotlight which
mercilessly reveals the hypocrisy of their orig-
inal stand and makes all too clear the con-
tradiction inherent in the two original reasonos
for rejecting Carver students on tuition.
IS IT NOT likely that -if a district cannot
support 24 additional children it will have
some difficulty supporting 800 more? And
did not the Oak Park school board declare
itself willing to accept the Carver students if
the county board of education saw fit after
the district dissolved?
And is it likely that the Oak Park school
board, being composed of intelligent, educated,
alert men and women (and elected men and
women at that) was really willing to let itself in
for an economic nightmare because it felt
a moral obligation to the children of a neigh-
boring community? Not likely!
The only logical answer then-unless one
wishes to assume that the Oak Park electorate
has chosen a school board totally lacking in
foresight and common sense-is to conclude
that the Oak Park school board never believed
for a minute that the members of the Carver
board would resign.
They assumed that the status quo would
be maintained and that they, having taken
a praiseworthy moral stand would be left
without blame and without the Carver students.
What happened of course, is the Oak Park
board did the only right thing for all the
wrong reasons and quite by accident. They
did have a moral obligation to press for a
permanent solution to the problem, but
strangely enough, now that they have achieved
their goal they do not seem proud of the steps
they have taken toward integration and co-
operation.
-JUDITH OPPENHEIM
SLeader
whether it applies in this instance. I think
it quite possible that Khrushchev is more
concerned with the propaganda impact of his
renewed disarmament talk upon his own peo-
ple than upon ours. Despite all the spy thrillers
that Khrushchev has been feeding them the
Russian people are unrelenting in their con-
cern with peace.
THE SECOND version is based on Khrush-
chev's known anxieties about West Ger-
many. In the very heart of Europe, and too
close for comfort ot Russia, the Germans and
their future power are a constant worry to the
Russians. If Germany is given atomic weapons
by the U.S., the combination of its economic
prosperity and the new atomic power will be a
formidable one, not only in Russian eyes but
in the eyes of the British and French people as
well.
In his UN talks Khrushchev is almost certain
to use the question of German rearmament
as a weapon. He will try to marshal world
opinion to prevent this final step in German
rearming. Even if he fails in fact he will still
gamble on a propaganda success.
THERE remains the third version, which
concerns China. A number of recent signs
point to a deepening clash inside the world
Communist bloc between Russia and China,
ostensibly over matters of Communist dogma.
But this is more than a battle of dogma. It
s also a power struggle between these two
huge land masses and aggregates of manpow-
er, for dominance in world communism.
Khrushchev may be even more anxious to avert
need for giving China atomic weapons than
o avert German atomic armament. In any
event. e may figure on using the same cam-
paign to prevent both from taking place.
IDO NOT present these three versions as
exhausting the possibilities or as mutually
xclusive. Almost always, as you study Khrush-
Cl.t' vr, m f in * - h s r - n nitr. ,
SGC:
Meeting
Rambles
By PHILIP SHERMAN
Daily Staff Writer
Student government Council is
going to have to be satisfied with
thetcredit it gets for what it does
at the University, not the way in
which these thingsare done.
It's not that there is any cor-
ruption or dirty politics; it's just
that Council meetings seem to
conform to one of Parkinson's
laws; they expand to fill the time
allotted-in this case most of the
evening. A corollary that Parkin-
son failed to add: in conforming
to the natural law of expansion,
the agents performing tend to
create ample boredom to fill the
space,
THIS, HOWEVER, should not
hide the fact that the Council, like
most deliberative bodies, occa-
sionally reaches significant heights
in its debate; such heights were
some of the comment on election
rules (though only some comment)
and the discussion on whether to
commend the Young Friends' ac-
tivity ot the campus' attention.
The Council, then does signi-
ficant things, at times. This is
well evidenced in the report on
last year's Council, written this
summer by Council President
John Feldkamp. The most impor-
tant action, Feldkamp says, is
creation of the regulation on
membership selection in student
organizations.
* * *
THE COUNCIL has delegated a
number of projects to other organ-
izations, and continued several'
contributions of its own, including
the Reading and Discussion pro-
gram and health insurance sales.
It is in this area of service, and
perhaps not in merely expressing
part of some members' opinions
on general sociological or academic
issues, that the Council will in-
gratiate itself most with the stu-
dent body; it must do this if it is
to be at all effective-its opinions
on extra-campus issues have ab-
solutely no relevance if the mem-
bers speak only for themselves,
ignored completely by an indif-
ferent student body.
* * *
THE COUNCIL'S Administrative
Secretary, Mrs. Ruth Callahan,
recorded her last meeting last
meeting last night before moving
on to new duties in the Dean of
Men's office; she must now hold
some sort of record. She managed
to last through over 160 Council
meetings while preserving her
equilibrim, sanity and charm. The
flowers the Council gave her, for
this, and much better reasons,
well-deserved.
DAILY
OFFICIAI.
BULLETIN~
The Daily Official Bulletin is an
official publication of The Univer-
sity of Michigan for which The Michi-
gan Daily assumes no editorial respon-
sibility. Notices should be sent in
TYPEWRITTEN form to Room 351s Ad-
ministration Building, before 2 p.m.
two days preceding publication.
FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 23
General Notices
Captain Reginald G. Sauls, Marine
Corps Officer Selection Officer for
Michigan, will interview interested stu-
dents, Sept. 26-29, at the Michigan
Union, daily from 9 a.m. until 4 p.m.
University of Michigan Graduate
Screening Examinations ingFrench and
(Continued on Page 5)
BY JAMES SEDER
Daily staff Writer
Unless the present tide of events
is reversed, the presidential elec-
tion will turn out to be a pretty
ridiculous spectacle. There are, it
is true, many good reasons for not
voting for Sen. Kennedy and there
are, also, many good reasons for
not voting for Vice-President
Nixon. But very few of these ar-
guments have as yet been ad-
vanced or adequately discussed.
Further, there is absolutely no
Justification for sitting out the
election because "neither candi-
date is worthy of my vote."
The most obvious foolishness is
this business of Kennedy's Cathol-
icism. Kennedy has answered
every question concerning the
state-church issue admirably. In
fact, his stand on giving birth
control advice to underdeveloped
nations was far more rational and
far freer of religious dogmatism
than that of President Eisen-
hower. Eisenhower rejected the
idea out of hand as morally re-
pugnant. Kennedy pointed out-
with unequivocial logic-that the
proposal was totally impractical.
He does not favor government aid
to church schools, an ambassador
to the Vatican or otherwise justify
the "fears" which accrue to his
Catholicism. The strangest of
them all is that an American
Catholic president would adopt
the Vatican's position on foreign
policy. Although its position on
basic international questions is
almost identical with ours, this
would presumably make our posi-
tion less flexible. Since there has
been no noticeable effect on the
foreign policy of France or Ger-
many under, practicing Catholic
leaders, it seems unreasonable to
infer that such interference would
occur in America-particularly in
view of the American political
climate and Kennedy's frequently
stated views.
An equally absurd prejudice is
"I just don't like Nixon." The
presidential election is not a popu-
larity contest. It is an attempt
to find a man to represent, ar-
ticulate and put into effect the
views which a majority of the
voters think most appropriate.
In any case, Kennedy and Nixon
are very similiar in many ways,
They are both so ruthlessly per-
sistant and ambitious that it is,
apparently, rather hard to like
them as individuals. Both men
have had careers and experiences
which adequately prepare them
for presidency-although neither
is "ideally" prepared. Nixon has
been exposed to vital national
problems by sitting in on the
Cabinet and National Security
Council meetings. Kennedy has
been a member of the Senate
Foreign Affairs committee and
various other Senate groups which
contributed to this education.
Neither man has had any experi-
ence formulatinng or implement-
ing policy. Nixon's famous debates
with South American students and
with Nikita Khrushchev are little
more than the experience of many
American college students travel-
ling in a neutralist or Communist
country. Although such debates
are awakening and broadening
experiences, they are hardly a
major qualification for the pre-
sidency.
Nixon probably has a little more
practical experience than Ken-
nedy. but Kennedy is vastly better
educated and better read.
In short, voting for a "personal-
ity" just does not make sense. It
is also foolish not to vote at all.
One of these two men will cer-
tainly become President. Either
man will significantly change the
character and direction of the
government in various ways. The
voters will decide which new view
of the governments role will pre-
vail.
Both candidates and most of the
responsible leaders of both parties
are, basically, in agreement that
government must assume a more
vigorous role in the future than
it has under President Eisenhower.
Defense spending, federal aid to
education, government interven-
tion in major strikes, aid to de-
pressed areas, and many other
government programs will be step-
ped up by the new administration
regardless who wins the election.
However, under a Democratic'
administration they are likely to
be stepped up more vigorously
than under the Republicans --
even under the liberal Republicans
Irrelevant Campaign Talk Masks Issues
with South American students and even under the liberal Republicans
"This Brand-New Time-Tested Product of Firm
Flexibility, Just Like the Old Formula
But Entirely Different-"
upon whom Nixon will, presum-
ably, rely. This represents a clear-
cut issue for the voters to decide.
On the other hand, one issue
which has attracted a great deal
of attention offers little area of
choice. This is the farm problem.
Throughout the twentieth cen-
tury, except during the two world
wars, the position of the family
farmer has steadily become
weaker.
Under the Truman administra-
tion, the policy of high supports
for farm products was maintained.
Under the impetus of the present
Secretary of Agriculture, Era
Taft Benson, the policy of flex-
ible (and generally lower) price
supports has been followed by the
Republicans. Neither approach has
been particularly successful,
In the early years of the Eisen-
hower administration, both can-
didates supported the Benson
view. Now both are opposed, Ken-
nedy has not yet come forward
with a farm program. Nixon pas
begun to develop one. The core
of the Nixon plan is, ironically.
the "Food for Peace" plan for
disposal of farm surpluses long
advocated by liberal Democratic
Senator Hubert Humphrey.
But, basically, both parties ag-
ree that something new must be
done, but nobody knows quite
what to do. Both parties are pro-
bably equally open to concrete
suggestion.
There is a similar problem in
the foreign affairs area. Every-
body agrees that there must be
improvement, but there is no
reason to suppose that one can-
didate or one party is more likely
to supply the needed new ap-
proach.
And the candidates of both
parties and the platforms of both
parties on the civil rights ques-
tion are in basic agreement. Both
candidates will, in all probably,
be more aggressive in exercising
their powers in this area. But
both parties have conservative
wings which will continue to op-
pose all major civil rights bills
which will come before the Con-
gress.
There is, though, a real dif-
ference in the economic views of
the two parties. Both parties are,
obviously, against depressions and
inflation. The Republicans place
their faith in maintaining the
stability of the dollar. They be-
lieve in exercising restraints on
the amount of money available for
investment in order to prevent
inflation. They believe that it is
better to come out of recessions
slowly rather than risk the in-
flation which might result from
too vigorous fiscal anti-recession
measures.
The Democrats place their faith
in growth. They belIeve that a
vigorously expanding economy out-
distances any tendency toward
inflation and they believe that the
government has a responsibility
to foster and aid this growth. They
believe in strong anti-recession
policies.
The question of economic growth
and the dynamics of federal
government expansion are two
key issues of the campaign. They
are not 'made" issues. They re-
present significantly different
philosophies. These are the issues
which the voters should consider,
not the absurd side issues. One
of these approaches will be used
by the new administration. The
individual voter would be foolish
to give up his right to participate
in the decision by focusing on the
side-issues-isshes which will have
no significance once the election
is over.
I
X - -"
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4
CIA
THE AMERICAN STUDENT-1960:
Active Students Innovate Amidst Pressures
By THOMAS HAYDEN
Editor
(EDITOR'S NOTE: This is the
thlird in a four-part series of ar-
ticles on the new role ofthe Amer-
ican student.)
By MOVING dynamically into
his society's patterns, the 1960
student is embroiling himself in a
series of self-created crises.
They are crises swelling in both
the student and older generations,
crises located on the campus and
in the community. They are mu-
tually-intensifying crises, and on
their resolution the future of the
new student movement depends.
The first is the crisis of imme-
diate action. The sit-ins are prob-
ably the primary focus now as
they have been all year. But
mass action derives its greatest
public impact from its own fresh-
ness, and as time passes, the sit-
ins tend to lose the dramatic ap-
peal that has made them so ef-
fective.
ALL THIS SHOULD point up an
obvious fact: That the civil rights
movement, and the student move-
ment as well, cannot be a single-
issue, single-action thing. While
the sit-in and selective buying
crusades still contain vitality, stu-
dents must look persistently for
ELSEWHERE IN THE country,
militant student activity still con-
tinues hopping from issue to is-
sue.
"Sympathy" picketing of na-
tional stores remains in effect
across the North, including Ann
Arbor where students have car-
ried protest signs for seven
months. The sympathy picket and
boycott will eventually lose im-
pact also, however, and the Ann
Arbor Direct Action Committee
must plan on new areas and new
forms: They already are taking
interest, for example, in discrim-
inatory advertising and housing
conditions.
In other immediate action, the
phenomenon of the campus politi-
cal party is rapidly emerging: At
California, Cornell, Oberlin, Texas
and elsewhere, Such parties have
various orientations, usually to-
ward involving the student with
public issues, running candidates.
for student government, working'
for broader student rights. As
parties continue to develop, na-
tional networks of communication
are being suggested and imple-
mented, and some students are al-
ready planning for a national
confederation of parties.
S* *
THE SECOND CRISIS is that of
existencesand pnt-aimitu. Tf this.
student newspaper. Parents and
patriotic organizations still think
of the National Student Associa-
tion in such precise terms as
"radical - socialist - left - wing-
Communist." Where they haven't
been criticized, they have been
often harrassed by police forces.
And there has been a more subtle
harrassment from the old organi-
zation men who enticed kids in
the Thirties-Communists like
Brown and Brodsky on the Coast,
for example.
* * * I
THE CRISIS EXTENDS direct-
ly to the campus, and particular-
ly to administrations and student
governments. Administrations are
liable to inhibit student develop-
ment in at least two ways: 1) by
failing to instill a sense of driving
and meaningful university spirit,
2) by discouraging and sometimes
punishing students who practice
non-conformity and allegedly
damage the university's all-im-
portant image.
Direct and indirect attacks on
student leaders at California, Van-
derbilt and Brooklyn College this
year are only a warning of the
trouble which may come. In some
places, for instance, at UCLA stu-
dent groups have entirely broken
campus ties in order to avoid the
conflit .wih a mrin....,.n.m.r
members are of diverse political
complexions, but the political ac-
tion group is ideologically-solidi-
fied:
* * *
Since, therefore, political action
groups may act with less squabble
and friction than student govern-
ments, the two units have drifted
apart in the student movement.
In plain fact, the most dynamic
student action of the last year
has not been directed through
student governments, and in some
places has been conducted in ac-
tual defiance of them (Berkeley
provides a prime example in the
spirit between the SLATE party
and the student government).
But again, the situation at this
University is less strained than
elsewhere. Student Government
Council has responded dynamical-
ly to some issues of public con-
cern, and the local political action
groups have been generally will-
ing to seek SGC approval of their
activities,
* * *
THE FINAL CRISIS is that of
direction and growth. and within
a context of student action, such
a crisis is difficult to evaluate
since both direction and growth
occur continually,
If only with a very faint trem-
o. .s.den.~,.,.ma.c..rn.~.. th.
trials, he has perhaps matured
slightly.
* * *
ONE SUCH STUDENT is Curtis
Gans, National Affairs Vice Pres-
ident of USNSA during the sit-in
crisis. Like the others, he cannot
predict the forms through which
the new student attitude will be
expressed, but he can hopefully
suggest:
"Perhaps 1960 will herald a
new era of students, a student
generation vitally committed to
principle and Willing to do battle
for what they believe. Perhaps we
have entered that era through the
door of the sit-ins, and perhaps
the door is only slightly ajar and
needs a strong shove. .."
* * *
THE FUTURE OF 1960 Ameri-
can student, therefore, is vague
but exciting. He stands on a
peculiar threshold built of the sit-
ins, sympathy picketing, demon-
strations against ROTC, civil de-
fense, the House Un-American
Activities Committee, protesta-
tions of the firing of Leo Koch
and the attack on disclaimer af-
fidavits in the NDEA, He possess-
es an attitude of idealistic human-
itarianism, but as yet no broad
ideology. With his humanitarian-
ism and commitment to lifelong
ation, hs h ,a.i . 4..,. e.,.fte
i