Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
U.S. ENCOURAGES STALINISM:
Viet Policy Hurts Soviet Moderates
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE
The Regents and the President
Should Push Fiscal Reform
'THE UIST of State Democratic Chair-
man Zplton Ferency's attack on the
"appalling and shocking" tuition hike ap-
proved by the Regents last Friday hits
hard and hits true.
His basic premise is incontrovertible-
the University administration has been
negligent in making any public stand ad-
vocating the fiscal reform measures which
could alleviate the need for tuition hikes.
The regressive financial nature of flat
tuition charges makes this method of
raising capital for universities antitheti-
cal to the basic goals of public education.
YET THE ALTERNATIVE of getting
more money from the state is closed
because of the anachronistic state tax
structure. Furthermore even the money
that is drained to higher education
through the state is regressive in origin
and is really as stifling to the poorer stu-
dents as high tuition rates.
It would seem that the Regents and the
administrative, officers of the University
are the first people to hover around the
Legislature for money and the last people
to get inVolved in a struggle to assure the
educational institutions of this state a
sounder and more progressive source of
revenue.
Regents Irene Murphy and Carl Brablec
worried at the last Regents meeting about
student welfare and how the tuition jump
is going to effect living expenses. Yet they
and the other Regents have shown little
interest in reforming ; the basic factor
which makes these tuition hikes a per-
iodic necessity.
ALTHOUGH the political leaders of both
parties have urged the University ad-
ministrators to join in their efforts to
stabilize the state's economy and dis-
tribute the tax burdens more equitably,
the University has not made any positive
moves. Aside from Ferency's charges yes-
terday, Gov. George Romney also has ask-
ed for the assistance of educators in car-
rying across the need for fiscal reform to
the people.
It is interesting to note that although
University President Harlan Hatcher ex-
plained the need for more revenue for the
University through pointing to the needs
unfulfilled because of the state fiscal cris-
is of 1957, he seems to be unwilling to get
involved in a movement to avert such
disasters in the future.
THE IRONY of the situation is that Pres-
ident Hatcher is reputed to personally
support fiscal reform measures. He seems
to believe, however, that the University
per se is above the quarrels of politics
and should not get involved in partisan
reform movements.
This notion is fallacious because the
University and its students cannot tran-
scend their surrounding political environ-
ment.
Of course the reluctance of educators to
get involved in the world of politics is
not unique to this University. Yet, one
visualizes that the, province of higher
education is to lead.
IT IS UNDERSTANDABLE that President
Hatcher might be unwilling to barn-
storm through the state for fiscal reform
at rallies with the bands playing "Happy
Days Are Here Again"; but on the other
hand a resolution passed by the Regents
advocating a fiscal restructuring of the
state could be influential in implementing
reform by influencing public opinion.
Fiscal reform is needed now. The cur-
rent tottering state financial base orig-
inally pushed by vested financial inter-
ests stifles Michigan's growth and devel-
opment.
The scenes of auto lobbyists imposing
regressive measures such as the Business
Activities Tax should have become events
in a past whose heritage has been re-
jected. Unfortunately, Michigan still lives
in the economic world of the "Wealth of
Nations."
BY AVOIDING the issue of fiscal reform
University officials are relegating the
concept of colleges as community leaders
to mythology.
President Hatcher, the Regents, stu-
dents, and faculty members have a duty
to bring the case for fiscal reform before
the public.
-BRUCE WASSERSTEIN
By PHILIP BEN
The New Republic
R EPORTS from Prague, Buda-
pest, and Warsaw all say the
same: Everywhere the Communist
leaders are in despair. They see
American bombs falling on a
"Socialist country," North Viet
Nam, without the Soviet Union
beingable to do much about it.
They fear that sooner or later,
they will be called upon to ship
military and economic aid to Ha-
noi.
They remember the Korean
War, when Stalin extracted from
all those countries huge aid to
North Korea, aid which was never
paid for, imposed drastic plans to
produce more arms, and stepped
up the terror and the purges in
all the satellite states.
THE COMMUNIST leaders are
also in despair because they badly,
need more trade with the U.S.,
and credits above all.
They hoped that 1965 would be,
in this respect, a year of great
progress. Now everything is stop-
ped. They need American goods,
American know-how.
But how, can they admit it pub-
licly, when American bombs are
falling so near Hanoi?
FINALLY, all the Communist
bosses of Eastern Europe are in
despair because they fear if the
present situation continues for a
few more months, and no means
are devised to punish the Ameri-
cans for their raids on North Viet
Nam, the present rulers inhthe
Kremlin will be replaced by others,
more ruthless and more Stalinist.
A member of the Polish Polit-
bureau recently confessed to a
trusted visitor that although he
doesn't know exactly "the names,"
there are forces at work in Mos-
cow accusing the present leader-
ship of weakness and preparing a
takeover.
Soviet prestige in Eastern Eur-
ope is now at its lowest ebb ever
since the end of World War II. So
is Soviet interference in the in-
ternal affairs of the satellite coun-
tries.
A KNOWLEDGEABLE Eastern
European diplomat boasted a few
days ago: "Short of getting out of
the Warsaw defense pact, my gov-
ernment can do anything without
consulting Moscow."
But the Communist bosses are
more afraid of the unbelievable
loss of Communist prestige than
pleased with the measure of their
independence from Moscow they
now enjoy.
They know only too well that
their personal power, and perhaps
the survival of their regimes, de-
pends on Soviet prestige and So-
viet might.
IN SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES it
is easy to understand why in re-
cent weeks the Communist lead-
ers of some satellite countries
have, according to reliable infor-
mation, pressed Moscow for re-
taliatory action against the U.S.,
in order to offset the weak im-
pression caused by the Soviet in-
ability to react in Viet Nam.
But their demand was accom-
panied by one limitation. This
anti-American reprisal must not
take place where it would be
easiest to carry out: in Berlin.
Why? Because, according to the
view now prevailing in every East
European Commuist capital, a new
Soviet threat to West Berlin would
only halt the current disintegra-
tion of NATO, and repair the
break between Washington and
Paris on one side and Paris and
Bonn on the other.
THUS FAR the Communist
leaders have not found any spot
on the globe, other than West
Berlin, where the U.S. could be
seriously weakened without undue
risk to the Soviet side.
A Polish diplomat stationed in
a West European capital explains
the present mood of Warsaw with
the following story: "The taxi
drivers are saying, 'The Russians
talk loudly about their guarantee
of our Oder-Neisse frontier. But
in Viet Nam, the Americans are
bombing, and the Russians do
nothing . .' "
This unprecedented drop of
Soviet prestige in Eastern Europe
doesn't mean that these countries
are beginning to side with Pe-
king. The present regime in Peking
is seen in Eastern Europe as a
"yellow Stalinism," and the idea
of a nonwhite Communist leader-
ship is totally unacceptable.
BUT RESPECT for the Chinese
is nevertheless evident in Warsaw,
Prague, Budapest and Sofia, as
well as Bucharest, where the
Chinese have long been consider-
ed as semi-allies against Moscow.
The Communist leaders in those
capitals have now all but with-
drawn from siding with the So-
viets in their dispute with the
Chinese. They do not attack the
Chinese leadership any longer, and
are extremely pleased that the
Chinese don't attack them any
more and limit their assaults to
the "heirs of Khrushchev" in Mos-
cow and to the "Tito clique."
VERY SELDOM now does one
find a Polish, Hungarian, Czech
or Bulgarian paper printing a
Soviet anti-Chinese pronounce-
ment.
When one does, all the sharper
critical references are expunged.
The Polish Party secretariat has
issued an order forbidding all
party cells to discuss any aspect
of the Sino-Soviet feud, and War-
saw, Prague and Budapest are
trying to improve relations with
Albania, China's European friend.
Attacks on the Albanian lead-
ers have ceased completely, and
there are even indications that
soon the ambassadors of those
countries will return to Tirana, the
capital of Albania, which they left
almost four years ago. (The Rp-
manian ambassador has been back
there since 1963.)
WHAT FINALLY RUINED So-
viet prestige in Eastern Europe
and enhanced that of the Chinese
was when the first trains carrying
Soviet arms were halted at the
first Chinese frontier station and
sent back to the Russian side
even before the Soviet ambassador
in Peking had time to make rep-
resentations with the highest
Chinese leaders.
Now, while Soviet loads are let
through, they are strictly circum-
scribed by various Chinese con-
ditions. In general they consist of
some anti-aircraft artillery and
ground-to-air missiles. But it is
not certain that Russian personnel
were let through, and reports
about Soviet rockets and military
specialists reaching North Viet
Nam by sea are probably pure
fabrication.
Since the Cuban missile crisis
and the American sea blockade,
Moscow doesn't believe that the
U.S. will hesitate to halt Soviet
arms shipments to a country with
which it is virtually at war.
THIS PICTURE of Soviet hu-
miliation drives home to the East
European Communist leaders the
apparent helplessness of Russia
and makes them wonder whom to
turn to.
Disappointed in their hopes for
increased coexistence with the
U.S., accompanied 'by greater
trade, loans, possibly even aid
from the Americans, the East
European Communists at present
center their hopes on De Gaulle.
Only a few years ago De Gaulle
posed as ally number one of Bonn.
But now recurring German-
French differences, F r e n c h-
American quarrels, and De
Gaulle's declarations that the
problem of !Germany must be solv-
ed "among Europeans" have en-
abled the East European Com-
munist bosses to talk about De
Gaulle as two years ago they were
talking about John F. Kennedy.
THE TROUBLE is that France
doesn't dispense economic aid in
Europe, doesn't give away surplus
foodstuffs, and French credit
terms are tough.
Meanwhile, the American bombs
on Viet Nam are having immense
repercussions all over Eastern
Europe.
Nobody dares to think what
could happen should they con-
tinue falling much longer.
A
4
I
were let through, and reports
OPPRESSION IN THE UNIVERSITIES:
The Student Struggle Against Salazar
4
The USIA-What Next?
EDITOR'S NOTE: The article
below describes the student
struggle against the Salazar re-
gime in Portugal, and is taken
from the periodical of the In-
ternational Union of Students,
the major leftist international
y student organization.
By ANTONIO DE SOUSA
World Student News
LISBON-The academic year be-
gan very badly in Portugal.
Before classes started, the Salazar
government expelled eleven uni-
versity students after fabricating
a trial, accusing them of having
carried on subversive activities
against the established order.
Shortly afterwards, a police of-
fensive began against the Uni-
versity of Lisbon. Dozens of stu-
dents were arrested. The students'
associations were searched and
ransacked by agents of PIDE-
Salazar's political police-and by
members of the fascist organiza-
tion "Young Portugal."
On the 19th of December, stu-
dent demonstrations supported by
the people took place in Lisbon
in protest against a wave of re-
pression and to demand the liber-
ation of student Saldanha Sanches
who was arrestedtanduseriously
wounded while putting up posters
against the regime in a Lisbon
street.
THE NEW YEAR began with
new struggles against the Salazar
government.
On that day University Rector
Paulo Cunha (former Minister of
Foreign Affairs under Salazar)
wished to address the students to
open the masquerade of "Univer-
sity Day" (which was to replace
"Student Day," prohibited by the
government).
The young university students
who filled the large festival hall
let neither him nor former min-
ister Lumbrales speak, shouting
cries of "Facsists!" "Assassins!"
and "Liberate the arrested stu-
dents!"
NEW POLICE MEASURES were
taken. Steel-helmeted police arm-
ed with submachineguns surround-
ed the University precincts, for-
bidding all meetings and demon-
strations.
But the students managed to
meet inside the faculties to discuss
and take measures against the
atmosphere of terror, and to speak
out against the arrests which were
continually taking place.
Leaving the university in small
groups, they met by the thou-
sands in the center of Lisbon to
shout their protests and demand
the release of their fellow students.
With cries of "Liberate the
political prisoners!" and "We want
democracy!" the students gather-
ed in front of Ajube prison where
they were dispersed by the police.
They tried to gather again in
front of the Ministry of the In-
terior. Other police forces inter-
vened, wielding clubs, wounding a
number of demonstrators and
making new arrests.
ON THE 24TH of January, the
University of Lisbon went on
strike. This was the students'
highest, most collective and broad-
est form of protest.
While the University authori-
ties wished to make the public
believe that this was a question
of the actions of small groups
disturbing the public order, stu-
dents demonstrated by this strike
the extent of their struggle and
their anger at this regime and
its police measures, and at its
ministers and their lackeys in the
Portuguese university.
Police terror increased. Medical
CARL ROWAN'S resignation as head of
themUnited States Information Agency
gives the public another glimpse below
the surface of that important government
office, and the view is not too pleasant.
This year the USIA has increasingly
come under attack for news management
from the press, the U.S. diplomatic corps
and its own lower echelon officials. Cri-
tics have charged that, by departing from
its former objectivity in reporting the
news, the agency is losing the respect of
foreign nations; and it is largely this
hard-earned respect that has made the
USIA an effective countervailing force to
anti-American propaganda in the past.
Apparently reflecting the Johnson ad-
ministration's sensitivity to criticism,
Voice of America, a USIA subdivision, has
stopped carrying reports of opposition to
the President's policies in Viet Nam and
the Dominican Republic-news manage-
ment as ineffective as it is deplorable
since the opposition is continually pre-
sented to Voice's audience by both Com-
munist and Western European news agen-
cies.
DISSATISFACTION with this policy has
risen to the surface on several occa-
sions, as the press has printed reports that
the USIA leadership has been unable to
find staff writers willing to dispense
slanted news, at times forcing top offi-
cials themselves, including Rowan, to
write or rewrite Voice dispatches con-
forming to the official administration
line. Moreover, Deputy USIA Director
Donald Wilson and Voice of America Di-
JUDITH WARREN ...................,..... Co-Editor
ROBERT RiPPLER ..................... Co-Editor
EDWARD HERSTEIN................. Sports Editor
rector Henry Loomis both resigned re-
cently, amidst reports that they were dis-
satisfied with the organization's policies.
Taken in this context, Rowan's resig-
nation can be interpreted in several ways.
Of course, his public explanation that
personal considerations dictated an early
retirement from government service may
be true.
However, in view of the recent disturb-
ances in the USIA, and of three other
explanations seems more likely.
FIRST, Rowan and Johnson may have
split over the agency's news policy.
Rowan, like some lower USIA officials,
may have become disgusted with the
organization's new aversion to objectivity;
he, too, may have decided that news
management conflicts with the USIA's
role.
On the other hand, Rowan may have
been pushed out, and this possibility lends
itself to two other interpretations of the
resignation.
For one, the administration may have
sacrificed Rowan to appease the agency's
critics. If this is the case, Rowan has
been treated shabbily and nothing has
been accomplished in terms of returning
the USIA to a respected, objective news
agency.
IT IS ALSO POSSIBLE, however, that the
resignation will prove to have been the
signal for a genuine shift in, the direction
of USIA policy; that is, the administra-
tion may have wished to make a basic
change which could be implemented more
easily with a new man at the top.
This possibility provides real hope for
the USIA, for if it is not to complete-
ly degenerate into a propaganda dispen-
sary, the present trend toward news man-
agement must be reversed.
The USIA cannot hope to be effective as
a propaganda arm of the government:
student Vaz Guedes, after having
been subjected to 60 consecutive
hours of interrogation and torture,
had to be taken urgently to a Lis-
bon clinic; he too was suffering
from nervous disturbances.
ON THE 2ND of February, sev-
eral days after the Salazar police
tried to prove in a press statement
that they had destroyed the clan-
destine network of Communist
students "responsible for this agi-
tation at the University" the stu-
dents again left the University
for the center of Lisbon to repeat
their public protests and to dem-
onstrate against those responsible
for the alarming situation en-
dangering the lives of their fellow
students.
The police came. Fights broke
out between the students and the
workers on one side,.and the op-
pressive forces who attacked the
demonstrators.
THE TREMENDOUSLY broad
struggles which have been going
on since 1962 have their root not
only in the abusive measures of
the Salazar government but above
all in the situation it has created
in education as a whole.
Conforming to the fascist re-
gime is a university which cannot
be separated from the political
and social conditions on which it
is based.
Culture has been no concern
of the Portuguese government
since it came to power in 1928.
WHILE the colonial war (its
war against rebels in the African
colony of Angola) consumes near-
ly 45 per cent of the state budget,
the Salazar government spends
only 2 per cent on education.
It spends a greater amount on
the police than on all university
education.
From 1938 to 1958 state expen-
ditures on education did not
change, even though there was a
considerable increase in school at-
tendance.
BUT IT MUST be said that this
obscurantist education, which is
dozens of years behind the times
in relation to the progress of cul-
ture and modern scientific dis-
coveries, is an expensive -educa-
tion, for the students must pay 50
per cent of the costs without such
a percentage producing any posi-
tive and clear results, either in
terms of the creation of properly
equipped laboratories or broaden-
ing the network of secondary and
higher educational institutions or
bettering the living standards of
professors, which is low in rela-
tion to their needs.
Of a total of nearly 25,000 uni-
versity students, there are only
100 who have the right to a
scholarship of 100 escudos per
month, not even enough to pay
their rent, which is usually three
or four times higher.
It is easy to conclude, there-
fore, that such education restricts
the access of youth to the univer-
sity. Actually, only 2 per cent of
the young people between 17 and
On many occasions the univer-
sity has been subjected to blood-
letting for political reasons. Since
1935, more than 70 professors have
been expelled from higher educa-
tion, thus depriving the university
of many of its best instructors.
AMONG THE expellee professors
are some of the great Portuguese
names in science and letters, such
as Egas Moniz, Nobel prize winner
in medicine; mathematician Rui
Luiz Gomes, a professor at a uni-
versity in Brazil; physicist Manuel
Valadares, director of the labora-
tory, of atomic energy in Paris;
literary historian Rodrigues Lapa;
mathematician Aniceto Monteiro;
historian Magalliaes Godinho;
philosopher Megalhaes Vilhena
and many others who do honor
to Portuguese and world culture.
In addition to the lack of cul-
ture, there is also a lack of free-
dom for Portuguese students. The
grim work of fascism is not limit-
ed to the subjects we have just
spoken of. It is accompanied by
other measures intended to de-
prive the students as well as the
Portuguese people of the funda-
mental rights, including the right
to freely organize.
By means of a stubborn and
prolonged struggle, the university
students in 1946 won back the
right to elect the leaders of their
associations.
But the government never in-
tended to accept such a defeat. It
introduced tight control over the
life of these organizations by tak-
ing on itself the role of arbiter. in
deciding whether or not to ap-
prove the elected student leaders.
Without government approval
such officers were automatically
relieved of their jobs.
ON MANY OCCASIONS the
government forbade the normal
functioning of the students' asso-
ciations and their cultural activi-
ties, dismissing their leaders and
closing their doors for long per-
iods until such a time as the
students' struggle forced them to
retreat.
In 1962, following large univer-
sity struggles, all the leaders of
the students' associations of LAs-
bon and Coimbra were rejected by
the Minister of National Educa-
tion himself and several of them
were brought to court.
Meetings of the students of the
three Portuguese universities are
prohibited as well as the creation
of coordinating organizations for
their activities, either on a na-
tional level or at a single univer-
sity.
CONTROL OVER the university
-this control intended to create
a reactionary and fascist mental-
ity-is more and more getting out
of hand as far as the Salazar
government is concerned, as a re-
sult of the huge struggles in which
the students are not only dis-
playing their courage, but also a
well-defined and conscious politi-
cal position.
The students' fight is not fin-
ished.
This is only one stage. But
other, more vigorous stages will
take place to end this mad policy
which is ravaging African soil
with a criminal war (the war on
the rebels against Portuguese rule
in Angola) which is making of
Portugal an underdeveloped coun-
try and one in which the univer-
sity displays a reactionary and
medieval conception detrimental
to the interests of the people and
youth.
A
4
I1
'THE SEVENTH JUROR':
This French Whodunit
Makes You Think
At the Campus Theatre
THE AUTOMATIC answering service at the Campus says that "The
Seventh Juror" is a "French suspense drama"-which conjures up
images of sexy (French) whodunit (suspense) bore (drama).
The sex is all in the first five minutes, and causes all the prob-
lems, because the almost-nude gets strangled on the beach. It's not
a whodunit, because we all saw M. Duval, the portly druggist, do it.
Yet there is disturbing drama in M. Duval's struggle first to
acknowledge that he is a murderer, and then to convince the town.
Unfortunately, he is so respectable that he sits in the jury box at the
murder trial in which he ought to be the defendant.
HE'S NOT EXACTLY HIP; he's just a portly druggist in a small
town. But he envies the generation that has managed to evade the
burden of bourgeois morality. He resents his situation like any good
existential non-hero would.
M. Duval is anybody's tired father, ever-mindful of his reputa-
tion and sick of his family.
He is Middle-Class Man, who seeks out the priest, hears himself
condemned for pride, and decides that he has to resolve the problem
in his own way. His story will leave you as depressed as the six o'clock
news, and for the same reasons. The blind complacency of respect-
BOND STRIKES AGAIN:
Here's Stylish Brutality
And Andress, Too
'I
At the State Theatre
AS LOTTA LENYA fell to the floor, her face contorted after half
a dozen bullets had been drilled into her frame, a high school
comedian in the audience piped, "Did it hurt?"
Indeed it did . . . but for reasons perhaps beyond the bottled-in-
Bond crowd that gathered in an Ann Arbor theater to gape, applaud,
and laugh at four hours of brutality, albeit stylishly directed
brutality.
Almost eighteen hundred years passed between the epoch of
Nero and that of de Sade. One hundred and fifty have passed between
de Sade and James Bond. It's encouraging to know that public and
private tastes have been refined by the passage of time.
THE CHRISTIANS, generally considered the good guys, got it
in the Colosseum-from lions, universally considered the bad guys.
Enemy agents, generally considered bad guys, get it (once in the chest,
once in the back) from James Bond, universally considered the good
guy. Here's a refinement.
De Sade used to fool around, then write everything down in
blatant prose. James Bond fools around, but with the benefit of
fadeouts and quick cuts. There's another refinement.
With Bond's bread comes circuses benefited by the horrors of
modern science. Jimmy beats out Nero and. de Sade by at least
seventy kilometers of science fiction accoutrements. A camera that's
I
I