Seventy-Fifth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS U.S. ENCOURAGES STALINISM: Viet Policy Hurts Soviet Moderates aufmMuslamans -- -=- - - Where Opinions Are'Free. 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail NEws PHONE: 764-0552 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints. TUESDAY, JULY 13, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: ROBERT MOORE The Regents and the President Should Push Fiscal Reform 'THE UIST of State Democratic Chair- man Zplton Ferency's attack on the "appalling and shocking" tuition hike ap- proved by the Regents last Friday hits hard and hits true. His basic premise is incontrovertible- the University administration has been negligent in making any public stand ad- vocating the fiscal reform measures which could alleviate the need for tuition hikes. The regressive financial nature of flat tuition charges makes this method of raising capital for universities antitheti- cal to the basic goals of public education. YET THE ALTERNATIVE of getting more money from the state is closed because of the anachronistic state tax structure. Furthermore even the money that is drained to higher education through the state is regressive in origin and is really as stifling to the poorer stu- dents as high tuition rates. It would seem that the Regents and the administrative, officers of the University are the first people to hover around the Legislature for money and the last people to get inVolved in a struggle to assure the educational institutions of this state a sounder and more progressive source of revenue. Regents Irene Murphy and Carl Brablec worried at the last Regents meeting about student welfare and how the tuition jump is going to effect living expenses. Yet they and the other Regents have shown little interest in reforming ; the basic factor which makes these tuition hikes a per- iodic necessity. ALTHOUGH the political leaders of both parties have urged the University ad- ministrators to join in their efforts to stabilize the state's economy and dis- tribute the tax burdens more equitably, the University has not made any positive moves. Aside from Ferency's charges yes- terday, Gov. George Romney also has ask- ed for the assistance of educators in car- rying across the need for fiscal reform to the people. It is interesting to note that although University President Harlan Hatcher ex- plained the need for more revenue for the University through pointing to the needs unfulfilled because of the state fiscal cris- is of 1957, he seems to be unwilling to get involved in a movement to avert such disasters in the future. THE IRONY of the situation is that Pres- ident Hatcher is reputed to personally support fiscal reform measures. He seems to believe, however, that the University per se is above the quarrels of politics and should not get involved in partisan reform movements. This notion is fallacious because the University and its students cannot tran- scend their surrounding political environ- ment. Of course the reluctance of educators to get involved in the world of politics is not unique to this University. Yet, one visualizes that the, province of higher education is to lead. IT IS UNDERSTANDABLE that President Hatcher might be unwilling to barn- storm through the state for fiscal reform at rallies with the bands playing "Happy Days Are Here Again"; but on the other hand a resolution passed by the Regents advocating a fiscal restructuring of the state could be influential in implementing reform by influencing public opinion. Fiscal reform is needed now. The cur- rent tottering state financial base orig- inally pushed by vested financial inter- ests stifles Michigan's growth and devel- opment. The scenes of auto lobbyists imposing regressive measures such as the Business Activities Tax should have become events in a past whose heritage has been re- jected. Unfortunately, Michigan still lives in the economic world of the "Wealth of Nations." BY AVOIDING the issue of fiscal reform University officials are relegating the concept of colleges as community leaders to mythology. President Hatcher, the Regents, stu- dents, and faculty members have a duty to bring the case for fiscal reform before the public. -BRUCE WASSERSTEIN By PHILIP BEN The New Republic R EPORTS from Prague, Buda- pest, and Warsaw all say the same: Everywhere the Communist leaders are in despair. They see American bombs falling on a "Socialist country," North Viet Nam, without the Soviet Union beingable to do much about it. They fear that sooner or later, they will be called upon to ship military and economic aid to Ha- noi. They remember the Korean War, when Stalin extracted from all those countries huge aid to North Korea, aid which was never paid for, imposed drastic plans to produce more arms, and stepped up the terror and the purges in all the satellite states. THE COMMUNIST leaders are also in despair because they badly, need more trade with the U.S., and credits above all. They hoped that 1965 would be, in this respect, a year of great progress. Now everything is stop- ped. They need American goods, American know-how. But how, can they admit it pub- licly, when American bombs are falling so near Hanoi? FINALLY, all the Communist bosses of Eastern Europe are in despair because they fear if the present situation continues for a few more months, and no means are devised to punish the Ameri- cans for their raids on North Viet Nam, the present rulers inhthe Kremlin will be replaced by others, more ruthless and more Stalinist. A member of the Polish Polit- bureau recently confessed to a trusted visitor that although he doesn't know exactly "the names," there are forces at work in Mos- cow accusing the present leader- ship of weakness and preparing a takeover. Soviet prestige in Eastern Eur- ope is now at its lowest ebb ever since the end of World War II. So is Soviet interference in the in- ternal affairs of the satellite coun- tries. A KNOWLEDGEABLE Eastern European diplomat boasted a few days ago: "Short of getting out of the Warsaw defense pact, my gov- ernment can do anything without consulting Moscow." But the Communist bosses are more afraid of the unbelievable loss of Communist prestige than pleased with the measure of their independence from Moscow they now enjoy. They know only too well that their personal power, and perhaps the survival of their regimes, de- pends on Soviet prestige and So- viet might. IN SUCH CIRCUMSTANCES it is easy to understand why in re- cent weeks the Communist lead- ers of some satellite countries have, according to reliable infor- mation, pressed Moscow for re- taliatory action against the U.S., in order to offset the weak im- pression caused by the Soviet in- ability to react in Viet Nam. But their demand was accom- panied by one limitation. This anti-American reprisal must not take place where it would be easiest to carry out: in Berlin. Why? Because, according to the view now prevailing in every East European Commuist capital, a new Soviet threat to West Berlin would only halt the current disintegra- tion of NATO, and repair the break between Washington and Paris on one side and Paris and Bonn on the other. THUS FAR the Communist leaders have not found any spot on the globe, other than West Berlin, where the U.S. could be seriously weakened without undue risk to the Soviet side. A Polish diplomat stationed in a West European capital explains the present mood of Warsaw with the following story: "The taxi drivers are saying, 'The Russians talk loudly about their guarantee of our Oder-Neisse frontier. But in Viet Nam, the Americans are bombing, and the Russians do nothing . .' " This unprecedented drop of Soviet prestige in Eastern Europe doesn't mean that these countries are beginning to side with Pe- king. The present regime in Peking is seen in Eastern Europe as a "yellow Stalinism," and the idea of a nonwhite Communist leader- ship is totally unacceptable. BUT RESPECT for the Chinese is nevertheless evident in Warsaw, Prague, Budapest and Sofia, as well as Bucharest, where the Chinese have long been consider- ed as semi-allies against Moscow. The Communist leaders in those capitals have now all but with- drawn from siding with the So- viets in their dispute with the Chinese. They do not attack the Chinese leadership any longer, and are extremely pleased that the Chinese don't attack them any more and limit their assaults to the "heirs of Khrushchev" in Mos- cow and to the "Tito clique." VERY SELDOM now does one find a Polish, Hungarian, Czech or Bulgarian paper printing a Soviet anti-Chinese pronounce- ment. When one does, all the sharper critical references are expunged. The Polish Party secretariat has issued an order forbidding all party cells to discuss any aspect of the Sino-Soviet feud, and War- saw, Prague and Budapest are trying to improve relations with Albania, China's European friend. Attacks on the Albanian lead- ers have ceased completely, and there are even indications that soon the ambassadors of those countries will return to Tirana, the capital of Albania, which they left almost four years ago. (The Rp- manian ambassador has been back there since 1963.) WHAT FINALLY RUINED So- viet prestige in Eastern Europe and enhanced that of the Chinese was when the first trains carrying Soviet arms were halted at the first Chinese frontier station and sent back to the Russian side even before the Soviet ambassador in Peking had time to make rep- resentations with the highest Chinese leaders. Now, while Soviet loads are let through, they are strictly circum- scribed by various Chinese con- ditions. In general they consist of some anti-aircraft artillery and ground-to-air missiles. But it is not certain that Russian personnel were let through, and reports about Soviet rockets and military specialists reaching North Viet Nam by sea are probably pure fabrication. Since the Cuban missile crisis and the American sea blockade, Moscow doesn't believe that the U.S. will hesitate to halt Soviet arms shipments to a country with which it is virtually at war. THIS PICTURE of Soviet hu- miliation drives home to the East European Communist leaders the apparent helplessness of Russia and makes them wonder whom to turn to. Disappointed in their hopes for increased coexistence with the U.S., accompanied 'by greater trade, loans, possibly even aid from the Americans, the East European Communists at present center their hopes on De Gaulle. Only a few years ago De Gaulle posed as ally number one of Bonn. But now recurring German- French differences, F r e n c h- American quarrels, and De Gaulle's declarations that the problem of !Germany must be solv- ed "among Europeans" have en- abled the East European Com- munist bosses to talk about De Gaulle as two years ago they were talking about John F. Kennedy. THE TROUBLE is that France doesn't dispense economic aid in Europe, doesn't give away surplus foodstuffs, and French credit terms are tough. Meanwhile, the American bombs on Viet Nam are having immense repercussions all over Eastern Europe. Nobody dares to think what could happen should they con- tinue falling much longer. A 4 I were let through, and reports OPPRESSION IN THE UNIVERSITIES: The Student Struggle Against Salazar 4 The USIA-What Next? EDITOR'S NOTE: The article below describes the student struggle against the Salazar re- gime in Portugal, and is taken from the periodical of the In- ternational Union of Students, the major leftist international y student organization. By ANTONIO DE SOUSA World Student News LISBON-The academic year be- gan very badly in Portugal. Before classes started, the Salazar government expelled eleven uni- versity students after fabricating a trial, accusing them of having carried on subversive activities against the established order. Shortly afterwards, a police of- fensive began against the Uni- versity of Lisbon. Dozens of stu- dents were arrested. The students' associations were searched and ransacked by agents of PIDE- Salazar's political police-and by members of the fascist organiza- tion "Young Portugal." On the 19th of December, stu- dent demonstrations supported by the people took place in Lisbon in protest against a wave of re- pression and to demand the liber- ation of student Saldanha Sanches who was arrestedtanduseriously wounded while putting up posters against the regime in a Lisbon street. THE NEW YEAR began with new struggles against the Salazar government. On that day University Rector Paulo Cunha (former Minister of Foreign Affairs under Salazar) wished to address the students to open the masquerade of "Univer- sity Day" (which was to replace "Student Day," prohibited by the government). The young university students who filled the large festival hall let neither him nor former min- ister Lumbrales speak, shouting cries of "Facsists!" "Assassins!" and "Liberate the arrested stu- dents!" NEW POLICE MEASURES were taken. Steel-helmeted police arm- ed with submachineguns surround- ed the University precincts, for- bidding all meetings and demon- strations. But the students managed to meet inside the faculties to discuss and take measures against the atmosphere of terror, and to speak out against the arrests which were continually taking place. Leaving the university in small groups, they met by the thou- sands in the center of Lisbon to shout their protests and demand the release of their fellow students. With cries of "Liberate the political prisoners!" and "We want democracy!" the students gather- ed in front of Ajube prison where they were dispersed by the police. They tried to gather again in front of the Ministry of the In- terior. Other police forces inter- vened, wielding clubs, wounding a number of demonstrators and making new arrests. ON THE 24TH of January, the University of Lisbon went on strike. This was the students' highest, most collective and broad- est form of protest. While the University authori- ties wished to make the public believe that this was a question of the actions of small groups disturbing the public order, stu- dents demonstrated by this strike the extent of their struggle and their anger at this regime and its police measures, and at its ministers and their lackeys in the Portuguese university. Police terror increased. Medical CARL ROWAN'S resignation as head of themUnited States Information Agency gives the public another glimpse below the surface of that important government office, and the view is not too pleasant. This year the USIA has increasingly come under attack for news management from the press, the U.S. diplomatic corps and its own lower echelon officials. Cri- tics have charged that, by departing from its former objectivity in reporting the news, the agency is losing the respect of foreign nations; and it is largely this hard-earned respect that has made the USIA an effective countervailing force to anti-American propaganda in the past. Apparently reflecting the Johnson ad- ministration's sensitivity to criticism, Voice of America, a USIA subdivision, has stopped carrying reports of opposition to the President's policies in Viet Nam and the Dominican Republic-news manage- ment as ineffective as it is deplorable since the opposition is continually pre- sented to Voice's audience by both Com- munist and Western European news agen- cies. DISSATISFACTION with this policy has risen to the surface on several occa- sions, as the press has printed reports that the USIA leadership has been unable to find staff writers willing to dispense slanted news, at times forcing top offi- cials themselves, including Rowan, to write or rewrite Voice dispatches con- forming to the official administration line. Moreover, Deputy USIA Director Donald Wilson and Voice of America Di- JUDITH WARREN ...................,..... Co-Editor ROBERT RiPPLER ..................... Co-Editor EDWARD HERSTEIN................. Sports Editor rector Henry Loomis both resigned re- cently, amidst reports that they were dis- satisfied with the organization's policies. Taken in this context, Rowan's resig- nation can be interpreted in several ways. Of course, his public explanation that personal considerations dictated an early retirement from government service may be true. However, in view of the recent disturb- ances in the USIA, and of three other explanations seems more likely. FIRST, Rowan and Johnson may have split over the agency's news policy. Rowan, like some lower USIA officials, may have become disgusted with the organization's new aversion to objectivity; he, too, may have decided that news management conflicts with the USIA's role. On the other hand, Rowan may have been pushed out, and this possibility lends itself to two other interpretations of the resignation. For one, the administration may have sacrificed Rowan to appease the agency's critics. If this is the case, Rowan has been treated shabbily and nothing has been accomplished in terms of returning the USIA to a respected, objective news agency. IT IS ALSO POSSIBLE, however, that the resignation will prove to have been the signal for a genuine shift in, the direction of USIA policy; that is, the administra- tion may have wished to make a basic change which could be implemented more easily with a new man at the top. This possibility provides real hope for the USIA, for if it is not to complete- ly degenerate into a propaganda dispen- sary, the present trend toward news man- agement must be reversed. The USIA cannot hope to be effective as a propaganda arm of the government: student Vaz Guedes, after having been subjected to 60 consecutive hours of interrogation and torture, had to be taken urgently to a Lis- bon clinic; he too was suffering from nervous disturbances. ON THE 2ND of February, sev- eral days after the Salazar police tried to prove in a press statement that they had destroyed the clan- destine network of Communist students "responsible for this agi- tation at the University" the stu- dents again left the University for the center of Lisbon to repeat their public protests and to dem- onstrate against those responsible for the alarming situation en- dangering the lives of their fellow students. The police came. Fights broke out between the students and the workers on one side,.and the op- pressive forces who attacked the demonstrators. THE TREMENDOUSLY broad struggles which have been going on since 1962 have their root not only in the abusive measures of the Salazar government but above all in the situation it has created in education as a whole. Conforming to the fascist re- gime is a university which cannot be separated from the political and social conditions on which it is based. Culture has been no concern of the Portuguese government since it came to power in 1928. WHILE the colonial war (its war against rebels in the African colony of Angola) consumes near- ly 45 per cent of the state budget, the Salazar government spends only 2 per cent on education. It spends a greater amount on the police than on all university education. From 1938 to 1958 state expen- ditures on education did not change, even though there was a considerable increase in school at- tendance. BUT IT MUST be said that this obscurantist education, which is dozens of years behind the times in relation to the progress of cul- ture and modern scientific dis- coveries, is an expensive -educa- tion, for the students must pay 50 per cent of the costs without such a percentage producing any posi- tive and clear results, either in terms of the creation of properly equipped laboratories or broaden- ing the network of secondary and higher educational institutions or bettering the living standards of professors, which is low in rela- tion to their needs. Of a total of nearly 25,000 uni- versity students, there are only 100 who have the right to a scholarship of 100 escudos per month, not even enough to pay their rent, which is usually three or four times higher. It is easy to conclude, there- fore, that such education restricts the access of youth to the univer- sity. Actually, only 2 per cent of the young people between 17 and On many occasions the univer- sity has been subjected to blood- letting for political reasons. Since 1935, more than 70 professors have been expelled from higher educa- tion, thus depriving the university of many of its best instructors. AMONG THE expellee professors are some of the great Portuguese names in science and letters, such as Egas Moniz, Nobel prize winner in medicine; mathematician Rui Luiz Gomes, a professor at a uni- versity in Brazil; physicist Manuel Valadares, director of the labora- tory, of atomic energy in Paris; literary historian Rodrigues Lapa; mathematician Aniceto Monteiro; historian Magalliaes Godinho; philosopher Megalhaes Vilhena and many others who do honor to Portuguese and world culture. In addition to the lack of cul- ture, there is also a lack of free- dom for Portuguese students. The grim work of fascism is not limit- ed to the subjects we have just spoken of. It is accompanied by other measures intended to de- prive the students as well as the Portuguese people of the funda- mental rights, including the right to freely organize. By means of a stubborn and prolonged struggle, the university students in 1946 won back the right to elect the leaders of their associations. But the government never in- tended to accept such a defeat. It introduced tight control over the life of these organizations by tak- ing on itself the role of arbiter. in deciding whether or not to ap- prove the elected student leaders. Without government approval such officers were automatically relieved of their jobs. ON MANY OCCASIONS the government forbade the normal functioning of the students' asso- ciations and their cultural activi- ties, dismissing their leaders and closing their doors for long per- iods until such a time as the students' struggle forced them to retreat. In 1962, following large univer- sity struggles, all the leaders of the students' associations of LAs- bon and Coimbra were rejected by the Minister of National Educa- tion himself and several of them were brought to court. Meetings of the students of the three Portuguese universities are prohibited as well as the creation of coordinating organizations for their activities, either on a na- tional level or at a single univer- sity. CONTROL OVER the university -this control intended to create a reactionary and fascist mental- ity-is more and more getting out of hand as far as the Salazar government is concerned, as a re- sult of the huge struggles in which the students are not only dis- playing their courage, but also a well-defined and conscious politi- cal position. The students' fight is not fin- ished. This is only one stage. But other, more vigorous stages will take place to end this mad policy which is ravaging African soil with a criminal war (the war on the rebels against Portuguese rule in Angola) which is making of Portugal an underdeveloped coun- try and one in which the univer- sity displays a reactionary and medieval conception detrimental to the interests of the people and youth. A 4 I1 'THE SEVENTH JUROR': This French Whodunit Makes You Think At the Campus Theatre THE AUTOMATIC answering service at the Campus says that "The Seventh Juror" is a "French suspense drama"-which conjures up images of sexy (French) whodunit (suspense) bore (drama). The sex is all in the first five minutes, and causes all the prob- lems, because the almost-nude gets strangled on the beach. It's not a whodunit, because we all saw M. Duval, the portly druggist, do it. Yet there is disturbing drama in M. Duval's struggle first to acknowledge that he is a murderer, and then to convince the town. Unfortunately, he is so respectable that he sits in the jury box at the murder trial in which he ought to be the defendant. HE'S NOT EXACTLY HIP; he's just a portly druggist in a small town. But he envies the generation that has managed to evade the burden of bourgeois morality. He resents his situation like any good existential non-hero would. M. Duval is anybody's tired father, ever-mindful of his reputa- tion and sick of his family. He is Middle-Class Man, who seeks out the priest, hears himself condemned for pride, and decides that he has to resolve the problem in his own way. His story will leave you as depressed as the six o'clock news, and for the same reasons. The blind complacency of respect- BOND STRIKES AGAIN: Here's Stylish Brutality And Andress, Too 'I At the State Theatre AS LOTTA LENYA fell to the floor, her face contorted after half a dozen bullets had been drilled into her frame, a high school comedian in the audience piped, "Did it hurt?" Indeed it did . . . but for reasons perhaps beyond the bottled-in- Bond crowd that gathered in an Ann Arbor theater to gape, applaud, and laugh at four hours of brutality, albeit stylishly directed brutality. Almost eighteen hundred years passed between the epoch of Nero and that of de Sade. One hundred and fifty have passed between de Sade and James Bond. It's encouraging to know that public and private tastes have been refined by the passage of time. THE CHRISTIANS, generally considered the good guys, got it in the Colosseum-from lions, universally considered the bad guys. Enemy agents, generally considered bad guys, get it (once in the chest, once in the back) from James Bond, universally considered the good guy. Here's a refinement. De Sade used to fool around, then write everything down in blatant prose. James Bond fools around, but with the benefit of fadeouts and quick cuts. There's another refinement. With Bond's bread comes circuses benefited by the horrors of modern science. Jimmy beats out Nero and. de Sade by at least seventy kilometers of science fiction accoutrements. A camera that's I I