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May 07, 1965 - Image 4

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Publication:
Michigan Daily, 1965-05-07

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Seventy-Fifth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSIY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

OSA REFORMS, CIVIL RIGHTS:
The Best Days of 'U'Student Activism

Where Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD $T., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NEWS PHONE: 764-0552

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This must be noted in all reprints.
FRIDAY, MAY 7, 1965 NIGHT EDITOR: W. REXFORD BENOIT

No-Travel Ostrich Poliey'
Solves No Problems

THE STATE DEPARTMENT'S "ostrich
policy," the policy of asking its citi-
zens to ignore the existence of inconven-
iently-placed Communist governments,
won another victory Monday when the
Supreme Court ruled that the secretary
of state may refuse to grant passports for
travel to Cuba. The move was worse than
pointless. It was a significant affront to
the rights of U.S. citizens.
At first glance, one would think that
the right to travel would be as elemen-
tary as the right vote; evidently it is as
elementary as the right to vote in Ala-
bama. For the State Department has
previously restricted travel to China,
Spain and the Iron Curtain countries be-
cause of "foreign policy considerations
affecting all citizens," as Chief Justice
Earl Warren said in his ruling.
IT IS DIFFICULT to see what possible
bearing travel to Cuba would have on
American disapproval of Cuba. Granted,
it further isolates Cuba politically. But
how overemphasized can political isola-
tion get? Breaking of all diplomatic re-
lations and most economic ones would
seem to convey the point sufficiently.
Would allowing travel to Cuba expand
Cuban Communism any faster? It cer-
tainly would not make an American
Communist any more Communist. On
the contrary, the many failures of Cas-
tro's government' might help make the
administration position all the clearer to
the country.
When the American government wel-
comes comparison of its success with Rus-

sian progress in so many fields, indeed,
permits travel to Russia, it is difficult to
see how comparison with as backward a
Communist nation as Cuba could hurt it
at all.
THE ARGUMENT that travel is not
permitted because the U.S. govern-
ment could not ensure the safety of its
citizens in Cuba is similarly refuted by
past history. Travel was permitted to
Hungary during the uprising there and
certainly this was no less dangerous than
Cuban travel might be.
And on the other hand, as the New
York Times recently pointed out. the
United States is missing a valuable
chance in Cuba to see just how a Com-
munist takeover works. American sociol-
ogists, economists and political scientists
should be swarming over the country
finding out everything there is to know
about how a Communist government,
suddenly imposed on a nation, operates.
We evidently cannot prevent the events
in Cuba from taking place; we might as
well learn something from them.
The entire matter is an excellent par-
allel to the government's behavior re-
garding Communist China.
AMERICA IS MISSING too many excel-
lent opportunities to study and influ-
ence Communist nations simply because
of an absurd policy of controlled ignor-
ance. The policy has no practical re-
sults and many practical disadvantages.
It should be abandoned as soon as possi-
ble.
-LEONARD PRATT

EDITOR'S NOTE: In today's ar-
ticle, the third of a series, Philip
Sutin, Grad, continues to trace the
course of student activism on this
campus since 1960.
By PHILIP SUTIN
THE SPRING of 1961 developed
into the greatest semester for
the student activists. The Office
of Student Affairs was under at-
tack on a number of fronts -
chiefly the conduct of the dean
of women's office and quadrangle,
living conditions. The House Un-
American Activities Committee
film "Operation Abolition" be-
came a major issue. Civil rights
wasstill important as the Ann
Arbor Direct Action Committee
picketed Kresge's Detroit head-
quarters several times and Voice
held its food drive for the vic-
tims of discrimination in Fayette.
The most significant activity,
however, was behind the scenes.
The Daily senior editors and sev-
eral members of SGC's Human
Relations Board asked the Senate
Advisory Committee on Univer-
sity Affairs' Student Relations
Committee to investigate the Of-
fice of Student Affairs.
The editors brought complaints
of insensitive counseling and of
racial discrimination practices by
the dean of women's office and
other charges that the OSA was
acting contrary to general Uni-
versity policy.
During the three-month inves-
tigation, the nine-member facul-
ty committee met four times with
complaining students ,and twice
each with Vice-President for Stu-
dent Affairs-JamesA.nLewis and
Dean of Women Deborah Bacon.
The group also consulted with the
OSA staff..
NEITHER the full report of the
committee nor its supporting doc-
uments have ever been made pub-
lic because the committee felt
that they contained potentially
libelous material.
With the help of the students
who first had appealed to it for
help, the Student Relations Com-
mittee, sympathetic to the stu-
dents, next conducted a careful
study of the OSA which was ap-
proved by its parent, the Senate
Advisory Committee on Univer-
sity Affairs, by the OSA and by
the rest of the administration.
The document has probably been
thus far the most effective result
of student political action in the
1960's.
The report called for fixed OSA
responsibility, an educational phi-
losophy to guide office policy, re-
assignment of personnel, a griev-
ance mechanism for students and
a positive anti-discrimination pro-
gram.
The document had greater im-
pact because of changes outside
the student sphere. Several lib-
eral Regents-notably Eugene B.
Power, Mrs. Irene Murphy and, in
1961, Alan Sorenson-had been
elected. These Democrats had a
greater concern for students' wel-
fare than the Republicans they
replaced.
WITHIN THE OSA itself, there
was some feeling that a major
overhaul was needed. The dean
of men and dean of women's of-
fices were pulling apart. The
men's office was following essen-
tially a counseling policy with
very mild control over male stu-
dents. The, women's office was
"empire building" with Miss Ba-
con playing to the hilt her as-
signed role of protector of Uni-
versity women.
The office was schizophrenic and
could formulate no overall policy
or lines of responsibility.
Then another factor entered
which put added pressure on the
OSA. A report by a former resi-
dent advisor in the residence halls
had lain for nearly a year on the
desk of assistant dean for men
John Hale. East Quadrangle resi-

dent advisor Herbert C. Sigman.
finally brought a copy to the
Daily, which duly published it.
The report by former Strauss
House resident advisor Harold
Schaub was based on a survey of
181 residents. He warned that the
quadrangles had drifted away
from the educational orientation

of the Michigan House Plan, that
administrators were too far re-
moved from the quads to make
meaningful policies and that the
quads were an unpleasant place to
live.
ADMINISTRATORS attacked
the report for alleged faulty sur-
veying procedures.
Interquadrangle Council, led by
Thomas Moch, first set up a com-
mittee to study the report, then
requested a student-faculty-ad-
ministration conference to evalu-
ate the quads.
The Daily senior editors backed
the report with a front-page edi-
torial and called for "fast and
full action."
The conference was held in mid-
April. Consensus recommendations
called for rewriting the Michigan
House Plan, elimination of floor
counselors and more liberal rules
for women in the quads.
A MONTH LATER, Hale an-
nounced his intention to rewrite
the house plan "largely because
of outdated language and means
of expression."
The plan was never rewritten.
The project laid on Hale's desk
for a year and a half and was
abandoned when Hale left for the
University of Delaware.
The OSA has abandoned efforts
to rewrite the plan, choosing to
allow 1 to evolve through such
projects as the pilot project and
the residential college.
SGC considered, but took no
stand that spring on non-academ-
ic evaluations in residence halls,
the so-called "pink slips." The
issue developed out of an earlier
controversy over chemistry de-
partment forms which asked pro-
fessors to rate their students' loy-
alty.
Council condemned them and
the chemistry department later
agreed to drop the forms if stu-
dents did not subsequently ask
for a recommendation from fac-
ulty members.
Against the backdrop of affili-
ate bias cases elsewhere involving
Alpha Tau Omega, Phi Delta The-
ta and Beta Theta Pi and the
dropping of all fraternities at
Williams College, SGC continued
its work of implementing its ear-
lier decision to collect statements
of non-discrimination from Uni-
versity affiliates.
The Daily kept the issue prom-
inent by gaudy publicity of in-
cidents at other campuses. These
articles pointed out, at least by
inference, that charges of dis-
criminatory practices had been
made against national fraterni-
ties with chapters at Michigan.
IN JANUARY, council sent a
letter to affiliates requesting the
membership statements. No fur-
ther collection action was taken
that spring, making it the last
for two years in which the mem-
bership question was not domi-
nant.
The semester saw most active
student interest in national and

THE OCCUPANTS of the Student Activities Building came under
criticism as student activism had its greatest semester in 1961.

In today's article- Philip Sutin
students were engaged in.
world affairs. The campus not
only awoke to local issues, but al
so to those beyond the campus.
Civil rights was important; so
was the Peace Corps. But the
House Un-American Activities
Committee and its film, "Opera-
tion Abolition," caused the most
concern.
HUAC San Francisco investiga-
tions in May, 1960, were disrupted
by three days of student-disturb-
ances. The committee subpoenaed
newsreel film of the demonstra-
tion and made a movie which
pictured the student demonstra-
tors as "dupes" of wily Communist
agitators.
HAYDEN and SGC member Rog-
er Seasonwein presented a motion
for SGC condemnation of the film
as a distortion. The controversial
film was shown to council which
a week later condemned it.
The film was widely debated on
campus. Voice campaigned against
it with several programs and a
petition drive in the Fishbowl.
The Cinema Guild was to show
the movie, but a calendaring mud-
dle canceled it. Council sought
commentary with the film and
only a single showing. Cinema
Guild wanted to show it twice
without discussion.fThe movie
showing time conflicted with a
Political Issues Club movie.
However, campus groups, such
as Guild House, showed the mo-
vie to packed audiences.
THE HUAC controversy climax-
ed with a debate between Fulton
Lewis III, the film's technical di-
rector, and Seasonwein.
The Daily devoted-much atten-
tion to the House committee.
Twice it gave over the right side
of its editorial page to HUAC
critics and rebuttals from chair-
man Francis E. Walter.
Council was increasingly aske4
to take stands on off-campus is-

describes the gamut of activities
sues, forcing its members to take
positions on important questions
of the day. The more conservative
members were reluctant to take
stands, partiallW ,"ecause they did
not share the ideology of the ac-
tivists, partially because tby
questioned the importance and
usefulness of SGC action.
However, council did support the
sit-ins and freedom rides and did
condemn "Operation Abolition" al-
though after some delay beyond
the constitutionally required time.
ONE PROTEST did not receive
warm encouragement. Following
the murder of Congo Premier Pa-
tric Lumumba in February,1961,
13 African students and Ameri-
can sympathizers marched from
the Diag to downtown Ann Arbor.
International Center Director
James Davisesought to deter the
protestors, fearing, that the gov-
ernment would cancel their stu-
dent visas, as it had threatened to
do to some San Francisco anti-
HUAC demonstrators.
"A demonstration smacks of
mob action and gives a bad im-
pression. It is aimed at getting
publicity and this publicity is us-
ually unfavorable. I was glad, how-
ever, to see that there were no
specific anti-United Nations or
anti-United States posters permit-
ted in this protest," Davis said.
This attitude reflected more
than just the special concern for
the welfare of foreign students.
Many average students held this
position and scorned the activist
movement. It was against this
sort of inertia that the activist
movement worked.
VOICE undertook the first of
several reorganizations as the end
of its first year approached. A
more informal structure was de-
vised to replace the standard
standing committee setup. Com-
mittees were to be established on

an ad hoc basis, hopefully draw-
ing interested persons into the or-
ganization.
This structure was designed to
meet Voice's basic long-term prob-
m--it can only do one thing at
a time.
Voice's membership tended to
be stable and its leadership held
in few hands. However, Voice's in-
terests, both as a campus political
party and a student group were
broad. Its schemes were grand.
But Voice lacked the people and
time to carry them all out. Voice
would fix its energies on one
project, then shift to another.
While one endeavor held the cen-
ter stage, all others languished.
Thus, Voice did little in campus
affairs while conducting the Fay-
ette food drive. At other times,
campus elections-a fixed respon-
sibility-drew Voice's total atten-
tion.
"Campaigns always gutted the
organization. The active people
were always tired and behind in
their work," one member explain-
ed. The new system did not work
very well.
THE CONTINUING increase in
liberal activity during this period
was accompanied by and gave im-
petus to the revival of conserva-
tive student groups. Young Amer-
icans for Freedom, a rightist stu-
dent group formed in the summer
of 1960, established a campus
chanter that fall.
YAF was never a viable cam-
pus group. Itheard a few speak-
ers, but its main event was char-
tering buses to Michigan State
University so members and in-
terested students could hear Ari-
zona Sen. Barry Goldwater.
The Young Republicans, how-
ever, were growing into a major
campus force. Steven Stockmeyer
began his work of raising the or-
ganization to both local and state-
wide importance. The club was al-
ways stronger than the Young
Democrats, having more programs
and putting on a more aggressive
campaign.
The YR's took an active interest
in campus affairs rather than an
occasional one like the Democrats.
Its programs created leadersawho
would later run and lead SGC.
AT THE OTHER extreme, the
Democratic Socialists also had a
good year, sponsoring a lecture se-
ries and becominginvolved in
the defense of Fidel Castro.
Student activism was at Its
height, and the results of student
efforts and enthusiasm would be
reaped in coming semesters in the
form of changes in University in-
stitutions and policies-the resig-
nation of the dean of women, the
restructuring of the OSA, changes
in the student judiciary system,
and the shelving of thoughts of
a quarter system in favor of tri-
mester.

A

U.S. Plays into Castro's Hands

I

AT A HASTILY CALLED press confer-
ence last week President Johnson an-
nounced that U.S. Marines had landed in
the Dominican Republic to protect the
lives of American citizens and other for-
eign nationals caught in that nation's
bloody civil war.
It soon became evident, however, that
the protection of American citizens was
not the only and perhaps not the primary
reason for the U.S. invasion which land-
ed 14,000 Marines on the small island.
THE PRESIDENT in a subsequent state-
ment on the crisis proved this to be
true'by asserting that people trained out-
side the Dominican Republic had taken
advantage of a "popular democratic
movement for social justice" in order to
impose their will on the Caribbean na-
tion. This was an obvious reference to
Communist conspirators.
Concern for truth rather than propa-
ganda reveals that the President accur-
ately described his own government's ac-
tion in the Dominican crisis and not that
of "Communist conspirators.
For U.S. Marines and other U.S. mili-
tary personnel are normally trained out-
side the Dominican Republic. There are
no Russian, Chinese or Cuban military
personnel on the island-only 14,000 U.S.
Marines.
The rebel forces appear to have over-
whelming popular support - enough so
that the regular army troops could not
maintain their power without U.S. assist-
ance.
Second class postage paid at Ann Arbor, Mich.
Published daily Tuesday through Saturday morning.

THE U.S. HAS PUBLICLY announced
that the revolt "forced" it into a la-
mentable alliance with right-wing mili-
tary leaders who are a legacy of the
Trujillo dictatorship. The Johnson admin-
istration has admitted that U.S. troops
may have to remain in the Dominican
Republic for some time until the political
question is settled.
The rebels have consistently pledged
themselves to support the return of Juan
Bosch to thepresidency of the country,
once victory is achieved. Bosch was the
victor in the 1963 election, the first demo-
cratic election in Dominican history.
The spoilers of democracy in the Do-
minican Republic-those who overthrew
the elected government of Bosch when it
was. only eight months old-are now our
allies; we are now there helping them at
their invitation.
When the "crisis" is over, the island,
without protest from the United States,
will settle down under the grip of a new
group of anti-democratic generals.
THE U.S., in intervening, has played in-
to the hands of the pro-Castro Domin-
icans by verifying Castro's predictions
that the "Colossus of the North" will con-
tinue to stifle any popular movement for
social reform in the underdeveloped
world.
The rather small Castroite following is
sure to grow daily as the Dominican peo-
ple experience the continuing insult of
military occupation. U.S. intervention has
increased the likelihood of an eventual
Castro-style takeover.
-DAVID C. ARONER

TOMORROW-:The University
prepares f'r trimester-and stu-
dent activism begins to run into
difficulties with leadership,
ideology and organization.

AMERICA'S EMPIRE-BUILDING:
The Revolt i*n Santo Domingo:

The First of Two Articles
By STEPHEN BERKOWITZ
and JEFFREY GOODMAN
THE UNITED STATES seems
determined to conduct its for-
eign policy in such a way as to
embroil its people in an endless
host of armed clashes, neo-
colonial wars and nuclear con-
frontations.
In Viet Nam, in the Dominican
Republic, in the Congo-through-
out the underdeveloped world-
the U.S. has taken up the white
man's burden which, only recently,
has begun to slip from the shoul-
ders of the nations of Old Europe.
With troops no less than with
dollars and rhetoric, we are seek-
ing to remake the world in our
own image.

THE SITUATION in which we
are involved in the Dominican
Republic is only the latest in a
series of incidents which, taken
together, seem to describe a pic-
ture of a foreign policy-in-embryo
that is pleasing to neither one's
nose nor his intellect.
In Africa, in Asia, in Latin
America-in all the parts of the
world in which the specter of
revolution rises forcefully from
among the people, the U.S. has
chosen to retreat into the com-
fortable strategic constructs and
the outrageous moral platitudes of
the 19th century.
Our present role in the Domin-
ican Republic is not new.
THE EARLY history of the
Dominican Republic is a contin-
uous chronicle of invasions, in-
terventions and revolts.
During the 19th century, North
American involvement in Latin
America was almost entirely con-
fined to the diplomatic sphere al-
though events in the United States
(our civil war for instance) were
not without their economic and
political effect on the character of
events in that area.
With the beginning of the 20th
century, however, North Ameri-
can investors began to look to
the Dominican Republic - and
much of the rest of Latin Amer-
icd-as a fruitful area of interest.
INITIALLY, U.S. involvemen4 in
Latin America was economic-it
centered about the interests of our
investors.
As time went on, however, our
approach became more direct.
It was during this "second
period" that the character of U.S.

self the task of directing "politi-
cal growth" of the Dominican Re-
public.
In 1916 United States marines
landed in Santo Domingo, grad-
ually taking over the rest of the
country. Their ostensible aim was
to protect the country against
foreign intervention and to se.
cure "democracy" for its people.
By 1924, however, U.S. interest
in the area and our perceived
ability to implement these "aims"
had paled considerably. Both in
the Dominican Republic and at
home the realization grew that
the Dominicans neither desired
nor had much profited from U.S.'s
"parental" concern.

IN 1930, an American-organized
"police force" proved the crucial
element in the political ascent of
Rafael L. Trujillo Molina, the man
who was to govern the country as
dictator until 1961.
The Trujillo era was as flam-
boyant and superficial as the lead-
4r for whom it was named. In
the way of many Latin American
dictators, Trujillo had a flare for
public works.
whatnot.
But real reform in the country's
economy was far afield. Though
its balance of payments improved
somewhat during this period of
time, much of the country's wealth
passed over into the hands of the

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'REAL' FANTASY:
'Satan Bug' Fails to
Examine True Evil
At the State Theatre
AN ATOMIC WEAPON may be the clumsiest and least efficient means
of killing yet devised. Biological and chemical warfare research have
provided man with greatly improved means to death.
The ultimate chemical weapon-and, as the ads announce, "the
ultimate evil"-is unveiled with supposed drama as the "satan bug"
in the movie of the same name. It is a self-perpetuating poison capable
of exterminating mankind if warmed and left to be blown in the wind.
The idea of a "satan bug" as a chemical is fantasy, but the idea
of a laboratory grown virus being used to exterminate continents has
been haunting the aware for years.
THIS FILM, which is concerned with a contemporary evil, could
have ranked with such films as "On the Beach." Unfortunately, it is
so poorly done that it has the aura of merely another science fiction
feature.
The nlot in which flasks nf the "ratan hb-" are stolen anuseA

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