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POWER AND VICE-PRESIDENTS:
Mayorality Race-Important Results
0
JRDAY, JUNE 12, 1965
NIGHT EDITOR: BARBARA SEYFRIED
House Committee Decision
May Have Disastrous Results
Yesterday the House Ways and Means Committee recommended
a massive cut in the University's budget. This action is the result
of a political football game in which the students of the University
are the only losers.
I A MAGNIFICENT display of enlight-
ened statesmanship, the House Ways
id Means Committee slashed the Uni-
rsity's general funds budget by $6.27
illion.
The action was, according to the Asso-
ted Press, an admittedly political ma-
uver to gain bargaining power in the
rrent House - Senate appropriations
ud.
[n short, the University's budget has
en reduced to political football; the
erit of the Regents' appropriations re-
est has taken a backseat to personality
iflicts and county-courthouse level
ggling.
The budget, of course, will end up at a
gher figure than the $44.08 million rec-
imended by the Ways and Means Com-
.ttee. Indeed, the purpose of the com-
ttee's action is largely to force the Sen-
e to restore the Appropriations Com-
ttee's cuts in House-passed bills, most
tably administrative pay raise bills kill-
by the Appropriations Committee this
ek.
HE REPRESENTATIVES apparently
hope that, threatened with such a
astic House reduction in the Senate's
1.2 million higher education appropria-
ns bill,. the upper chamber will have
choice but to support the House meas-
es.
The amount the University will receive,
en, is still up in the air; but it is un-
ely that it will equal the Senate's ap-
:priation, to say nothing of approach-
g the $55 million asked by the Regents.
Perhaps the Ways and Means Com-
.ttee felt obliged to make the cutback
order to protect what it considers vi-
1 measures. Then again, perhaps yester-
day's action was merely a demonstration
of vindictiveness. In either case, the stu-
dents at the University are likely to lose.
For one thing, with increasing enroll-
ment adding pressure to already over-
crowded facilities and a relatively under-
staffed academic program, the $55.7 mil-
lion requested by the Regents is not
above, or at least not very much above,
the minimum amount needed to maintain
the present standards of the University.
Thus, the administration will be forced
to turn to other sources of revene.
WHEREAS a $51.2 million appropriation
would have left a tuition hike a pos-
sibility but not a certainty, any figure
much less than this will make higher fees
almost inevitable.
Moreover, it is likely that the fee in-
crease would be combined with a cutback
in expenditures, since it would probably
take considerably more money than a tui-
tion hike would bring in to balance a $55
million spending program.
What would be cut? The Ways and
Means Committee bill explicitly excludes
financial provisions for expansion of
Flint College this fall'- a direct slap at
Sen. Garland Lane (D-Flint), chairman
of the Appropriations Committee, who
has staunchly supported the University's
plans to admit a freshman class there in
the fall.
BUT WITH LANE'S support of Flint,
supplemented by the State Board of
Education's backing, it is likely that
Flint will get its funds and the cut-
backs, if and when they come, will be fo-
cused on facets of University activity.
-JOHN MEREDITH
By BRUCE WASSERSTEIN
First of Two Articles
THE WITHDRAWAL of Robert
Wagner from the New York
mayoralty sweepstakes will have
national repercussions. Tired and
weary, the man who has been
criticized as being incompetent
but honest by people on all sides
of the political fence is leaving a
power vacuum which will inevit-
ably affect the presidential elec-
tions of 1968 and 1972.
Leading stars of both parties
are entangled in New York's poli-
tical jungle, and Wagner's with-
drawal is going to make the way
clear for a head on battle.
Because of Wagner's bowout,
Senator Robert Kennedy will be
in a strong position to take over
the state Democratic organization,
and there is little doubt that he
will use New York as a powerful
base to advance his hopes for a
national office.
AIDD TO the guaranteed sup-
port of New York and Massachu-
setts delegations to the Democrat-
ic convention the Kennedy power,
money and charisma, and you've
got a fight for the vice-presidency
in 1968.
On the other hand, the chances
of John Lindsay becoming the
first Republican mayor of New
York since LaGuardia ran on a
fusion ticket, have considerably
improved.
With the withdrawal of Wag-
ner, the Liberal party, a third
party with 250,000 garment work-
ers as constituents, may join Lind-
say's ranks, because its debt of al-
legiance was to Wagner rather
than the Democratic party as a,
whole.
EVEN THE VAST number of
people in the city's bureaucracy, a
major asset of any incumbent
mayor at election time, may switch
to Lindsay's side if the new Demo-
cratic candidate is relatively lack-
ing.
Furthermore, the door is now
wide open for Lindsay to have a
leading Democrat on his fusion
ticket since there will obviously
be some prominent "hopefuls"
who are not going to get the nom-
ination for office and will have
some bitter bones of contention
with the nominee.
The issue ofWagner's succes-
sor as the Democratic candidate is
of the utmost significance since
his selection will probably deter-
mine both the chances of Lindsay
being the next Republican presi-
dential nominee and the amount
of control Kennedy will have over
the New York state Democratic
party.
IN ORDER to make sure that he
fills the power vacuum left by
Wagner, Kennedy must make sure
that the candidate for mayor is
either a "Kennedy man" or a neu-
tral.
On the other hand, although
Wagner is not running for mayor
it is a good bet that he wishes to
retain enough control within the
party to pick the next Democratic
candidate himself.
Among the names mentioned are
City Council President Paul R.
Screvane, Controller Abraham D.
Beame, Queens District Attorney
Frank D. O'Connor, Manhattan
District Attorney Frank Hogan,
City Councilman-at-Large Paul
O'Dwyer and Franklin D. Roose-
velt, Jr.
IT WOULD BE interesting if
the Democratic nominee would be
a product of the city streets and
schools rather than a member of
the city's plutocracy for although
Wagner used to refer to Lindsay
as the "Park Avenue candidate,"
Wagner as a Taft-Yale - Yale
Law - and Harvard - Business
School man was not exactly of
the people either.
THE PRIZE-BUT JUST A STEPPING STONE
The odds are now on Screvane
getting the nod. Perhaps this is a
good thing since Screvane at least
is a man who you could play "The
Sidewalks of New York" as a
theme song, being a former sani-
tation commissioner and all. Yet
Screvane is rather flat compared
to the charismatic Lindsay.
Actually it looks like the can-
didate who says the least will win
the election. Following the Wag-
ter school of politics, one realizes
that whatever one says will in-
evitably' antagonize someone.
THEREFORE the way to win is
to say and do nothing to alienate
your constituents. Of course this
policy will surely be attacked by
the more activist members of the
netropolitan community such as
the civil rights leaders.
But on the other hand, there is
no one who will deny Wagner's
essential honesty, and many peo-
ple will vote for a candidate who,
although a bit lethargic, is a
"good" man.
Lindsay has already made a mis-
take by coming out in favor of a
civilian review board for police
action which of course brought on
the angry retorts of New York's
finest and affiliated bureaucracy
who wish to remain independent
of citizen control. Learning his
lesson, however, he now talks only
in vague generalities.
IF SCREVANE is the Demo-
cratic candidate it is assured the-
ld pro will manage to say noth-
ing of importance throughout the
whole campaign.
TODAY AND TOMORROW:
How Europeans See U.S. Foreign ,Policy
Israel-Nasser's Rationalization
IN THE TEMPLE of Pan-Arab shibbol-
eths, none occupies a more revered and
respected place than Gamel Abdel Nas-
ser's cry for the "liberation of Palestine."
On the level of rhetoric at least, the
task is all but accomplished: it is but a
matter of time, we are told, before the
divine forces of "Nasserism" will sweep
that patch of "sacred earth" clean of
the "invader."
Of course, much like "God's heaven,"
Israel is a place Nasser does more "talkin'
'bout" than "walkin' 'bout" and there is
evidence that even the Arab's "common-
ly-held" goal of genocide-or what some
might euphemistically refer to as the
"final solution of the Israeli problem"-
seems unable to bring 'about a fusion of
the diverse and divergent interests of the
various members of the Arab League.
A recent Syrian proposal to unseat Tu-
nisia's delegates to the Arab League-be-
cause of President Habib Bourguiba's sug-
gestion of negotiations with the Israeli
government-met with little enthusiasm.
APPARENTLY, some 17 years after the
proclamation of the State of Israel,
it is beginning to dawn upon the self-
proclaimed leaders of "the Arab people"
that Israel is an accomplished fact.
The issue of "Palestine," of course, has
always smacked of the unreal. In Jordan,
in Egypt and in Syria, it has functioned,
more often than not, as a device for con-
trolling and frustrating the forces oppos-
ing whatever government may have been
in power in these countries at one time
or another.
Thus, what has grown up in the Arab
world as a result of the various power
rivalries within the bloc is a situation
JUDITH WARREN C....... ......... o-Editor
ROBERT HiPPLER...................... Co-Editor
r vi pn T7 i.P.-,-r Y .C' N ;O_ Rn s.. R ea+.
in which hatred of Israel has become the
touchstone of political belief.
Any opposition to Nasser's hegemony
in the area is accompanied by a charge
of "softness" on the Israeli question.
Every counter-charge is couched in the
same language.
WHAT LIES BENEATH the underbrush
of the rhetoric that has grown up
about' the "issue" since 1948, of course,
are the real and substantive questions of
land tenure and popular democracy that
are coming to the fore in the Arab world
in spite of the manufactured hate and
pstudo-nationalism which has been di-
rected against Israel.
These issues-directly or indirectly-
underlie much of the conflict between
the Arabs themselves and between the
Arabs and Israel.
Nasser's "Arab socialism" is, as a so-
cial system and mode of government, as
incompatible with the life-styles of his
feudal and even more modern (Ben Bella,
Bourguiba) brethren-as it is with that
of Israel. ,
In some sense then, anti-Israelism is a
throwback--albeit a convenient one-to
the political style of Nasser's predeces-
sors.
DING FAROUK began the attack upon
the newly formed nation of Israel for
the most part, because he saw an oppor-
tunity in the situation to seize part of
the country for himself.
More importantly, . however, the very
existence of a popular democracy in lands
bordering upon his own posed a threat
to the systems of land tenure which gave
support to his regime.
Nasser continues to, oppose Israel for
reasons which, whilernot identical, are
in a political sense, very much the same.
Nasser has not been conspicuously suc-
cessful in raising the standard of living of
n .n.'nmnn m a n hiePm'. "4+... 'N +,-l
By WALTER LIPPMANN
IT IS FASHIONABLE in certain
circles, I realize, to dismiss
so.ornfully a serious concern about
what foreign nations think of us.
This is a reaction to the naive
and often silly American wish to
be loved by everybody.
But the reaction has gone much
too far, for it is not true that in
the real world of affairs a great
power, even the strongest, can
afford to ignore the opinions of
others.
It cannot overawe them all. It
must have friends who trust it
and believe in it and have con-
fidence that its power will be used
wisely.
I MAKE no apology, therefore,
for reporting that in Europe to-
day there is a swelling tide of
dissent and doubt and anxiety
about the wisdom and competence
with which United States foreign
policy is being conducted.
I do not think it can be denied
that our foreign policy as now
conducted does not have the con-
fidence of our European Allies.
THE OPINION is wide and gen-
eral that since the death of Presi-
dent Kennedy there has been some
kind of radical change in the
spirit of the U.S. government.
When I argued that this was
to idealize Mr. Kennedy and to
forget his mistakes, that he and
not Mr. Johnson had begun the
increased U.S. involvement in
Southeast Asia and that he, too,
intervened in the Caribbean, the
reply would be: "Yes, but the
spirit of American foreign policy
has changed dangerously since
his death."
COMPARING WHAT I heard
with what I heard last November
shortly after Mr. Johnson's elec-
tion, it is plain to me that the loss
of confidence of Europeans has
been caused by actions taken by
the President since his inaugura-
tion.
The Europeans had, of course,
been unanimous in their fear of
and opposition to Barry Gold-
water, and they have been stupi-
fied to see President Johnson,
with the applause of the Gold-
water Republicans, doing in Viet
Nam what Goldwater recommend-
ed and Mr. Johnson denounced
during the campaign.
They'do not pause to ask wheth-
er President Johnson has acted
with greater deliberation and fi-
nesse than Sen. Goldwater would
have done.
What the Europeans did not
expect was that the Goldwater
recommendations about expanding
the war, which were rejected over-
whelmingly by the voters, would
in such,great measure be adoptedi
by the victor.
THERE ARE afloat many at-
tempts to explain this happening.
The fantastic explanations need
not concern us.
What does matter is that this
sudden and dramatic reversal of
policy has bred cynicism about
the President's speeches and has
struck at the basis of confidence
in his administration.
The unfolding events since Feb-
ruary have had a cumulative im-
pact upon confidence abroad.
MOST PARTICULARLY the
cumulative effect has been caused
by the Dominican intervention on
top of the expanded Vietnamese
war.
It would not have been impos-
sible to make a case that in Viet
Nam the President had no alter-
native to sticking it out since
Hanoi and Peking were rejecting
negotiations.
In fact, this view has been
well accepted by our Allies, even
by the French, who now expect a
long and indecisive land war.
NOR WOULD IT have been
wholly impossible to make a case
that in the Dominican Republic
the U.S. has a vital interest with-
in its own sphere of influence.
What is almost impossible is to
make a case for two interventions
in two different continents at the
same time.
When I say that it would not
have been impossible to make a
Phoenetics:
The AnswCe
ITEM: Staggering rate of high
school drop-outs attributed to
poor reading abilities, reflected
generally in students' lack of in-
terest in studies and difficulty in
mastering their subjects.
Item: Phonetic methods of
teaching children to read held far
superior, on the basis of 25-year
research, to "look-say" or "sight-
word" techniques.
Item: United States Department
of Education official deplores
present-day fads, fashions and
fancies in schooling trends.
The correlation of these three
items seems obvious.
BACK IN the days of the Little
Red Schoolhouse and McGuffey
Readers, youngsters learned the
sounds of letters and the structure
of syllables-in short, they learn-
ed how to read.
And then after they learned,
they were required to read-clas-
sics, biographies, books that stay
with you.
Nowadays, some of the educa-
tors are saying that little Johnny
really could be introduced to cal-
culus and economics in the first
grade and physics in the second,
but they're still trying to teach
him to read by showing him pic-
tures.
YET, the fact remains that no
matter how many "look-say" pic-
tures he sees, he still doesn't de-
velop the reading skills his father
and grandfather did under the
old, old-fashioned system. And
not being able to read well, he has
little desire to read.
Usually there's little motivation
for him to reach for the classics,
for at many schools "required"
reading (if any) too often means
almost anything that happens to
be in the local public library or on
the corner drug store paperback
rack.
case for the one or the other, I
am compelled to say at once that
I am talking only of the justifica-
tion for the original and initial
decision.
FOR EUROPEANS have been
deeply shocked by the manner
and the style in which these two
operations, especially the Domi-
can, have been conducted.
Even more deeply, they have
been shocked by the unlimited
globalism and the rough unilater-
alism to which the President has
resorted in explaining his deci-
sions.
They see that in both ventures
the President consulted none of
his Allies, even though he may
have kept them informed fairly
well about what he had decided to
do.
I AM SURE that I am not
exaggerating when I say that the.
spectacle of the most powerful
nation on earth using its great
military power without consulta-
tion, without the consent or sanc-
tion of its Allies, is regarded as
ominous.
When I argued that Lyndon
Johnson is a progressive and a
man of peace, the reply was that
there is nothing more dangerous
than unlimited power exercised
personally and unilaterally.
There is, I regret to say, more
to this dismal story.
FOR THERE IS a strong opin-
ion that in the personal and uni-
lateral exercise of unlimited power
the performance has been that of
amateurs inexperienced in the use
of power.
Those Europeans who are wise
in the ways of power politics are
astonished to see an American
government capable of believing
that it could by bombing North
Viet Nam a little, but not too
much, gain its political objectives
in Indo-China.
Having themselves been through,
the experience of being bombed,
they do not think it competent to
adopt the strategy of wounding
your enemy just enough to make
him thoroughly angry.
AND SO, the side effect iri
Europe of the administration's
conduct of affairs since February
has been to undermine confidence
in the wisdom.and competence of
American leadership.
The : most farseeing ,of our
friends abroad look upon our ac-
tions since February as a passing
phase in American history.
They believe that the American
people are locked in a struggle
between their old traditions and
a new and recently acquired pride
of power-a pride of power which
so often in the newly powerful
become impregnated with the Mes-
sianic illusion that single-handedly
they can impose their kind of
peace upon the rest of the world
and expand their kind of freedom
to all mankind.
This internal struggle in the
American conscience is a fateful
one.
WHEN I Al* feeling cheerful
and full of hope, I tell myself that
what has happened since February
has been Lyndon Johnson's Bay
of Pigs and that, like his predeces-
sor, he will learn wisdom from
his failures.
(c)1965, The Washington Post Co.
~.1
44
'MIRAGE'
For Behold Unto, Us
'TRIPLE THREAT':
wo Plays Make It
Out of Batter's Box
At Lydia Mendelssohn Theatre
"TRIPLE THREAT" is batting .666
Two of the three one-act plays being produced this weekend by
University Players make it out of the batter's box.
"Antigone", adapted from Sophocles by Jean Cocteau and filtered
through Director Stephen Wyman, is the strike-out. Even though the
lighting and staging are very bright and creative, the acting remains
in the minors.
There is too much strong emotion and ethical questioning in Anti-
gone's story to boil it down to a one-act.
BEST OF THE THREE is "Bedtime Story" by Sean O'Casey. This
hilarious interlude deals with the "virtuous" young girl and the Church-
ana' mnn an a In. a c. Tt- im nwhen. . , nnint c hp.mfin , a t
A Movie Is Born .
" @
At the Michigan Theatre
PERHAPS a year, maybe more, before "Mirage" went into production,
two middle-aged,grey flanneled (or is it Dacron, now?) men faced each
other at an over-sized conference table in an indiscreetly-panelled cor-
ner of a sterile building situated on a palm-infested street in' Holly-
wood, California.
Both men are high-cost members of an honorable profession: ac-
counting. Mr. Accountant C.R. is, with an attempt to be esoteric, a
cost accountant. Mr. Accountant D.R. is, also with notable accuracy, a
marketing accountant. They've gathered together to give the "Life
Force" to an American movie: a financial evaluation.
Accountant C.R.: (Opening a neatly packed, slimline briefcase) I
have the data here, Sweetheart, on murders.
Accountant D.R.: (Same gesture, same briefcase) Can we afford
eight murders?
ACCOUNTANT C.R.: Are you kiddin' baby, with an expensive
special effect for the defenestration we gotta cut the murders. .
00