Seventy-Sixth Year
EDrrED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS
POWER 73est Hope for a Sane Political Future'
POETRY by MARK R. KILLINGSWORTH
1f ."i:'1r... i. .~h" y :":f Y': :. Y Y:: .Y:' , .........
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ere Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
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Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily express the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This mus t be noted in all reprints.
I
TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 8, 1966
NIGHT EDITOR: LAURENCE MEDOW
:...
State Election Roundup:
Coattails and No Issues
THE OUTCOME of today's crucial state-
wide races will in all probability hinge
on the ability of Union and Democratic
party workers to successfully get their
votes out to the polls. The mere size of
the vote in overwhelmingly Democratic
Wayne County will probably be the tell-
ing factor in the tight Williams-Griffin
senatorial race.
The Michigan electorate has seemed
largely apathetic toward the whole cam-
paign. Both candidates have conducted
wishy-washy campaigns, comprised large-
ly of platitudes and generalizations. No
real discussion of issues, especially Viet
Nam, has occurred.
GRIFFIN, appointed senator last May
following the death of Senator Patrick
McNamara, had a strong lead in the re-
cent Detroit News poll. However, these-
polls have been almost always inaccurate
in the past. Most observers think the race
is very close, with Griffin holding a slight
edge at the moment. Good weather and
a well organized get-out the vote cam-
paign could swing the election to Williams.
Gov. George Romney has tried to rub
off some of his political magic on Grif-
fin, but with only limited success. Griffin
has portrayed himself as a liberal Repub-
lican with a liberal voting record. Demo-
crats have only partially succeeded in
dispelling this myth. Griffin is a con-
servative obstructionist, not quite as far
right as the Goldwater wing.
WILLIAMS, returning from a stint in the
State Department, has had an anemic
campaign unable to build a smooth-run-
ning machine. His position papers and
speeches have been a great deal of mush.
However, Williams appears to be the lesser
of two evils, considering his past perform-
ance as a progressive governor ard free-
thinking assistant secretary of state.
Williams, who swamped Detroit Mayor
Jerome Canavagh in the primary election
last August, appears to have secret sources
of voter strength, which show up just
when he needs it. In his many races for
governor in the past, the elections always
seemed tight-until the end when Wil-
liams, somehow, squeeked through.
ROMNEY WILL WIN by a large margin,
barring a miracle, regardless of the
voter turnout. The only thing Democratic
officials are hoping for is that the Rom-
ney margin of victory is not too much
greater than Neil Staebler's losing tally
two years ago-over 350,000.
. Ferency's under-financed campaign has
been largely ignored. He has been por-
trayed by Michigan's Republican news-
papers as a clown trying to throw a
wrench into Romney's presidential plans.
However, a whole slew of legislative,
administrative and educational posts ride
on just how many people vote. Romney
has in his two previous races been unable
to help any other candidates on the bal-
lot. The offices of secretary of state and
attorney general will remain in the hands
of two popular Democratic office holders
James Hare and Frank Kelly. The Mich-
igan Senate may fall to the Republicans,
but this may make little difference be-
cause the Democratic majority has been,
largely conservative in its thinking.
STATE UNIVERSITY trusteeships and
regental posts are up for election, but
only at the University might there be a
significant change. If Democrats do not
retain their two seats on the board, they
may be resigned to a minority position
for many years to come. Races for posi-
tions on the State Board of Education
may result in a Republican victory, -but
will not change things in the least-Dem-.
ocrats presently hold all seats on the
eight member board.
VOTER TURNOUT has been the key to
Democratic victories in the past, and
this year will be no exception. If the votes
are delivered, Williams will win and the
entire ballot of Democratic candidates,
excepting Gov. Romney, will be swept into
office. If the vote is low, national and
Michigan political scenes will be signifi-
cantly altered.
-MARK LEVIN
YOUR VOTE today should go for
Vivian.
Sweeping away the cobwebs left
by the inaction and conservatism
of his predecessors, Vivian has
been the most salutary political
influence on his Second Congres-
sional District in 32 years. His
loss, as The New Republic wrote
last week, would be "grievous,"
for he and a select group of con-
gressional colleagues "represent
our best hope for a sane political
future."
VOTERS EXPECT their con-
gressman to help them. Vivian has.
He worked diligently on air and
water pollution, a key problem here
--exempting pollution control de-
vices from the administration's bill
to suspend the investment tax
credit-and he began a series of
successful programs to inform lo-
cal officials about federal assist-
ance programs. Recognizing his
diligent efforts, The Detroit Free
Press and The Detroit News both
endorsed him.
Voters also expect their con-
gressman to face crucial national
issues. Vivian has.
He visited Selma in 1965 long
before the riots there, and returned
to press on the attorney general
and the vice-president the ur-
gent need for what ultimately be-
came the Voting Rights Act of
1965. He has repeatedly urged a
de-escalation of the Viet Nam war;
he has urged Communist China's
admission to the United Nations
Security Council. He has won the
admiration of men like Congress-
man John Conyers, a candidate of
the National Conference for New
Politics (a "peace party' 'or sorts)
who endorses him, and who was
here last Friday to campaign for
him.
NEITHER of his two opponents
meets these two requirements.
Marvin Esch's major contribution
to the state Legislature in the
past two years has been his ab-
sence from it-a dismal50 per cent
attendance record this year.
If Esch is elected to serve in
Washington, his attendance might
improve. But his voting record
probably will not. Esch criticizes
the rent-supplement program but
offers no proposal of his own
to solve poor housing; he claims
to be critical of the House Un-
American Activities Committee,-yet
he says he nevertheless would have
voted for appropriations for it.
IN ONE AREA, civil rights, Esch
is much stronger than any of his
predecessors, or, for that matter,
his fellow House Republicans. Yet
would Esch have journeyed to
Selma and then return to push
for the Voting Rights Act of 1965,
as Vivian did? (Esch says he is
"undecided" on whether he would
have voted for a key Republican-
Southern Democratic amendment
to weaken the 1965 act.)
Esch's "policy" on Viet Nam -
merely a call for another "inves-
tigation" of the problem-is more
an attempt to avoid having a pol-
icy than anything else. There is
little likelihood that Esch would
stray from the hawkish House
Republican line on Viet Nam if
he goes to Washington.
Hence Esch offers little hope
for a commitment to meet-rath-
er than merely identify - key
challenges of the 1960's.
ELISE BOULDING is running
for essentially two reasons: first,
to provide a "true choice" for vot-
ers who feel that Vivian and
Esch cannot represent their views
adequately; and, second, to pro-
vide an initial show of electoral
power on which a viable peace
movement can be built.
Yet her campaign does not pro-
vide such a "true choice." The
unfortunste truth is that Mrs.
Boulding and her campaign repre-
sent very little.
She herself concedes that she
has not formulated any domestic
policy positions at all. Her sole
statement in the vast area of for-
eign policy is a call for the imme-
diate withdrawal of all United
States forces from Viet Nam.
THERE MAY, of course, be some
virtue in running a campaign bas-
ed on "peace." Other candidates
have run on platforms supporting
God and motherhood, and hoped
for a political turnabout as radi-
cal as Mrs. Boulding wants. But
any such group is doomed to fail-
ure when its veneer of high mor-
al purpose has nothing of sub-
stance under it.
Even if the peace movement
formulates an articulate program
- which the movement says is
forthcoming - it will nevertheless
fail to gain a power base for a
national peace movement-simply
because there can be no such
base without a coalition of diverse
elements (that, after all, is what
Mrs. Boulding thinks is a desir-
able Saigon "peace" government.)
Yet the peace movement writes
off the kind of contribution men
like Vivian can make to the cause
of peace, implicitly saying it can
go it alone and still become an
effective force and explicitly re-
jecting the idea of a coalition.
That is a delusion. For, as to-
day's election will prove, the peace
movement is a small minority of
the population in a relatively con-
servative district. Such a minor-
ity, to be effective, must not only
educate the public; it must work in
coalition.
AT THE LEAST, the peace move-
ment will get so few votes as to
prove that a "viable peace move-
ment" outside a coalition -is a
contradiction in terms.
And, at the most, the peace
movement can only get enough
to deny Vivian victory - which
would destroy a major element in
any peace coalition and lose "our
best hope for a sane political fu-
ture" without demonstrating any-
thing but that 2000 voters in a
100,000-vote electorate are willing
to vote for a vaguely-defined
'peace campaign."
Hence even a "strong" (2000-
vote) peace campaign will simply
halt the very program which it
seeks by replacing Vivian with
Esch. It is not a self-fulfilling
prophecy, but an observation of
the obvious, to suggest that a
peace movement working outside
a coalition does not deserve sup-
port precisely because even at
best it can gain only a small
minority of adherents by ignoring
the advantages of coalition.
ALL OF WHICH suggests why
Vivian deserves overwhelming sup-
port in today's election. He alone
has met the moral responsibility
of having a coherent, articulated
program; the influence and pow-
er of his office-and his willing-
ness to use them-alone offer hope
for a future redirection of nation-
al policies.
Unquestionably, Vivian has had
to equivocate and compromise on
some issues. But at the same time,
Vivian has taken positions far
ahead of his district's thinking.
He commended SNCC on its
fifth anniversary; he has repeat-
edly urged de-escalation of the
Viet Nam conflict; he was , one
of only 29 congressmen who had
the courage to vote against funds
for HUAC.
INDEED, like the bear that flew,
the wonder is not that Vivian does
it well; the wonder is that he does
it at all. One tends to forget that
his district, spread over four coun-
ties, is only slightly more than
half urban (the national aver-
age is 70 per cent); that it in-
cludes large agricultural communi-
ties: that much of its Democratic
Party in Monroe County, a major
Vivian stronghold, would rather
bomb Hanoi than de-escalate: and
that the district last sent a Demo-
crat to Washington in 1932.
Hence Vivian's tendency to equi-
vocate or compromise on major
issues is essentially a function of
his shaky political position in his
own district. The stronger he is,
the more he can do.
J. W. Fulbright, Wayne Morse,
William F. Ryan and John Cony-
ers all move boldly on Viet Nam
because they are politically se-
cure in other areas. Yet does any-
one believe that they would be so
aggressive if they had the razor-
edge 1500-vote margin Vivian had
in 1964?
VIVIAN has already completed
a remarkably fruitful two years
in Washington; he is the best hope
this district has for a political
turnabout. And his positions will
inevitably reflect his political
strength. That is why Vivian de-
serves a large vote of confidence
in today's election.
THOSE WHO WANT to regis-
ter a protest vote against the war
in Viet Nam but also want to
support the valuable and effective
work of Congressman Vivian do,
however, have an opportunity to
do both.
The solution to the seeming di-
lemma, as described in a recent
letter to the Ann Arbor News,
is to write Mrs. Boulding for the
short term for senator (filling the
remaining portion of the late Sen.
Pat McNamara's term, which ex-
pires in January), and vote for
Vivian for Congress.
In this way, the protest is made
clear-but Vivian can be retained.
~I.
Letters: The Accelerator Helps No One
4
To the Editor:
IF THE AEC atomic accelerator
is built here, it will be the
ruination of Ann Arbor and the
surrounding area.
Rep. Vivian has his isssue. As a
physicist he is interested in atomic
research, but as a politician he is
interested in a political plum. Un-
fortunately it appears he does not
care to weight all the possibilities
of what this "development" will do
in the long run to the community
known now as Ann Arbor and
Washtenaw County,
Without a shadow of a doubt,
suburbs, urban and commerial
areas will sprawl from Detroit
through Ann Arbor. The kind of
hurried life, lack of community
feeling, impersonality, and un-
natural existence caused by so
drastically altering the environ-
ment will lead to a life which no
one, particularly welcomes or de-
sires, if they can have the choice
otherwise.
YOU CANNOT take 6000 acres,
so close to an urban area, develop
it, and expect that it will be just
a nice little garden spot stuck off
on the outskirts of town. No, this
will be the final to a new Los
Angeles, plunk in the heart of the
Midwest.
Instead of a pleasant mixture of
city and country living which still
maintains a sense of community
life, there will be a sprawling
criss-cross of roads, of jerry-built
housing, of gas stations, bars,
drive-ins and motels, and other
buildings which invariably follow
all development projects.
A project as big as this and de-
manding so much land should not
be put in the already crowded
Great Lakes area. It should be put
in the desert West where it will
not interfere with the ordered
lives of decent, unharried citizens.
be they city dwellers or farmers.
There has been a definite lack
of political discussion of the so-
cial and ecological issues involved,
and in the false representation of
benefits which this costly project
iss upposed to bring to the people
of this area.
WORSE, WE ARE letting this
be foisted upon us by a lot of
political trickery and by hard-sell
public relations. Perhaps we need
machines, development, and atom-
ic power, but if the people and
their leaders do not dictate when,
how, and where the machines will
be used, we are going to be the
victims of power we cannot con-
trol. And this is particularly true
in regard to the awesome atomic
power which has already been
created.
When a nation for the sake of
some economic goals is ready to
disregard the wise social uses of its
resources, it is in deep trouble.
And when a 'nation blunders into
even greater problems because of
a lack of foresight, we will dupli-
cate the waste of the last cen-
tury.
-ThomasA. Brindley
Ann Arbor.
Vote for Mac
To the Editor:
TODAY please don't forget to'
vote for Secretary of Defense.
If incumbent McNamara were
f a c i n g Republican challenger
Charles Wilson and a write-in in-
sungent, say Linus Pauling or A.
J. Muste . . . whom to vote for?
I'm quite serious, for these peo-
ple are like our present Congres-
sional candidates already magni-
fied by participation in large fate-
ful events.
McNAMARA HAS become a
model generation of younger in-
tellectual technocrats who feel the
attraction of public power. In the
crystal ball, McNamara is Vivian
to the Nth power. Technically
trained. Degrees galore. Yes, a bit
bored with private business, just
as the youth are. Yes, he likes
university towns. Constantly self-
improving, becoming the whole
man, he reads the Gita, the Sutras
and the poems of Kazantzakis in
bed. Contemplating the twenty-
first century when all men will be
brothers, women, sisters too.
An Open Opportunity Employer,
he. A long behind-the-scenes rec-
ord of peacemaking; down with
outmoded bombers, up with the
Army University and less sticky
napalm. Naturally, when rational-
ly administering insanity a man
must lie. Ah, . but for every lie,
private doubts. A complex, modern
man. Too modern to quit.
Against him, simple Charlie; in
the crystal ball, Esch to Nth.
Chaotic, business-provincial, club-
by with the brass, stout and true
from the days before acid trips,
divorces, or outspoken children
and black men, "Whats good for
General Motors . ; - ."Could one
imagine McNamara with, "Whats
good for Ford . . .."?
I ADMIT IT, a vote for Vivian
is not really a vote for Johnson;
we know the Michigan Democrats
hate Johnson and he knows it too.
It is a vote for McNamara, as
policymaker, as realist, as madel
for the young. And for the ascend-
ancy of the McNamaras. It is a
choice that technical civilization
must be sadistic. I think that
when old Johnsons fade away, the
real reckoning begins.
-William Livant
Reforming the Credit System
THERE IS A GOOD possibility that the
literary college faculty will consider a
much-needed measure in its meeting next
week--increasing the credit given for non-
introductory courses from three to four
hours.
Praise be!
THERE IS LITTLE LOGIC in the pres-
ent system of credit hours. Introduc-
tory courses, which demand less intensive
work than upper level courses in any field,
are nevertheless worth more rcedit hours
than the advanced courses. Requiring an
upperclassman to take five courses each
semester in order to carry a full load is
absurd. His five professors may not get
much out of him, but all five will try.
This system is more burdensome and
detrimental to the educational experience
than any combination of the draft, class
rankings and C-curves. Although the sys-
tem may once have been effective, It has
now become outmoded. There is need for
revision-a project in which the faculty
can take initiative itself and do something
dramatic to help the students.
THERE IS A MOVEMENT afoot, prin-
cipally among younger, more-outspok-
en faculty here, to re-orient the under-
graduate academic experience. The
change in distribution requirements last
year was an example of this progressive
thinking. Now another problem is being
dealt with at another level, by making the
course load more sensible.
When a student starts taking upper-lev-
el courses, usually in his junior year, he
has a good idea of which general subject
areas interest him. He is ready-and often
willing-to pursue these areas with in-'
depth study, even independent research.
It makes sense to let him, but the pres-
ent system does not.
To get enough credit to progress nor-
mally toward graduation (and to keep the
draft board off his back) a student must
take at least 15 hours. This often requires
five three-hour courses--with papers and
at least 100 pages of reading each week.
ALLAN F. SMITH, vice-president for aca-
demic affairs, once commented that
the true strength of the University lies in
its decentralization, enabling each college
--indeed, each department if it is suffi-
ciently motivated-to make changes in
the system to promote the welfare of its
students.
Here is a chance to make the academic
experience more of a learning experience
and less of a semester-long rat race.
The logic and benefits of increased
credit for advanced courses is obvious. It
must inevitably be instituted.
Why not now?
-NEIL SHISTER
Another Veto
THE INABILITY of the members of the
United Nations to agree on the settle-
ment of major world crises was demon-
strated again last week as the Soviet Un-
ion cast its 104th Security Council veto,
striking down a resolution aimed at end-
ing the Israeli-Syrian border conflict.
The resolution, supported by 10 of the 15
members of the Security Council, was far
from one-sided, as the Soviet Union
claimed. It asked that Syria strengthen
measures to prevent border conflicts and
that Israel cooperate fully with the Is-
rael-Syria Mixed Armistice Commission,
which handles border incidents.
YET,DESPITE this attempt at non-fav-
oritism, Soviet delegate Nikolai T. Fed-
erenko assailed the resolution as a reflec-
tion of what he said were Western at-
tempts to "distort the real situation and
to justify the extremist policies of Israel,"n
speaking of Israel's "aggressive policies"
and "imperialistic circles" plotting against
peaceful Arab development.
The Soviet veto of this essentially mild
proposal to curb a situation which threat-
ens the stability of the entire Middle East
reflects the continuing refusal of the ma-
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Electionms 16:TeRgt-W ing Returns
By WARREN M. ZUCKER
GODWATER lives! In Califor-
nia, Ohio, Montana, Nebraska,
throughout the South. Everywhere.
Contrary to the expectations (and
hopes) of most political analysts,
militant conservatism - Goldwater
style-was not eradicated as a po-
tent political force by its ignoble
thrashing in the 1964 presidential
election.
Today, throughout the nation.
staunch conservatives preaching
the same ideas as their Arizona
idol, sally forth in Republican ar-
mor to battle the Democrats. And
they will probably do much better
than the ill-fated senator manag-
ed to do.
YET THEY do not look like
Goldwater. They seem a good deal
friendlier and smile and joke a
good deal more than Barry did.
Somehow they seem more middle
class, just like you or I. Certainly
they appear less fanatic, more re-
sponsible and wholesome. Even a
trifle handsomer.
But that is because they have
learned their lessons well. 1964 was
an excellent teacher. Goldwater re-
cited the catechism with com-
pletely candor and not a little
ideological fervor. He was more
like a prophet calling to the faith-
ful than a wise politician eagerly
searching for voters. And he found
much to his chagrin and seeming
surprise that there were not
enough faithful about to win an
election.
Thus, the conservative class of
'66 has changed its strategy. In-
stead of being preachers, they
have become vote seekers. Their
they are best typified by Ronald
Reagan in his campaign to be-
come governor of California. Or
Howard "Bo" Callaway, attempt-
ing to become the first Republi-
can governor of Georgia since the
Reconstruction era ended.
Yet they could be just about
any Republican senatorial or gub-
ernatorial nominee running in the
South, Midwestern, or Western re-
gions of the country. They are
also the numerous remarkably re-
silient former congressmen, who
having been dragged down with
their idol in 1964, have bounced
back to do battle again.
IF THEIR TONE has changed, if
their faces are different, the is-
sues they talk of and the stands
they take are not. Almost to the
man they blast the Civil Rights
Bills of 1964, 1965 and 1966. They
particularly emphasize their op-
position to all forms of open
housing legislation.
In 1964, the expected white
backlash never did materialize.
Many observers claimed that the
white resentment of increasing civ-
il rights agitation did not affect
voting habits because Goldwater's
stand on other issues and his
image alienated great masses of
potential backlash voters.
But this year, in the face of
increasingly militant civil riots agi-
tation and widespread racial riot-
ing, the conservatives have seem-
ingly found a large and responsive
audience in their calls for bigotry.
No longer hampered by the Gold-
water image, the conservatives are
prepared to harvest a large crop
of white resentment at the poll-
1964 well and because further es-
calation of the war effort seems
generally unpopular, the conserva-
tives tend to only whisper their
Viet Nam views lest they be accus-
ed of irresponsibility. Talk of drop-
ping nuclear weapons (tactical or
otherwise) on North Viet Nam is
also very definitely out.
Crime in the streets is another
concern of Goldwater that is ech-
oed by the conservatives. And in-
variably they blame the Supreme
Court and irresponsible Negro
leadership for what they see as a
great increase in lawlessness
throughout the land. The growing
size of the federal government and
its increasing role in social wel-
fare programs are other joint
fears of the militant conservatives
and Goldwater.
WHAT OF the liberal Republi-
can leaders who were supposed to
surge back into power after the
1964 debacle? They are facing vir-
tual extinction today.;
Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New
York, whose campaign style has
made him one of the world's fore-
most experts on international
cooking, is struggling to defeat a
lackluster, political hack named
Francis O'Conner. This, despite the
siphoning off of a large number
of liberal Democrats from O'Con-
ner by the third party candi-
dacy of Franklin D. Roosevelt,
Jr., whose platform is his name.
William Scranton's heir appar-
ent in Pennsylvania, Lt. Gov. Ray-
mond Shafer, faces unexpectedly,
stiff opposition from an adver-
sary, Milton Shapp, whose name
was unknown to the great bulk of
servative Republican defection
from Brooke has dimmed his pros-
pects.
And the brightest Republican
liberal prospect of them all, Gov.
Mark Hatfield of Oregon, is lock-
ed in a battle for his political life
with Rep. Robert Duncan. Hat-
field's repeated attacks on the
Johnson Viet Nam policy have
weakened his once bright pros-
pects of capturing the Senate seat
being vacated by Maureen Neu-
berger.
ALTHOUGH liberal Republican
candidates could capture the gov-
ernorships of New Mexico and
Maryland, it is clear that there
has been no widespreal liberal Re-
publican revival. The liberals al-
ready lost control of the party in
Idaho, when Gov. Robert Smylie
lost his reelection bid in the pri-
mary to a staunch conservative,
Don Samuelson.
The Republican liberals can ex-
pect no help from the party mod-
erates in their ideological dispute
with the right wingers. George
Romney has clearly shown that
he is more interested in gaining
the 1968 presidential nomination
than in ideological matters.
Charles Percy, the expected vic-
tor over Sen. Paul Douglas in
the Illinois Senate race, is more
concerned about Charles Percy
than the fate of the nation. Last
week Percy demonstrated his un-
principled opportunism anew as for
the third time within a year he
changed his position on open hous-
ing legislation.
FACING THESE Republicans
The Southern wing of the Dem-
ocratic party is dominated by the
specie of vulture better known as
the racist demagogue. Feeding up-
on the fear and suspicion aroused
by a summer of race riots and
cries of black power, they have
regained control of the Southern
Democratic party from the mod-
erates who recently have been
gaining power in the South.
Preaching hate of everything
from "black power to Lyndon
Johnson," the Southern Democrat-
ic demagogues have left the Ne-
groes and the liberals little choice
in the South between the Demo-
crats and the Republicans.
THUS, two matters have been
decided before the votes are even
counted tonight. First, no matter
who wins and where,. it will have
no effect on the Johnson Viet Nam
policy. The overwhelming support
the policy has received from the
Democratic candidates plus the
great reluctance of the Repub-
licans, most of whom disagree with
that policy, to discuss the issue,
probably reflects the feeling among
politicians of all parties that the
majority of people do favor the
Johnson stand.
Also, with the exception of the
Senate races in Oregon and Mon-
tana, and scattered House con-
tests, there exist no races where
Viet. Nam is a big issue, where
the people can select or reject the
administration's stand.
FINALLY, 1966 has made it clear
that the capture of the Republi-
can nomination by the conserva-