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October 27, 1966 - Image 4

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The Michigan Daily, 1966-10-27

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Seventy-Sixth Year
EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS

Sh0eriff Clark: Other Side of Selma

Of

here Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH.
Truth Will Prevail

NeWS PHONE: 764-05521

Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers
or the editors. This inus t be noted in all reprints.
THURSDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER

Conference in Manila:
Don't Expect Any Miracles

THE SEVEN-NATION summit confer-
ence of South Viet Nam's allies, which
was just concluded in Manila, demon-
strates the bankruptcy and hypocrisy of
American policy toward Asia.
The communique emanating from the
talks promised a withdrawal of Allied
troops from the South within six months
after North Viet Nam begins a similar
pullout of forces. Otherwise, warned the
allies, the war will be prosecuted and
perhaps even escalated until victory is
achieved.
OWEVER, as two New York Times news
analysts, Charles Mohr and military
editor Hanson Baldwin pointed out yes-
terday, the promise of an Allied with-
drawal would create conditions closely
approximating the situation which exist-
ed before the American troop influx-a
dictatorial, unrepresentative South Viet-
namese regime vainly battling against a
growing political, economic and social
revolution fomented by the Viet Cong.
It is therefore unlikely that the with-
drawal pledge was meant seriously. The
U.S. and allied officials must have real-
ized that the offer would not induce the
North Vietnamese to modify their condi-
tions for a peaceful, political solution to
the conflict-conditions which include
an unconditional end to U.S. bombings of
the North and a withdrawal of U.S.
troops from Viet Nam, apparently prior
to the start of talks.
EVEN IF NORTH Vietnamese forces
were to withdraw, however, the con-
ditions which led to the Viet Cong insur-
rection which began in the late 1950's
would still remain. The rural "pacifica-
tion" program initiated by South Viet-
namese Premier Ky seems to be meeting
with little success, as was the case with
the "strategic hamlet" program created
by the late Premier Diem.
Thus, the South Vietnamese Army (of-
ficially reputed to be made up of 600,000
troops but actually containing only 90,-
000 fighting men, according to the au-
thoritative Institute of Strategic Studies
in London) would be faced with. an equal
or larger number of discontented revo-
lutionaries, eager to move into the power
vacuum created by the withdrawal of Al-
lied troops.
AMERICAN POLICY, which is still pred-
icated on a military solution to the
war, is thus demonstrated to be a futile
one. Until an economic and political solu-
tion to the conflict is found-one which
gives the South Vietnamese people, par-
ticularly the peasants, a voice in deter-
mining their future and the type of gov-
ernment under which they are to live-
the war seems likely to drag on indefi-
nitely.
Despite reports that Communist bloc
nations are trying to persuade Hanoi to
soften her terms for a peaceful solution
to the war, there seems to be little hope
that the North Vietnamese will do so-
unless the U.S. were to halt its bombing
of the North, an unlikely step because it
would require this country to take a'ma-
jor initiative without any guarantee that
the other side would reciprocate.
THE MAIN DIFFICULTY with the ap-
proach taken by the Manila communi-
que, however, is that it pins most of the
responsibility for "aggression" in Viet
Nam on Hanoi. This is a patently false as-
sumption, since nearly every historian or
correspondent, who has been to Viet Nam
during the past decade and has reported
what he has found, agrees that the con-
flict is essentially a civil one between

two nations which were artificially sep-
arated by the 1954 Geneva conference.
Although Viet Nam historically has
been divided into two or three sections,
the Vietnamese people are one, and their
efforts to reunify the country have re-
peatedly been stymied: first by the Chi-
nese for at least one thousand years, then
the French and now the United States.
Thus, the Viet Cong revolution in the
South, although aided by the North Viet-
namese, remains essentially a civil con-
flict against an unrepresentative succes-
sion of military regimes which have dis-
criminated against the peasants and have
failed to meet the technological chal-
lenge of this century.
WHAT THE MAJORITY of South Viet-

there can be little doubt of that. Wheth-
er they want control by the Viet Cong is
open to a great deal of doubt, since the
Communists have employed ruthless ter-
rorism and sabotage since 1958 in their
effort to overthrow the Saigon regime.
Thus, a series of carefully coordinated
political moves is needed without need-
lessly expending a single additional
American life, and without killing off 5,-
000 South Vietnamese civilians every six
months (as reported my a medical sur-
vey commissioned by the interdenomi-
national Protestant relief agency, Church
World Service). Due to the size and inten-
sity of American firepower, at least 10
innocent South Vietnamese civilians are
injured for every U.S. and South Viet-
namese soldier wounded in the-conflict.
IT IS OBVIOUS that, as the stronger
power in the conflict, the United States
has the political leverage to take the first
step toward scaling down the military
aspects of the war.
-The U.S. should declare an uncondi-
tional end to bombings of North Viet Nam.
These attacks are of only marginal util-
ity militarily. As Baldwin pointed out re-
cently, the primary purpose of the at-
tacks is psychological. The psychological
need now, obviously, is to help create a
climate favorable to the start of peace
talks. Ending the bombing is a primary
means to-this end.
-The U.S. should halt the further de-
ployment of troops to Viet Nam.
-The U.S. should offer a reciprocal
cease-fire agreement to the Viet Cong
and North Viet Nam, to take effect at a
time mutually agreeable to both sides.
-The U.S. should propose a reconven-
ing 'of the Geneva Conference on Viet
Nam, at Which representatives of Hanoi
and the Viet Cong would be in attend-
ance.
-Finally, the U.S. should begin a token
withdrawal of troops from our bases in
an effort to determine whether North
Viet Nam would take reciprocal steps.
THESE SPECIFIC measures would dem-
onstrate once and for all this coun-
try's credibility and sincerity in the
search for a peaceful solution to the war.
Most likely, a positive response would
come from North Viet Nam, particularly
because there is already pressure develop-
ing among other Communist nations for
an end to the war.
If the U.S. assures the Viet Cong and
North Viet Nam that the South Vietna-
mese people will be allowed to determine
their political and economic future in
accordance with their own desires, free
from external interference from either
side, the prospects for a peaceful settle-
ment of the war would be even more
enhanced.
The U.S. must be prepared to take ini-
tiatives such as those outlined above on
its own. If it does so, the U.S. position
in the eyes of its major European and
Asian allies and the neutral nations will
be much more favorable, and a wave of
irresistible pressure would be brought to
bear on Hanoi to reciprocate the Ameri-
can gestures.
UNLESS THE U.S. can summon up the
magnanimity and political wisdom to
take these steps (as de Gaulle did in dis-
engaging France from the Algerian war),
we face a politically and morally inde-
fensible war which will scar the world-
wide reputation of this country and de-
stroy the base democratic and humanitar-
ian principles upon which the United
States was founded.
-CLARENCE FANTO
Managing Editor

The Fund
THE TOTAL AMOUNT received from
private donors for the $11.55 million
Residential College is no longer $100.
It is now $105.
The Daily received a check from Gladys
Jean George, '68, for $5 yesterday. "Please
see that this small donation is channeled
to the Residential College Committee,"
she said.
We did. With thanks.
THE RESIDENTIAL COLLEGE, by the
way, is a 1200-student college-within-
a-college which will start on main cam-
pus in 1967 and move to permanent

By ROBERT KLIVANS
Special To The Daily
PERRYSBURG, OHIO - The
strip of U.S. 25 past Perrysburg
is dark and rather deserted at
night, and a stranger can quick-
ly get lost on his way to a
vaguely-described destination. But
when the car that passed on the
left pulled in front of my head-
lights, it was a good bet that a
guide had been found. Its shiny
bumper sticker read: "Support
Your Local Police."
A mile up the road it made a
left turn into the parking lot of
a large, lit-up building.
JUST INSIDE the huge con-
crete shell they call the D.C.
Ranch were tables stacked high
with books: "Brain Washing in
the High Schools: An Examina-
tion of 11 History Textbooks":;
"The Untouchable State Depart-
ment"; "Seeds of Treason: The
Hiss-Chambers Case," and the fa-
mous "Blue Book" by Robert
Welch. Beside these were piles of
bumper stickers and ash-trays
reading: "Support Your Local Po-
lice." And, outside the front door,
20 protestors from Students for
a Democratic Society marched sil-
ently, their picket signs warning
of the "racist" doctrines being
preached inside.
The occasion was a meeting of
the Toledo American Opinion
Speaker's Bureau, otherwise asso-
ciated with the John Birch So-
ciety. This evening was "The Oth-
er Side Speakers Program," fea-
turing Sheriff Jim Clark of Selma,
Ala., on "The True Account of the
Selma Story."
ABOUT 250 people - mostly
sympathetic-filled the hall. It was
a normal looking crowd-the sub-
urban housewives gossiping among
themselves, the old ladies with-
out sneakers, and the balding, dis-
tinguished-looking middle class
pillars of society.
They had all come to the D.C.
Ranch, with its expansive, pol-
ished wood floor and western
chandeliers, because they had been
refused use of the Knights of Co-
lumbus Hall, where their pro-
grams are regularly held. SDS sub-
Isequently offered them the use
of their offices, for as one Toledo
SDS member explained, "we are
protesting his racism, not his right
to speak." Their offer was de-
lined.
The meeting was opened with
the Pledge of Allegiance, and was
quickly followed by a warm wel-

Five Cents Worth of Truth
THIS IS A PICTURE of one of the John Birch Society postcards which claim to show Martin Luther
King in the company of several Communist leaders at the alleged Communist training school, the High-

0 ON THE CIVIL Rights Dem-
onstrators: "Most of the children
demonstrating in the streets in
1963 tin Alabama) didn't know
who their mothers and fathers
were. They were born and raised
under the Aid for Dependent
Children plan. Their mothers.
were women who bring children
into the world just to get another
check."
And in 1964, northern "agita-
tors" began to pour into Alabama.
"They came down-the scum of
the earth" with their "wall-to-
wall mattresses" and "they slept,
black and white, male and female
together."
All this was part of what Clark
described as "the two Communist
plans" for the civil rights move-
ment: "the Lincoln and the King's
Project." The former was alleged-
ly "prepared in 1957" and called
"for infiltration of 20 southern
counties in 11 states, with final
implementation in one county in
1965."
THAT ONE county, as Jim Clark
saw it, was his own Dalles Coun-
ty. It was the target of the fa-
mous march in 1965 to register
voters, an event Clark described
as "the greatest sex orgy in the
history of the world since ancient
Rome."
Over and over, Clark decried
"outside agitators" reaffirmed his
friendship with the Negroes of
Selma ("the average Negro in the
South is just as much a segrega-
tionist as I am") and pleaded that
the government let the South solve
its own problems.
And then, rather abruptly,
Clark's speech ended.
IT HAD ALL been so composed.
so dignified. No enthusiasm, no
probing questions, no worried
looks. It was a crowd that seem-
ed convinced of itself and its truth.
Theywereconfident and secure
in their notion that they had no
responsibility for the civil rights
problem. Instead, they accepted a
Communist conspiracy theory of
infiltration and agitation.
In many ways, their discussion
and questions reflected a discon-
tent, a feeling that the 20th cen-
tury might be moving too fast
and too many "sacred principles"
were being swept aside.
Outside the door, over two hours
later on that chilly fall evening,
the SDS protestors were still
marching, silently, receiving the
restrained, curious stares of the
people filing out of the-.hall.

.4

lander Folk School in Mt. Eagle, Tei
come from the moderator, to "all
our conservative friends, and all
our liberal friends who have join-
ed us this evening." Then a brief
pause, and "To those Communist
enemies who are with us..."
SHERIFF JIM CLARK stepped
to the microphone. He is a large,
portly man, balding on top with
a pronounced Southern drawl .He
speaks rather well, sounding a bit
like a backwoods George Wallace.
For the ensuing two hours Jim
Clark preached his philosophy, his
likes, his dislikes, and his "facts."
"Yes, I'm a segregationist. It's
a way of life for me. I have al-
ways felt I =have the right to
choose my own friends. Segrega-
tionists have just as many rights
as integrationists."
0 ON THE CIVIL Rights Move-
ment: "Forced integration was
used as a tool in the South be-
cause Communists knew it would
cause the people to rebel against
it."
He said he would have known
right away that Cormmunism was
behind the civil rights movement

if he "had looked up the history
of one song - 'We Shall Over-
come.' It was written by Commu-
nists for Communists. Yes, it was
written by an admitted Commu-
nist at the Highlander Folk School
in Mt. Eagle, Tenn. (an alleged
Communist training camp). Thir-
ty-six years ago they were sing-
ing 'We Shall Overcome' at Mt.
Eagle!"
M ON CIVIL Rights Leaders:
Clark referred to a picture (which
had been neatly placed on every-
one's seat in the form of a pic-
ture postcard) which showed "at-
tentive pupils" at "Highlander
Folk School during the Labor Day
weekend of 1957."
The identifications on the back
read: "Martin Luther King, Jr.
The association indicated here is
not unusual for Dr. King, who be-
longs to several important Com-
munist front organizations, and
who regularly employs or affili-
ates with known Communists."
Along with King were listed "Ab-
ner Berry, of the Central Commit-
tee of the Communist Party; Au-

brey Williams, president of the
Communist front, the Southern
Conference Education Fund."
Clark elaborated on Rev. King:
"The Communists have never
trusted Martin Luther King. They
have kept Communists right next
to him at all times such as Bay-
ard Rustin and others."
"Non-violence?" asked Clark.
"Martin Luther King, Ralph Ab-
ernathy" and others "don't want
violence because they're the big-
gest cowards in the world."
0 ON THE PRFjSIDENT of the
United States: "there are two
terms we have learned to hate in
Alabama. One is carpetbagger
but the worst is scalawag - our
own hometown people who sold us
out. Kennedy was a carpetbagger.
Johnson is a scalawag."~
And Clark's biggest audience re-
sponse in the form of a hearty
applause came when he asked
rhetorically, "who has done more
for crime and criminals in'this
country than Lyndon Johnson and
his liberal Supreme Court?"

Letters: Negligence in Mosher Case?

To the Editor:
I AM WRITING with respect to
Mr. Dover's front page article
published in this paper October 25.
It seems that the residents of
Mosher Hall are dissatisfied with
their director, Mrs. Edith Fry-
mier, I wish to add my concern
to theirs.
Mr. Dover reported that Miss
Shelley Kaplowitz, a Mosher res-
ident, early in the morning of Sep-
tember 27, fell and injured her
back. One-half hour after the ac-
cident occurred, the young lady
was still requesting that she be
taken to the hospital, as her pain
had not subsided. It seems that
Mrs. Frymier refused this request,
on the grounds that five o'clock
in the morning was too early to
leave the dormitory. It Was an
additional two hours before the in-
jured girl was given medical at-

tention at University Hospital.
During much of the past year
I have been employed as an am-
bulance driver in Ann Arbor, and
have seen and given first aid to
several persons suffering from in-
jured backs. Common sense and
even the most rudimentary knowl-
edge of first aid demands that a
person' with an injured back, a
person in pain who requests med-
ical help, be given immediate med-
ical assistance.
THIS HARDLY was rendered by
Mrs. Frymier propping the injured
up against the wall. In short, Mrs.
Frymier was negligent in her re-
fusal to have Miss Kaplowitz sent
to a hospital at the time of the
accident. My disgust with such
absurd behavior is unbounded:
I wish to add at this point, that
during several other ambulance

calls I drove, calls in which dor-
mitory staff requested the ambu-
lance, the staff involved' were
alert and intelligent in their ac-
tions.
It is my strong suggestion that
residence hall policy should re-
quire that medical attention be
immediately rendered to any resi-
dent requesting such aid. A great
deal of suffering might well be
prevented, and medical incompe-
tents will not be permitted to work
their wonders on any more stu-
dents.
--Craig Shniderman
The 'Real' Britain
To the Editor:
THE REVIEW of "Saturday
Night and Sunday Morning" in
Friday's Daily showed a proper
appreciation of this fine film. It

~ V
n\,{ / {;!

certainly showed that the review-
er felt and understood all the
implications and applications of
the main theme-people trapped
in a mechanized society. This was
an important film at the time of
its production (1961, I believe )
because it was not only honored
and praised by European and
American critics, but it was one
of the first British films to be
extremely lucrative abroad.
Many image-conscious British
were unhappy about letting it out
of the country, however, fearing
that it would be interpreted as a
story about a typical British youth.
It was not apparent whether the
reviewer made this interpretation,
but something approaching this
was evident. The point is, that the
camera did not pan over vistas
of London at all. The novel was
set in Nottingham, and the film,
in Manchester. It is about Arthur
Seaton, an individual, but he is a
symbol of his generation in the
North. His only hope of escape
from the hopeless grind in the
industrial and milling towns, is in
the manner portrayed, or else in
going south, to London.
The generation of Northerners,
better paid and better educated
than any generation of North-
erners in history is shown liv-
ing in the logical consequence -
dissatisfaction, restiveness, de-
structiveness-and a need to find
real life rather than what the;
parents have accepted (this point
was well put in the review). That
Arthur Seaton will not stop pro-
testing, and that he finds a girl
like him is an important key to
Britain today-and tomorrow.
FOR, THE NORTH is now the
dominant influence upon life, and
thought in Britain. Southern
youth goes farther north to uni-
versity than to Cambridge. The
names in arts and entertainment
are from Manchester, Leeds, Liv-
erpool, Newcastle-Albert Finney,
Tom Courtenay, Arnold Wesker,
Alan SillitoeJohn Braine, Keith
Waterhouse and Willis Hall, and
of course, the world of pop music
looks to Liverpool. Arthur Seaton
is being felt in the South - the
North does not accept the south-
ern-imposed status quo. A social
revolution has commenced, and
this film was the first shock of
realization. (It was banned in
Southampton!)
--Jane E. Nielson
Homecoming?
To the Editor:

general lack of any but vague and
irrational alternatives.
What I am complaining about
is that such biased and opinion-
ated criticism ought to be confin-
ed to the editorial page. It does
not belong on the front page. The
purpose of a front page is an ob-
jective relation of the facts. It is
meant for information, not criti-
cism.
THE PARTICULAR piece to
which I am referring is Saturday's
front page review of the home-
coming parade. The article had
nothing good to say about the
parade except 'that it was' prob-
ably enjoyed by little kids and the
parents who have to entertain
them.
As a matter of fact, the article
belittled everything to the point
where it sounded as if it were dis-
gusting that people had to step
back to give some of the bands
room for special maneuvers.
What kind of objectivity is this?
People who like parades appreci-
ate special maneuvers and couldn't
care less if the tubas aren't quite
together. The good things about
a parade have nothing to do with
whether the floats are "stuffed
with toilet paper" (which, by the
way, few if any were); and the
slam had nothing to do with the
worth of the parade as a parade.
IF ONE VIEWS all the articles
printed about homecoming, it is
blatantly obvious that The Daily
considers homecoming a bunch of
balony and just another example
of Greek idiocy. The picayune
slam on the parade was an at-
tempt to support this prejudice.
Personally, I think this bias
against the purpose of the parade
is no, excuse for finding irrele-
vant faults with the event itself,
but I doubt if anyone can find
it an excuse for putting such an
opinionated slam on the front
page.
--Sandra L. Eakins, '67
Merchants
To the Editor:
FOLLETT'S HAS the gall to ad-
vertise, (Daily, Oct. 19) that
they are in business as a favor to
the 30,000 students of the Uni-
versity of Michigan.
If they were really here to do us
a favor they would charge reason-
able prices. Instead, their prices
are significantly higher than those
charged in other college commu-
nities. (However, we must concede
that Follett's prices are in line with
the general price level in Ann Ar-

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