Seventy-Sixth Year EDITED AND MANAGED BY STUDENTS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDER AUTHORITY OF BOARD IN CONTROL OF STUDENT PUBLICATIONS Sh0eriff Clark: Other Side of Selma Of here Opinions Are Free, 420 MAYNARD ST., ANN ARBOR, MICH. Truth Will Prevail NeWS PHONE: 764-05521 Editorials printed in The Michigan Daily ex press the individual opinions of staff writers or the editors. This inus t be noted in all reprints. THURSDAY, OCTOBER 27, 1966 NIGHT EDITOR: MICHAEL HEFFER Conference in Manila: Don't Expect Any Miracles THE SEVEN-NATION summit confer- ence of South Viet Nam's allies, which was just concluded in Manila, demon- strates the bankruptcy and hypocrisy of American policy toward Asia. The communique emanating from the talks promised a withdrawal of Allied troops from the South within six months after North Viet Nam begins a similar pullout of forces. Otherwise, warned the allies, the war will be prosecuted and perhaps even escalated until victory is achieved. OWEVER, as two New York Times news analysts, Charles Mohr and military editor Hanson Baldwin pointed out yes- terday, the promise of an Allied with- drawal would create conditions closely approximating the situation which exist- ed before the American troop influx-a dictatorial, unrepresentative South Viet- namese regime vainly battling against a growing political, economic and social revolution fomented by the Viet Cong. It is therefore unlikely that the with- drawal pledge was meant seriously. The U.S. and allied officials must have real- ized that the offer would not induce the North Vietnamese to modify their condi- tions for a peaceful, political solution to the conflict-conditions which include an unconditional end to U.S. bombings of the North and a withdrawal of U.S. troops from Viet Nam, apparently prior to the start of talks. EVEN IF NORTH Vietnamese forces were to withdraw, however, the con- ditions which led to the Viet Cong insur- rection which began in the late 1950's would still remain. The rural "pacifica- tion" program initiated by South Viet- namese Premier Ky seems to be meeting with little success, as was the case with the "strategic hamlet" program created by the late Premier Diem. Thus, the South Vietnamese Army (of- ficially reputed to be made up of 600,000 troops but actually containing only 90,- 000 fighting men, according to the au- thoritative Institute of Strategic Studies in London) would be faced with. an equal or larger number of discontented revo- lutionaries, eager to move into the power vacuum created by the withdrawal of Al- lied troops. AMERICAN POLICY, which is still pred- icated on a military solution to the war, is thus demonstrated to be a futile one. Until an economic and political solu- tion to the conflict is found-one which gives the South Vietnamese people, par- ticularly the peasants, a voice in deter- mining their future and the type of gov- ernment under which they are to live- the war seems likely to drag on indefi- nitely. Despite reports that Communist bloc nations are trying to persuade Hanoi to soften her terms for a peaceful solution to the war, there seems to be little hope that the North Vietnamese will do so- unless the U.S. were to halt its bombing of the North, an unlikely step because it would require this country to take a'ma- jor initiative without any guarantee that the other side would reciprocate. THE MAIN DIFFICULTY with the ap- proach taken by the Manila communi- que, however, is that it pins most of the responsibility for "aggression" in Viet Nam on Hanoi. This is a patently false as- sumption, since nearly every historian or correspondent, who has been to Viet Nam during the past decade and has reported what he has found, agrees that the con- flict is essentially a civil one between two nations which were artificially sep- arated by the 1954 Geneva conference. Although Viet Nam historically has been divided into two or three sections, the Vietnamese people are one, and their efforts to reunify the country have re- peatedly been stymied: first by the Chi- nese for at least one thousand years, then the French and now the United States. Thus, the Viet Cong revolution in the South, although aided by the North Viet- namese, remains essentially a civil con- flict against an unrepresentative succes- sion of military regimes which have dis- criminated against the peasants and have failed to meet the technological chal- lenge of this century. WHAT THE MAJORITY of South Viet- there can be little doubt of that. Wheth- er they want control by the Viet Cong is open to a great deal of doubt, since the Communists have employed ruthless ter- rorism and sabotage since 1958 in their effort to overthrow the Saigon regime. Thus, a series of carefully coordinated political moves is needed without need- lessly expending a single additional American life, and without killing off 5,- 000 South Vietnamese civilians every six months (as reported my a medical sur- vey commissioned by the interdenomi- national Protestant relief agency, Church World Service). Due to the size and inten- sity of American firepower, at least 10 innocent South Vietnamese civilians are injured for every U.S. and South Viet- namese soldier wounded in the-conflict. IT IS OBVIOUS that, as the stronger power in the conflict, the United States has the political leverage to take the first step toward scaling down the military aspects of the war. -The U.S. should declare an uncondi- tional end to bombings of North Viet Nam. These attacks are of only marginal util- ity militarily. As Baldwin pointed out re- cently, the primary purpose of the at- tacks is psychological. The psychological need now, obviously, is to help create a climate favorable to the start of peace talks. Ending the bombing is a primary means to-this end. -The U.S. should halt the further de- ployment of troops to Viet Nam. -The U.S. should offer a reciprocal cease-fire agreement to the Viet Cong and North Viet Nam, to take effect at a time mutually agreeable to both sides. -The U.S. should propose a reconven- ing 'of the Geneva Conference on Viet Nam, at Which representatives of Hanoi and the Viet Cong would be in attend- ance. -Finally, the U.S. should begin a token withdrawal of troops from our bases in an effort to determine whether North Viet Nam would take reciprocal steps. THESE SPECIFIC measures would dem- onstrate once and for all this coun- try's credibility and sincerity in the search for a peaceful solution to the war. Most likely, a positive response would come from North Viet Nam, particularly because there is already pressure develop- ing among other Communist nations for an end to the war. If the U.S. assures the Viet Cong and North Viet Nam that the South Vietna- mese people will be allowed to determine their political and economic future in accordance with their own desires, free from external interference from either side, the prospects for a peaceful settle- ment of the war would be even more enhanced. The U.S. must be prepared to take ini- tiatives such as those outlined above on its own. If it does so, the U.S. position in the eyes of its major European and Asian allies and the neutral nations will be much more favorable, and a wave of irresistible pressure would be brought to bear on Hanoi to reciprocate the Ameri- can gestures. UNLESS THE U.S. can summon up the magnanimity and political wisdom to take these steps (as de Gaulle did in dis- engaging France from the Algerian war), we face a politically and morally inde- fensible war which will scar the world- wide reputation of this country and de- stroy the base democratic and humanitar- ian principles upon which the United States was founded. -CLARENCE FANTO Managing Editor The Fund THE TOTAL AMOUNT received from private donors for the $11.55 million Residential College is no longer $100. It is now $105. The Daily received a check from Gladys Jean George, '68, for $5 yesterday. "Please see that this small donation is channeled to the Residential College Committee," she said. We did. With thanks. THE RESIDENTIAL COLLEGE, by the way, is a 1200-student college-within- a-college which will start on main cam- pus in 1967 and move to permanent By ROBERT KLIVANS Special To The Daily PERRYSBURG, OHIO - The strip of U.S. 25 past Perrysburg is dark and rather deserted at night, and a stranger can quick- ly get lost on his way to a vaguely-described destination. But when the car that passed on the left pulled in front of my head- lights, it was a good bet that a guide had been found. Its shiny bumper sticker read: "Support Your Local Police." A mile up the road it made a left turn into the parking lot of a large, lit-up building. JUST INSIDE the huge con- crete shell they call the D.C. Ranch were tables stacked high with books: "Brain Washing in the High Schools: An Examina- tion of 11 History Textbooks":; "The Untouchable State Depart- ment"; "Seeds of Treason: The Hiss-Chambers Case," and the fa- mous "Blue Book" by Robert Welch. Beside these were piles of bumper stickers and ash-trays reading: "Support Your Local Po- lice." And, outside the front door, 20 protestors from Students for a Democratic Society marched sil- ently, their picket signs warning of the "racist" doctrines being preached inside. The occasion was a meeting of the Toledo American Opinion Speaker's Bureau, otherwise asso- ciated with the John Birch So- ciety. This evening was "The Oth- er Side Speakers Program," fea- turing Sheriff Jim Clark of Selma, Ala., on "The True Account of the Selma Story." ABOUT 250 people - mostly sympathetic-filled the hall. It was a normal looking crowd-the sub- urban housewives gossiping among themselves, the old ladies with- out sneakers, and the balding, dis- tinguished-looking middle class pillars of society. They had all come to the D.C. Ranch, with its expansive, pol- ished wood floor and western chandeliers, because they had been refused use of the Knights of Co- lumbus Hall, where their pro- grams are regularly held. SDS sub- Isequently offered them the use of their offices, for as one Toledo SDS member explained, "we are protesting his racism, not his right to speak." Their offer was de- lined. The meeting was opened with the Pledge of Allegiance, and was quickly followed by a warm wel- Five Cents Worth of Truth THIS IS A PICTURE of one of the John Birch Society postcards which claim to show Martin Luther King in the company of several Communist leaders at the alleged Communist training school, the High- 0 ON THE CIVIL Rights Dem- onstrators: "Most of the children demonstrating in the streets in 1963 tin Alabama) didn't know who their mothers and fathers were. They were born and raised under the Aid for Dependent Children plan. Their mothers. were women who bring children into the world just to get another check." And in 1964, northern "agita- tors" began to pour into Alabama. "They came down-the scum of the earth" with their "wall-to- wall mattresses" and "they slept, black and white, male and female together." All this was part of what Clark described as "the two Communist plans" for the civil rights move- ment: "the Lincoln and the King's Project." The former was alleged- ly "prepared in 1957" and called "for infiltration of 20 southern counties in 11 states, with final implementation in one county in 1965." THAT ONE county, as Jim Clark saw it, was his own Dalles Coun- ty. It was the target of the fa- mous march in 1965 to register voters, an event Clark described as "the greatest sex orgy in the history of the world since ancient Rome." Over and over, Clark decried "outside agitators" reaffirmed his friendship with the Negroes of Selma ("the average Negro in the South is just as much a segrega- tionist as I am") and pleaded that the government let the South solve its own problems. And then, rather abruptly, Clark's speech ended. IT HAD ALL been so composed. so dignified. No enthusiasm, no probing questions, no worried looks. It was a crowd that seem- ed convinced of itself and its truth. Theywereconfident and secure in their notion that they had no responsibility for the civil rights problem. Instead, they accepted a Communist conspiracy theory of infiltration and agitation. In many ways, their discussion and questions reflected a discon- tent, a feeling that the 20th cen- tury might be moving too fast and too many "sacred principles" were being swept aside. Outside the door, over two hours later on that chilly fall evening, the SDS protestors were still marching, silently, receiving the restrained, curious stares of the people filing out of the-.hall. .4 lander Folk School in Mt. Eagle, Tei come from the moderator, to "all our conservative friends, and all our liberal friends who have join- ed us this evening." Then a brief pause, and "To those Communist enemies who are with us..." SHERIFF JIM CLARK stepped to the microphone. He is a large, portly man, balding on top with a pronounced Southern drawl .He speaks rather well, sounding a bit like a backwoods George Wallace. For the ensuing two hours Jim Clark preached his philosophy, his likes, his dislikes, and his "facts." "Yes, I'm a segregationist. It's a way of life for me. I have al- ways felt I =have the right to choose my own friends. Segrega- tionists have just as many rights as integrationists." 0 ON THE CIVIL Rights Move- ment: "Forced integration was used as a tool in the South be- cause Communists knew it would cause the people to rebel against it." He said he would have known right away that Cormmunism was behind the civil rights movement if he "had looked up the history of one song - 'We Shall Over- come.' It was written by Commu- nists for Communists. Yes, it was written by an admitted Commu- nist at the Highlander Folk School in Mt. Eagle, Tenn. (an alleged Communist training camp). Thir- ty-six years ago they were sing- ing 'We Shall Overcome' at Mt. Eagle!" M ON CIVIL Rights Leaders: Clark referred to a picture (which had been neatly placed on every- one's seat in the form of a pic- ture postcard) which showed "at- tentive pupils" at "Highlander Folk School during the Labor Day weekend of 1957." The identifications on the back read: "Martin Luther King, Jr. The association indicated here is not unusual for Dr. King, who be- longs to several important Com- munist front organizations, and who regularly employs or affili- ates with known Communists." Along with King were listed "Ab- ner Berry, of the Central Commit- tee of the Communist Party; Au- brey Williams, president of the Communist front, the Southern Conference Education Fund." Clark elaborated on Rev. King: "The Communists have never trusted Martin Luther King. They have kept Communists right next to him at all times such as Bay- ard Rustin and others." "Non-violence?" asked Clark. "Martin Luther King, Ralph Ab- ernathy" and others "don't want violence because they're the big- gest cowards in the world." 0 ON THE PRFjSIDENT of the United States: "there are two terms we have learned to hate in Alabama. One is carpetbagger but the worst is scalawag - our own hometown people who sold us out. Kennedy was a carpetbagger. Johnson is a scalawag."~ And Clark's biggest audience re- sponse in the form of a hearty applause came when he asked rhetorically, "who has done more for crime and criminals in'this country than Lyndon Johnson and his liberal Supreme Court?" Letters: Negligence in Mosher Case? To the Editor: I AM WRITING with respect to Mr. Dover's front page article published in this paper October 25. It seems that the residents of Mosher Hall are dissatisfied with their director, Mrs. Edith Fry- mier, I wish to add my concern to theirs. Mr. Dover reported that Miss Shelley Kaplowitz, a Mosher res- ident, early in the morning of Sep- tember 27, fell and injured her back. One-half hour after the ac- cident occurred, the young lady was still requesting that she be taken to the hospital, as her pain had not subsided. It seems that Mrs. Frymier refused this request, on the grounds that five o'clock in the morning was too early to leave the dormitory. It Was an additional two hours before the in- jured girl was given medical at- tention at University Hospital. During much of the past year I have been employed as an am- bulance driver in Ann Arbor, and have seen and given first aid to several persons suffering from in- jured backs. Common sense and even the most rudimentary knowl- edge of first aid demands that a person' with an injured back, a person in pain who requests med- ical help, be given immediate med- ical assistance. THIS HARDLY was rendered by Mrs. Frymier propping the injured up against the wall. In short, Mrs. Frymier was negligent in her re- fusal to have Miss Kaplowitz sent to a hospital at the time of the accident. My disgust with such absurd behavior is unbounded: I wish to add at this point, that during several other ambulance calls I drove, calls in which dor- mitory staff requested the ambu- lance, the staff involved' were alert and intelligent in their ac- tions. It is my strong suggestion that residence hall policy should re- quire that medical attention be immediately rendered to any resi- dent requesting such aid. A great deal of suffering might well be prevented, and medical incompe- tents will not be permitted to work their wonders on any more stu- dents. --Craig Shniderman The 'Real' Britain To the Editor: THE REVIEW of "Saturday Night and Sunday Morning" in Friday's Daily showed a proper appreciation of this fine film. It ~ V n\,{ / {;! certainly showed that the review- er felt and understood all the implications and applications of the main theme-people trapped in a mechanized society. This was an important film at the time of its production (1961, I believe ) because it was not only honored and praised by European and American critics, but it was one of the first British films to be extremely lucrative abroad. Many image-conscious British were unhappy about letting it out of the country, however, fearing that it would be interpreted as a story about a typical British youth. It was not apparent whether the reviewer made this interpretation, but something approaching this was evident. The point is, that the camera did not pan over vistas of London at all. The novel was set in Nottingham, and the film, in Manchester. It is about Arthur Seaton, an individual, but he is a symbol of his generation in the North. His only hope of escape from the hopeless grind in the industrial and milling towns, is in the manner portrayed, or else in going south, to London. The generation of Northerners, better paid and better educated than any generation of North- erners in history is shown liv- ing in the logical consequence - dissatisfaction, restiveness, de- structiveness-and a need to find real life rather than what the; parents have accepted (this point was well put in the review). That Arthur Seaton will not stop pro- testing, and that he finds a girl like him is an important key to Britain today-and tomorrow. FOR, THE NORTH is now the dominant influence upon life, and thought in Britain. Southern youth goes farther north to uni- versity than to Cambridge. The names in arts and entertainment are from Manchester, Leeds, Liv- erpool, Newcastle-Albert Finney, Tom Courtenay, Arnold Wesker, Alan SillitoeJohn Braine, Keith Waterhouse and Willis Hall, and of course, the world of pop music looks to Liverpool. Arthur Seaton is being felt in the South - the North does not accept the south- ern-imposed status quo. A social revolution has commenced, and this film was the first shock of realization. (It was banned in Southampton!) --Jane E. Nielson Homecoming? To the Editor: general lack of any but vague and irrational alternatives. What I am complaining about is that such biased and opinion- ated criticism ought to be confin- ed to the editorial page. It does not belong on the front page. The purpose of a front page is an ob- jective relation of the facts. It is meant for information, not criti- cism. THE PARTICULAR piece to which I am referring is Saturday's front page review of the home- coming parade. The article had nothing good to say about the parade except 'that it was' prob- ably enjoyed by little kids and the parents who have to entertain them. As a matter of fact, the article belittled everything to the point where it sounded as if it were dis- gusting that people had to step back to give some of the bands room for special maneuvers. What kind of objectivity is this? People who like parades appreci- ate special maneuvers and couldn't care less if the tubas aren't quite together. The good things about a parade have nothing to do with whether the floats are "stuffed with toilet paper" (which, by the way, few if any were); and the slam had nothing to do with the worth of the parade as a parade. IF ONE VIEWS all the articles printed about homecoming, it is blatantly obvious that The Daily considers homecoming a bunch of balony and just another example of Greek idiocy. The picayune slam on the parade was an at- tempt to support this prejudice. Personally, I think this bias against the purpose of the parade is no, excuse for finding irrele- vant faults with the event itself, but I doubt if anyone can find it an excuse for putting such an opinionated slam on the front page. --Sandra L. Eakins, '67 Merchants To the Editor: FOLLETT'S HAS the gall to ad- vertise, (Daily, Oct. 19) that they are in business as a favor to the 30,000 students of the Uni- versity of Michigan. If they were really here to do us a favor they would charge reason- able prices. Instead, their prices are significantly higher than those charged in other college commu- nities. (However, we must concede that Follett's prices are in line with the general price level in Ann Ar- 1 A